A 0 0 0 6 2 6 7 o 6 6 - / R.MlD. EMINENT SCOTSMEN. WIT+4 NUMEROUS AUTHENTIC PORTRAITS. VOLUME m THE I^GH STREET, EDINBURGH 0-WTS0-OW S'DlRBUR&K ^ U D bGftDOft. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation ihive.orq/details/bitip'a http://www.archiva^j/details/bi«fephicaldict03charniala A BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF EMINENT SCOTSMEN. IN. FOUR VOLUMES. OEIGINALLY EDITED BY ROBERT CHAMBERS. NEW EDITION, REVISED UNDER THE CARE OF THE PUBLISHERS. WITH A SUPPLEMENTAL VOLUME, CONTINUING THE BIOGRAPHIES TO THE PRESENT TIME. By the Eev. THOS. THOMSON, AumoR OF "the history OF SCOTI-AND for tub use of schools," etc., etc WITH NUMEROUS PORTRAITS. VOL. III. HAMILTON— M'GAVIN. BLACKIE AND SON: GLASGOW, EDINBURGH, AND LONDON. MDCCCLV. GLASGOW: W. O. BLACKIK AND CO., PEINTEB3, VILLA F1KLD. A. BIOGKAPHICAL DICTIONAEY OP EMINENT SCOTSMEN. H. HAMILTON, (THE Right Honourable Sir) William, British ambassador at the court of Naples, and celebrated for his patronage of the fine arts, and his inves- tigations on the subject of volcanoes, was born in 1730. Neither biographers nor contemporary periodical writers have furnished any account of his education or early habits ; all that is commemorated regarding him pi'evious to the com- mencement of his public life, is, that his family, a branch of the noble house of Hamilton, was in very reduced circumstances. He was in the most difficult of all situations — poor, highborn, and a Scotsman. " I was condemned," to use his own words, " to make my way in the world, with an illustrious name and a thousand pounds." Like many of his countrymen so situated, he had a choice betwixt semi-starvation in the army, and an affluent marriage — he prudently preferred the latter; and in 1755 he found himself most happily settled in life, with a young lady of beauty, connexions, amiable qualifications, and £5000 a-year. It is very probable that Mr Hamilton spent his hours in philosophical ease, until his acquisition of that situation in which he afterwards distinguished himself. In 17G4, he was appointed ambassador to the court of Naples, where he continued till the year 1800. If his appointment as a resident ambassador for so long a period, is to be considered as but a method of expressing in more consequential terms the employment of an agent for advancing the study of the arts, the person was well cbosen for the purpose, and the interests of the public were well attended to ; but if Mr Hamilton's claims to national respect are to be judged by his merely diplomatic duties, the debt, in addition to the salary he received, will be very small. The reason why a permanent representative of the British government should have been found requisite in Sicily, is in reality one of those circumstances which a diplomatist only could explain. The fame ac- quired in other departments by the subject of our memoir, has prompted his biographers to drag to light his diplomatic exertions, yet, although nothing has been discovered which can throw a blot on his good name, the amount of service performed in thirty-six years is truly ludicrous. He entered into ex- planations with the marquis Tanucci, first minister of Sicily, regarding some im- proper expressions used by a gentleman of the press of the name of Torcia, in his ** Political Sketch of Europe." He managed to keep his Sicilian majesty neuter during the American war. He acted with prudence during the family misunderstandings between Spain and Naples in 1784 ; and finally, he exerted himself in preventing any mischief from being perpetrated by "an eccentric SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON. character among our nobility," who had made attempts to give much trouble to prudent people, by his conduct at Naples. But the kingdom of the two Sicilies was but the shadow of a European power, and was only regarded as it followed one or other of the great nations whose contests shook the world. It afforded in its active existence no arena for the statesman or the soldier. It was in the dust of buried ages that was hid beneath its soil that the active mind found em- ployment in that feeble kingdom, and these were the only objects worthy to ab- sorb the attention of the distinguished person whom we are commemorating. On his arrival at the interesting country of his mission, Mr Hamilton re- peatedly visited Vesuvius and Etna, and from a minute examination of the whole . surrounding country, collected numerous important geological observations, which were from time to time, between the years 1766 and 1779, transmitted to the Royal Society, and afterwards made their appearance in the transactions of that body, and in the Annual Register. It was the design of Sir William Hamilton, to point out in these observations such evidence as might lead geolo- gists to a better comprehension of the influence of subterraneous fires on the structure of the earth, and to display the first links of a chain of reasoning, which it was his hope future industry might make complete. It was his opinion that the land for many miles round Naples, was not, as it was generally sup- posed, a district of fruitful land, subject to the ravages of flame ; but a part of the surface of the globe which owed its very existence to the internal conflagra- tions by which it was shaken. In illustration of this he considered Etna to have been formed by a series of eruptions, at protracted periods, as the smaller eminence of Monte Nuovo, near Puzzuoli, had been formed by one eruption of 48 hours' continuance. Among other minute circumstances, he discovered that the streets of Pompeii were paved with the lava of a former age, and that there was a deep stratum of lava and burnt matter under the foundations of the town, showirg that the earliest eruption of history was not the first of nature, and that the labours of man might have been more than once buried beneath such coverings. As illustrations of these valuable remarks, the author collected a magnificent assortment of the various descriptions of lava, which he lodged in our national museum, that naturalists might be able to trace a connexion be- twixt these immediate productions of the -volcano, and other portions of the crust of the globe. These remarks were afterwards digested and systematized, and produced, first " Observations on mount Vesuvius, mount Etna, and other vol- canoes of the two Sicilies," published in London in 1772. The next, a more aspiring work, was published at Naples in 1776, in two folio volumes, and cal- led " Campi Phlegraii, Observations on the Volcanoes of the two Sicilies, as they have been communicated to the Royal Society of London, by Sir William Hamil- ton." The numerous plates in this magnificent work of art, from views taken on the spot by Mr Valris, a British artist, are faintly engraved in little more tlian outline, and coloured with so much depth and truth, that they assume the appearance of original water-colour drawings of a very superior order. They are illustrative of his favourite theory, and represent those geological aspects of the country which he considered peculiarly applicable as illustrations. It is to be remarked, that neither in his communications to the Royal Society, nor in his larger works, does this author trace any complete exclusive system. He merely points out the facts on which others may work, acknowledging that he is disposed to pay more respect to the share which fire has had in the formation of the crust of the earth, than Buffbn and others are disposed to admit " By the help of drawings," he says, " in this new edition of my communications to the society, which so clearly point out the volcanic origin of this country, it is to be hoped that farther discoveries of the same nature may be made, and SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON. that subterraneous fires will be allowed to have had a greater share in the for- mation of mountains, islands, and even tracts of land, than has hitherto been suspected." Many men of eminence at that time visited Sir William Hamilton, and marked the progress of his discoveries, and among the rest Monsieur Saus- sure, professor of natural history at Geneva, who accompanied him in his in- vestigations, and acceded to the arguments he derived from them. During the course of his communications to the Royal Society, it was the fortune of the au- thor to have an opportunity of witnessing Vesuvius in eruption. In October, 1767, occurred the eruption which is considered to have been the twenty-seventh from that which in the days of Titus destroyed Herculaneum and Pompei. The mountain was visited by Hamilton and a party of his friends during this interesting scene, which has afforded material for cnc of the most graphic of his communications. But a grander scene of devastation attracted his atten- tion in October, 1779, when the unfortunate inhabitants of Ottaiano had reason to dread the fate described by Pliny. Of this memorable eruption our author transmitted an account to Sir Joseph Banks, which he afterwards published as a supplement to his *' Campi Phlegrasi." Previously to the period of the last event we have mentioned, the subject of our memoir was connected with the preparation of another great work, for which the world has incurred to him a debt of gratitude. He had made a vast collection of Etruscan antiquities — vases, statues, and fresco paintings, partly dug from the earth, and partly purchased from the museums of the decayed nobility, among which was that great collection now deposited in the British museum, which had belonged to the senatorial house of Porcinari. Of the most precious of these remains of antiquity, Hamilton allowed the adventurer D'Hancerville, to publish illustrated plates, liberally allowing the artist to appropriate the whole profits of the work. " Long since," he says " Mr Hamilton had taken pleasure in collecting those precious monuments, and had afterwards trusted them to him for publication, requiring only some elegance in the execution, and the con- dition, that the work should appear under the auspices of his Britannic ma- jesty." The work accordingly was published at Naples, under the title of " An- tiquites Etrusques, Greques, et Romaines.'' The abbe Winckelman mentions, that two volumes of this Avork were published in 1765, and two others the year fol- lowing. Along with the author of a notice of Sir William Hamilton's Life, which appeared in Baldwin's Literary Journal, we have been unable to discover a copy of the two former volumes of this work, or to find any reference to them on which we can repose trust, nor do we perceive that the two latter volumes btar the marks of being a continuation, and neither of the after editions of Paris, 1787, and Florence, 1801 and 1808, which might have informed us on this subject, are at present accessible to us. The two volumes we have men- tioned as having seen, contain general remarks on the subjects of the plates, in English and French, which both the imaginative matter, and the language, show to have been translated from the latter language into the former. The plates, by far the most valuable part of the work, introduced a new spirit into the depiction of the useful remains of antiquity, which enabled the artist who wished to imitate them, to have as correct an idea of the labours of the ancients, as if the originals were before him. The terra-cotta vases predominate ; some of these are votive offerings — others have been adapted for use. A general view of the form of each is given, with a measurement, along with which there is a distinct faosimile of the paintings which so frequently occur on these beautiful pieces of pottery ; the engraving is bold and accurate, and the colouring true to the original. This work has been the means of adding the bold genius of classic taste to modern accuracy and skill in workmanship. From the painter Silt WILLIAM HAMILTON. and statuary, to the fabricator of the most grotesque drinking cup, it has af- forded models to artists, and is confidently asserted to have gone far in altering and improving the general taste of the age. During the exertions we have been commemorating, Hamilton was in the year 1772, created a knight of the Bath, a circumstance which will account for our sometimes varying his designa- tion, as the events mentioned happened previously to, or after his elevation. The retired philosophical habits of Sir William Hamilton prevented him in the earliest years of his mission from forming intimacies with persons similarly situated, and he lived a life of domestic privacy, study, and observation of na- ture. But fame soon forced friends on his retirement, and all the eminent per- sons who visited his interesting neighbourhood became his guests. One of his friends, the French ambassador at the court of Naples, has told us that he pro- tected the arts because the arts protected him, and enriched him. The motives of the characteristic may be doubted. A love of art fascinates even mercenary men into generosity, and the whole of Sir William Hamilton's conduct shows a love of art, and a carelessness of personal profit by his knowledge, not often ex- hibited. Duclos, secretary of the French academy, on visiting Naples, has drawn an enthusiastic picture of the felicity then enjoyed by Sir William Hamilton — his lady and himself in the prime of life, his daughter just opening to woman- hood, beauty, and accomplishments ; the public respect paid to his merits, and the internal peace of his amiable family ; but this state of things Mas doomed to be sadly reversed. In 1775, Sir William lost his only daughter, and in 1782, he had to deplore the death of a wife who had brought him competence and domestic peace. After an absence of twenty years, he revisited Britain in 1784. The purpose of this visit is whispered to have been that he might interfere -with an intended marriage of his nephew, Mr Greville, to Miss Fmma Hart. If such was his view, it was fulfilled in a rather unexpected manner. It is at all times painful to make written reference to those private vices, generally suspected and seldom proved, the allusion to which usually receives the name of "scandal;" but in the case of the second lady Hamilton, they have been so unhesitatingly and amply detailed by those who have chosen to record such events, and so complacently received by the lady herself and her friends, that they must be considered matters of history, which no man will be found chivalrous enough to contradict This second Theodosia passed the earlier part of her life in obscurity and great indigence, but soon showed that she had various ways in which she might make an independent livelihood. Some one who has written her memoirs, lias given teotimony to the rather doubtful circumstance that her first act of infamy was the consequence of charitable feeling, which prompted her to give her virtue in exchange for the release of a friend who had been impressed. Be this as it may, she afterwards discovered more profita- ble means of using her charms. At one time she was a comic actress at another, under the protection of some generous man of fashion ; but her chief source of fame and emolument seems to have been her connexion with Romney and the other great artists of the day, to whom she seems to have furnished the models of more goddesses than classic poets ever invented. Mr Greville, a man of accurate taste, had chosen her as his companion, and the same principles of correct judgment which regulated his choice probably suggested a transference of his charge to the care of Sir William Hamilton. His own good opinion of her merits, and the character she had received from his friend, prompted Sir William soon after to marry this woman, and she took the title of lady Hamilton in 1791. At that time both returned to Britain, where Sir William attempted in vain to procure for his fair but frail bride, an introduction to the British Court, which might authorize, according to royal etiquette, her presentation at SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON. 5 the court of Naples. But this latter was found not so difficult a barrier as that which it was considered necessary to surmount before attempting it. The beauty and, perhaps, the engaging talents of lady Hamilton procured for her notoriety, and notoriety brings friends. She contrived to be essentially useful, and very agreeable, to the king and queen of the Sicilies ; and procured for herself their friendship, and for her husband additional honours. Her connec- tion with lord Nelson, and the manner in which she did the state service, are too well known ; but justice, on passing speedily over the unwelcome subject, cannot help acknowledging that she seems here to have felt something like real attach- ment. The latter days of this woman restored her to the gloom and obscurity of her origin. She made ineffectual attempts after the death of her husband to procure a pension from government. Probably urged by necessity, she insulted the ashes of the great departed, by publishing her correspondence with lord Nelson, followed by a denial of her accession to the act, which did not deceive the public. She died at Calais in February, 1815, in miserable obscurity and debt, without a friend to follow her to the grave, and those who took an interest in the youthful daughter of Nelson, with difficulty prevented her from being seized, according to a barbarous law, for the debts of her mother. But we return with pleasure to the more legitimate object of our details. There was one subject of importance on which some prejudices on the part of the Sicilian government, prevented Sir William Hamilton from acquiring that knowledge which he thought might be interesting and useful to his country. A chamber in the royal museum of Portici had been set aside for containing the manuscripts, of which a small collection had been found in an edifice in Pom- peii ; and on the discovery that these calcined masses were genuine manuscripts of the days of Pliny, the greatest curiosity was manifested to acquire a knowledge of their contents. The government was assailed by strangers for the watchful- ness with which these were kept from their view, and the little exertion which had been bestowed in divulging their contents : the latter accusation was perhaps scarcely just ; some venerable adherents of the church of Rome did not hesitate to spend months of their own labour, in exposing to the world the sentences which an ancient Roman had taken a few minutes to compose. The public were soon made sufficiently acquainted with the subject to be disappointed at the exposure of a few sentences of the vilest of scholastic stuff; and the narrow- mindedness of which Sir William Hamilton had to complain, has been since dis- continued, and England has had an opportunity of showing her skill in the art of unrolling papyrus. To acquire the information, for which he found the usual means unavailing, Sir William Hamilton entered into an agreement with father Anthony Piaggi, a Piarist monk, the most diligent of the decypherers, by which, in consideration of a salary of .£100, the latter was to furnish the former with a weekly sheet of original information, which, to avoid ministerial detection, was to be written in cipher. The contract seems to have been executed to the satisfaction of both parties, and Sir William procured for father Anthony an addition to his salary, equal to the sum at which it was originally fixed ; and on the death of the father in 1798, he bequeathed all his manuscripts and papers to his patron. Sir William Hamilton, on his visit to Britain in 1791, was created a privy councillor. — The circumstances which in 1798 compelled him to accom- pany the Sicilian court to Palermo, are matter of history, and need not be here repeated. — In the year 1800, he left Sicily, and soon afterwards, accompanied by captain Leake, and lieutenant Hayes, undertook a journey through Egypt, visiting and describing with great minuteness the city of Thebes, and the other well-known parts of that interesting country. The notes collected by him on tin's occasion were published after his death in the year 1809, under the title WILLIAM HAMILTON, M.D. tt J^gyptiaca, or Some Account of the Ancient and Modern State of Egypt, as obtained in the years 1801 and 1802, by William Hamilton, F. A. S."— " This work," says the Edinburgh Review, " will be found an excellent supplement to the more elaborate and costly work of Denon. His style is in general simple and unaffected ; and therefore, loses nothing, in our opinion, when compared with that of some of the travellers who hare gone before him." Sir William Hamil- ton died in April, 1803, in the 72nd year of his age. His death deprived the world of two great works which he hoped to have lived to prepare, on the subject of the museum of Portici. HAMILTON, William, a celebrated surgeon, and lecturer on anatomy and chemistry in the university of Glasgow. This meritorious individual was unfor- tunately cut off from the world too early in life, and too suddenly, to be enabled to give to the world those works on his favourite science, on which he might have founded his fame, and the circle of his influence and renown was hardly so extensive as to attract the attention of posterity ; but a tribute to his memory, in the form of a memoir of his life, and remarks on his professional acquirements, read by his friend professor Cleghorn to the Royal Society of Edinburgh,1 and inserted in the transactions of that eminent body, justifies us in enumerating him among distinguished Scotsmen. William Hamilton was born in Glasgow, on the 31st July, 1759. His father was Thomas Hamilton, a respectable sur- geon in Glasgow, and professor of anatomy and botany in that university ; and his mother, daughter to Mr Anderson, professor of church history in the same institution. He followed the usual course of instruction in the grammar school and college of his native city, from which latter he took the degree of master of arts in 1775, at the age of seventeen. Being supposed to show an early predi- lection for the medical profession, he proceeded to Edinburgh, then at the height of its fame as a school for that science, where he studied under Cullen and Black, the early friends of his father. The bad health of his father recalled the young physician after two sessions spent in Edinburgh, and both proceeded on a tour to Bath, and thence to London, where the son was left to pursue his studies, with such an introduction to the notice of Dr William Hunter, as a schoolfellow acquaintanceship between his father and that distinguished man warranted. The prudence, carefulness, and regularity of the young man's conduct, while surrounded by the splendour and temptation of the metropolis, have been com- mended by his friends ; these praiseworthy qualities, joined to a quick percep- tion on professional subjects, and an anxiety to perfect himself in that branch of his profession which calls for the greatest zeal and enthusiasm on the part of the medical student, attracted the attention of his observing friend. He was requested to take up his residence in Dr Hunter's house, and finally was trusted with the important charge of the dissecting room, a valuable, and probably a delightful duty. He seems to have secured the good opinion he had gained, by his performance of this arduous and important function. " I see and hear much of him," says Dr Hunter, in his correspondence with the young man's father, " and every body regards him as sensible, diligent, sober, and of amiable dispositions." — " From being a favourite with every body, he has commanded every opportunity for improvement, which this great town afforded, during his stay here ; for every body has been eager to oblige and encourage him. I can depend so much on him, in every way, that if any opportunity should offer of serving him, whatever may be in my power, I shall consider as doing a real pleasure to myself." Such were the character and prospects of one, who, it -S to be feared, was then nourishing by too intense study the seeds of dissolution in a naturally feeble constitution. Soon after, the father's state of health 1 Vol. iv. p. 35, read 6th November, 1792. WILLIAM HAMILTON. imperiously requiring an assistant in his lectures, the son undertook that duty, and in 1781, on his father's final resignation, was nominated his successor, a circumstance which enabled his kind friend Dr Hunter to fulfill his former promise, by stating to the marquis of Graham, that he considered it " the in- terest of Glasgow to give him, rather than his to solicit the appointment." The father died in 1782, and the son Mas then left the successor to his lucrative and extensive practice, in addition to the duties of the university. During the short period of his enjoyment of these desirable situations, he received from the poorer people of Glasgow, the character, seldom improperly bestowed, of ex- tending to them the assistance, which a physician of talent can so well bestow. He kept for the purpose of his lectures, and for his own improvement, a regular note-book of ^ases, which he summed up in a tabular digest at the termination of eacli year. Of these notes, he had before his death commenced such an ar- rangement as would enable him to form from them a system of surgery which he intended to have published. Some extracts from this collection are pre- served by the biographer we have mentioned, as characteristics of the style of his composition, and the extent of his observation. In 1783, he married Miss Elizabeth Stirling, a lady accomplished, and of good connexions in Glasgow. Within a very few years after this event, the marked decay of his constitution alarmed his friends, and his knowledge as a physician enabled him to assure himself that death was steadily approaching. He died on the 13th day of March, 1790, in the 3 2d year of his age. Few, even of those who have de- parted in the pride of life — in the enjoyment of talents, hopes, and prosperity, seem to have caused greater regret, and it cannot be doubted that it was de- served. His manner as a public instructor is thus described by Mr Cleghorn : " As a lecturer, his manner was remarkably free from pomp and affectation. His language was simple and perspicuous, but so artless, that it appeared flat to those who place the beauty of language in the intricacy of arrangement, or the abundance of figures. His manner of speaking corresponded with his style, and was such as might appear uninteresting to those who think it impossible to be eloquent without violent gestures, and frequent variations of tone. He used nearly the tone of ordinary conversation, as his preceptor Dr Hunter did before him, aiming at perspicuity only, and trusting for attention to the importance of the subjects he treated." HAMILTON, William, of Bangour, a poet of considerable merit, was the second son of James Hamilton, Esq. of Bangour, advocate, and was born at Bangour in 1704. He was descended from the Hamiltons of Little Earnock in Ayrshire ; his great-grandfather James Hamilton, (second son of John Hamil- ton of Little Earnock,) being the founder of the family of Bangour. On the death of his brother (who married Elizabeth Dalrymple) without issue, in 1750, the subject of this memoir succeeded to the estate. Born in elevated circumstances and in polished society, Mr Hamilton received all the accomplishments which a liberal education, with these advantages, could afford ; and although exposedgas all young persons of his rank usually are, to the light dissipations of gay life, he resisted every temptation, and in a great measure dedicated his time to the improvement of his mind. The state of his health, which was always delicate, and his natural temperament, leading him to prefer privacy and 6tudy to mixing frequently in society, he early acquired a taste for literature, and he soon obtained a thorough and extensive acquaintance with the best authors, ancient and modern. The leaning of his mind was towards poetry, and he early composed many pieces of distinguished merit. Encouraged by the approbation of his friends, as well as conscious of his own powers, he was easily induced to persevere in the cultivation of his poetic powers. Many of his 8 WILLIAM HAMILTON. songs breathe the true spirit of Scottish melody, especially his far-famed " Brae* of Yarrow." Thus in calm retirement, and in the pursuit of knowledge, his life might have passed serenely, undisturbed by the calls of ambition or the toils and alarms of war, had it not been for the ill-judged but chivalrous attempt of an adventurous prince to recover the throne of his ancestors from what was considered the grasp of an usurper. At the commencement of the insurrection of 1745, Mr Hamil- ton, undeterred by the attainder and exile of his brother-in-law the earl of Carnwath,1 for his share in the rebellion in 1715, took the side which all brave and generous men of a certain class in those days were apt to take ; he joined the standard of prince Charles, and celebrated his first success at Prestonpans in the well-known Jacobite ode of " Gladsmuir." After the battle of Culloden, so- disastrous to the prince and his followers, he fled to the mountain and the glen ; and there for a time, endured much wandering and many hardships. Finally, however, he succeeded, with some others in the same proscribed situation, in escaping into France. But his exile was short. He had many friends and admirers among the adherents of king George, and through their intercession his pardon was speedily procured from government. He accordingly returned home, and resumed possession of his paternal estate. His health, however, at all times weak, by the hardships he had endured, as well as from his anxiety of mind, had now become doubly so, and required the benefit of a warmer climate. He therefore soon afterwards returned to the continent, and for the latter years of his life, took up his residence at Lyons, where a slow consumption carried him off, on the 25th March, 1754, in the fiftieth year of his age. His corpse was brought to Scotland, and interred in the Abbey church of Holyrood. Mr Hamilton was twice married, into families of distinction, and by his first lady, a daughter of Sir James Hall of Dunglass, baronet, he had issue one son, James, who succeeded him. Though Mr Hamilton's works do not place him among the highest class of Scottish poets, he is fully entitled to rank among those of a secondary order. What was much in his favour, certainly not in furtherance of his facility of com- position, but as an advantage to his fame, is, that for a whole century previous to the time he began to write, few names of any consequence were known in Scottish poetry. From 1615 till 17 15 no poet of any note — except only Drum- mond and Stirling — had appeared. From the days of Buchanan, the only other poets we could then boast of, following the example of that leading intellect, had composed in a language utterly opposite to their own, in construction, copiousness, and facility — we mean the Latin : and inferior poets as well as inferior scholars to Hamilton, in com- pliment to the reigning fashion, continued to use that didactic and difficult lan- guage for the expression of their sentiments. Hamilton, therefore, had much to overcome in entering the lists as an original writer in his own language, the elegance, the purity, and the freedom, though perhaps not the force nor the energy, of which he understood so well. He was convinced that the greater part, if not the whole, of those authors who preferred composing in a dead language would be utterly unknown to posterity, except perhaps to a few of the literati and the learned. But at the dawn of the eighteenth century the scholastic spell was at length broken, and Hamilton and Ramsay Avere among the first who gave utter- ance to their feelings, the one in English and the other in his native Scottish dialect ; and this perhaps, even to the present day constitutes the principal cause of their fame. It may safely be asserted that in the works of Hamilton and Ram- say there is more genuine poetry, than in the works of the whole century of 1 The earl married, as his third wife, Margaret, the poet's sister. "WILLIAM HAMILTON. Latin poets who preceded ibeni ; though this may be denied by those classic readers, who are still in the habit of poring into the lucubrations of those authors, the greater part of whom have long ceased to be known to the general reader, while tbe works of Hamilton and Ramsay are still read and admired. Mr Hamilton's poems were first published by Foulis, at Glasgow, in 174S, I 2mo, and afterwards reprinted ; but this volume was a pirated publication, and appeared not only without his name, but without his consent, and even without his knowledge ; and as might have been expected, it abounded in errors. He was then abroad, end it was thought the appearance of that collection would hare produced from him a more perfect edition : but though on his return he cor- rected many errors, and considerably enlarged some of the poems, he did not live to furnish a new and complete edition. It remained therefore for his friends, after his death, to publish from his original manuscripts the first genuine and correct collection of his works. It appeared in one volume small Svo, at Edin- burgh, in 1760, with ahead by Strange, who had been a fellow adventurer with him in the cause of prince Charles. ' 1 his volume did not at first attract any particular notice, and his poems were rapidly fading from public remembrance, when an attempt was made by the late professor Richardson of Glasgow, to direct the attention of the public to his merits. In a very able criticism from the pen of that gentleman which appeared in the Lounger, among other observations no less just, the following formed one of his principal remarks : " The poems of Hamilton display regular design, just sentiments, fanciful invention, pleasing sensibility, elegant diction, and smooth versification." Mr Richardson then enters into an analysis of Hamilton's prin- cipal poem of " Contemplation," or " the Triumph of Love." He descants chiefly on the quality of fanciful invention, as being the principal characteristic of poetical composition. He says " that Mr Hamilton's imagination is employed among beautiful and engaging, rather than among awful and magnificent images, and even when he presents us with dignified objects, he is more grave than lofty, more solemn than sublime." — " It is not asserted," continues Mr Richard- son, in illustrating the ' pleasing sensibility' he ascribes to Hamilton, " that he displays those vehement tumults and ecstasies of passion that belong to the higher kind of lyric and dramatic composition. He is not shaken with excessive rage, nor melted with overwhelming sorrow ; yet when he treats of grave or affecting subjects, he expresses a plaintive and engaging softness. He is never violent and abrupt, and is more tender than pathetic Perhaps ' The Braes of Yarrow? one of the finest ballads ever written, may put in a claim to superior distinction. But even with this exception, I should think our poet more remarkable for engaging tenderness than for deep and affecting pathos. In like manner, when he expresses the joyful sentiments, or describes scenes and objects of festivity, which he does very often, he displays good humour and easy cheerfulness, rathet than the transports of mirth or the brilliancy of wit." Mr Richardson, in illustration of these characteristics, quotes some passages which conveys the most favourable impression of Mr Hamilton's poetical powers. Mr M'Kenzie, the ingenious editor of the Lounger, enforced the judgment pronounced by Mr Richardson, in a note, in which he not only fully agrees w i th him, but even goes farther in Mr Hamilton's praise. Lord Woodhouselee was also among the first to acknowledge his excellence and vindicate his fame. He thus speaks of Mr Hamilton in his life of lord Karnes, " Mr Hamilton's mind is pictured in his verses. They are the easy and careless effusions of an elegant fancy, and a chastened taste ; and the sentiments they convey are the genuine feelings of a tender and susceptible heart, which perpetually owned the dominion of some favourite mistress : but whose passion generally evaporated in song, and 10 WILLIAM HAMILTON. made no serious or permanent impression. His poems had an additional charm to his contemporaries, from being commonly addressed to his familiar friends of either sex, by name. There are few minds insensible to the soothing flattery of a poet's record." . These authorities in Hamilton's favour are high and powerful, and it might have been expected that, with his own merits, they might have obtained for him a greater share of popularity than has fallen to his lot : but notwithstanding these and other no less favourable testimonies, the attention of the public was never steadily fixed upon his works. And although they have been inserted in Johnson and Chalmers' edition of the English poets, there has been no demand for a separate edition ; nor is Hamilton among those writers, whom we often hear quoted by the learned or the gay. As a first adventurer in English literature, rejecting altogether the scholastic school of poetry, Mr Hamilton must be allowed to have obtained no ordinary suc- cess. In his language he shows nearly all the purity of a native ; his diction is vari- ous and powerful, and his versification but rarely tainted with provincial errors. He delights indeed in a class of words, which though not rejected by the best English°writers, have a certain insipidity which only a refined English ear, per- haps, can perceive ; such as beauteous, dubious, duteous, and even melancholious ^ ! The same peculiarity may be remarked of most of the early Scottish writers in the English language. In Thomson it is particularly observable. We also some- times meet in Hamilton with false quantities ; but they seem oftener to proceed from making a Procrustian of a poetic license, than from ignorance or inadver- tence, as in the following verse : " Where'er the beauteous heart-compeller moves, • She scatters wide perdition all around : Blest with celestial form, and crown 'd with loves, No single breast is refractory found." If he had made the " refractory " precede the " is," so as to have rendered the latter the penultimate in this line, the euphony and the rhythm would have been complete : but in his days, we believe, this word was accented on the first syllable. Lord Woodhouselee calls Hamilton's poems the " easy and careless effusions of an elegant fancy, and a chastened taste." This does not quite agree with the " regidar design? which Richardson discovers in them ; nor indeed with what his lordship himself tells us elsewhere, that * it appears from Hamilton's letters that he communicated his poems to his friends for their critical remarks, and was easily induced to alter or amend them by their advice. " Contemplation," for instance, he sent to Mr Home (lord Karnes), with whom he lived in the closest habits of friendship, who suggested some alterations, which were thus acknow- ledged in a letter from Hamilton, dated July, 1739 : " I have made the correc- tions on the moral part of ' Contemplation,' and in a post I will send it to Will Crawford, who has the rest" Mr Hamilton had evidently too passionate a devotion to the muses, to be careless of his attentions to them. The writing of poetry, indeed, seems to have formed the chief business of his life. Almost the whole of his poems are of an amatory cast : and even in his more serious pieces, a tone of love, like a thread of silver, runs through them. It would seem, how- ever, that to him love, with all its pangs, was only a poet's dream. Perhaps the following is the best illustration of the caprice and inconstancy of his affection. In a letter to 3Ir Home, dated September, 1748, in answer to one from that gentleman regarding some remarks on Horace, of the same tenor, it would appear, as those which he afterwards published in his Elements of Criticism, Mr WILLIAM HAMILTON. 11 Hamilton after alluding to these remarks thus questions himself: " Why don't I rest contented with the small, perhaps, but sincere portion of that happiness furnished me by my -poetry, and a few friends ? Why concern myself to please Jeanie Stewart, or vex myself about that happier man, to whom the lottery of life may have assigned her. Qui Jit, Mcecenas, qui fit ? Whence conies it. Alas whence indeed? * Too long by love, a wandering fire, misled, My better days in vain delusion fled : Day after day, year after year, withdrew, And beauty blest the minutes as they flew^ Those hours consumed in joy, but lost to fame, With blushes I review, but dare not blame; A fault which easy pardon might receive, Did lovers judge, or could the wise forgive : But now to wisdom's healing springs I fly, And drink oblivion of each charmful eye : To love revolted, quit each pleasing care, Whate'er was witty, or whate'er was fair.' I am yours, &a" The " Jeanie Stewart" above alluded to complained to Mr Home, that she was teased with Mr Hamilton's continually dangling after her. She was con- vinced, she said, that his attentions to her had no serious aim, and she hinted an ear-nest wish to get rid of him. " You are his friend," she added, " tell him he exposes both himself and me to the ridicule of our acquaintance." — ''No, madam," said Mr Home, who knew how to appreciate the fervour of Mr Hamilton's pas- sion, * you shall accomplish his cure yourself, and by the simplest method. Dance with him to-night at the assembly, and show him every mark of your kindness, as if you believed his passion sincere, and had resolved to favour his suit. Take my word for it, you'll hear no more of him." The lady adopted the counsel, and she had no reason to complain of the success of the experi- ment.1 In poetry, however, no one could paint a warmer love, or breathe a fiercer flame. In some rather conceited lines, " upon hearing his picture was in a lady's breast," he chides it for " Engrossing all that beauteous heaven, That Chloe, lavish maid, lias given ;" And then passionately exclaims, that, if he were the lord of that bosom — ■ Vd be a miser too, nor give An alms to keep a god alice." A noble burst of fancy and enthusiasm ! A most expressive image of the bound- less avarice of love. Of Mr Hamilton's poems not devoted to love, the most deserving of notice is " The Episode of the Thistle," which appear-s intended as part of a larger work never completed, called " The Flowers." It is an ingenious attempt, by a well devised fable, to account for the selection of the thistle, as the national emblem of Scotland. The blank verse Avhich he has chosen for this uncomplete poem, does not seem to have been altogether adapted to his powers ; yet, on reading i." Bonnie Jeanie Stewart of Torsonce," as she was here fully described in ordinary par- lance, married the earl of Dundonald, and was' mother of the late ingenious earl, so distinguished by his scientific investigations, and by the generally unfortunate tenor of his life. 12 WILLIAM HAMILTON. the piece, we were equally surprised and pleased with the felicity and modulation of its language. The only poem which Mr Hamilton wrote in his native dialect was the " Braes of Yarrow," which has been almost universally acknowledged to be one of the finest ballads ever written. But Mr Pinkerton, whose opinion of the ancient ballad poetry of Scotland has always had considerable weight, has pass- ed a different judgment on it. " It is," says he, "in very bad taste, and quite unlike the ancient Scottish manner, being even inferior to the poorest of the old ballads with this title. His repeated words and lines causing an eternal jingle, his confused narration and affected pathos, throw this piece among the rubbish of poetry." The jingle and affected pathos of which he complains are sometimes indeed sickening. "Lang maun she weep, lang maun she, maun she weep, Lang maun she weep with dule and sorrow," &c. " Then build, then build, ye sisters, sisters sad, Ye sisters sad, his tomb with sorrow," &c. On the other hand, the isolated condemnation of Mr Pinkerton must be al- lowed to have little weight against the interest with which this poem has so sig- nally impressed Mr Wordsworth, as appears from his beautiful poems of " Yar- row Unvisited " and ** Yarrow Visited." There exists in manuscript another fragmentary poem by Mr Hamilton, called the " Maid of Gallowshiels." It is an epic of the heroi-comic kind, intended to celebrate the contest between a piper and a fiddler for the fair Maid of Gallowshiels. Mr Hamilton had evidently designed to extend it to twelve books, but has only completed the first and a portion of the second. Dr Leyden, who owns himself indebted to the friendship of Dr Robert Ander- son for his knowledge of this MS., gives the following account of it in his preface to the " Complaynt of Scotland." " In the first (book) the fiddler chal- lenges the piper to a trial of musical skill, and proposes that the maid herself should be the umpire of the contest. 1 Sole in her breast, the favourite he shall reign Whose hand shall sweetest wake the warbled strain; And if to me th' ill-fated piper yield, As sure I trust, this well-contested field -, High in the sacred dome his pipes I'll raise, The trophy of my fame to after days ; That all may know, as they the pipes survey, The fiddler's deed, and this the signal day. All Gallowshiels the darling challenge heard, Full blank they stood, and for their piper fear'd : Fearless alone he rose in open view, And in the midst his sounding bngpipc threw.' The history of the two heroes is related with various episodes ; and the piper deduces his origin from Colin of Gallowshiels, who bore the identical blur- pipe at the battle of Harlaw, with which his descendant resolves to maintain the glory of the piper race. The second book, the subject of which is the trial of skill, commences with the following exquisite description of the bagpipe : • Now, in his artful hand the bagpipe laid, Elate, the piper wide surveys the field ; O'er all he throws his quick-discerning eyes, And views their hopes and fears alternate rise ; WILLIAM HAMILTON". 13 Old Glenderule, in Gallowshiels long fam'd For works of skill, this perfect wonder fram'd ; His shining steel first lopp'd, with dexterous toil, From a tall spreading elm the branchy spoil; The clouded wood, he next divides in twain, And smoothes them equal to an oval plain ; Six leather folds in still connected rows To either plank ccnform'd, the sides compose ; The wimble perforates the base with care, A destin'd passage opening to the air : But once inclosed within the narrow space, The opposing valve forbids the backward race; Fast to the swelling bag, two reeds combin'd, Receive the blasts of the melodious wind ; Round from the twining loom, with skill divine, Embost, the joints in silver circles shine; In secret prison pent, the accents lie, Untillhis arm the lab'ring artist ply: Then, duteous, they forsake their dark abode, Felons no more, and wing a separate road ; These upward through the narrow channel glide, In ways unseen, a solemn murmuring tide : Those through the narrow part their journey bend, Of sweeter sort, and to the earth descend ; O'er the small pipe at equal distance lie, Eight shining holes, o'er which his fingers fly ; From side to side the aerial spirit bounds, The flying fingers form the passing sounds, That, issuing gently through each polish 'd door, Mix with the common air, and charm no more.* *{ This poem, however, does not seem ever to have been corrected, and the extracts we have given are from the first rude draft of it It would be unfair, therefore, to consider it as a test of 3Ir Hamilton's powers, though had he lived to complete it, we do not doubt, from the germs of excellence it evinces, but that it would have been a fitter criterion than any other of his works." Mr Hamilton's poems, notwithstanding the melody of his numbers and the gayety of his fancy, bear all the marks of studious productions ; and the ease whch they undoubtedly possess, is the ease resulting from elaboration and art. To this, in a great measure, his circumstantiality of painting is to be attri- buted. The measure which Mr Hamilton was most partial to, is the octosyllabic ; and certainly this being the smoothest and most euphonious, it best suited the refine- ment of his mind. He sometimes, however, attempted the decasyllabic measure ; but here, as in his soaring to a greater height in his subjects, lie did not succeed so well. His blank verse, like his conception, is without grandeur — without ease — without dignity : it is surcharged, rugged, and verbose. Of this he was himself aware, for he seldom attempted to clothe his sentiments in the style which was perfected by Milton and Shakspeare. 3Ir Hamilton's amatory poetry abounds with " quaint conceits," and pleasing fancies : for example, in dedicating ** Contemplation" to a young lady, speaking of the effects of unsuccessful love, he says, " Gloomy and dark the prospect round appears ; Doubts spring from doubts, and fears engender fears, 14 WILLIAM HAMILTON. Hope after hope goes out in endless night, And all is anguish, torture, and affright. Oh ! beauteous friend, a gentler fate be thine ; Still may thy star with mildest influence shine j May heaven surround thee with peculiar care, And make thee happy, as it made thee fair." Acain, speaking of mutual affection, he calls it " A mutual warmth that glows from breast to breast, Who loving is belov'd, and blessing blest." Can any thing be finer than the following couplet, with which he concludes an ardent aspiration for her happiness ! " Such," he says, " be thy happy lot," is the fond wish of him, !' Whose faithful muse inspir'd the pious prayer, And wearied heaven to keep thee in its care." The poem of " Contemplation" itself is full of beauties. Among his odes there is one " to fancy," in which his lively imagination and exquisite delicacy of sentiment, shine out to the greatest advantage. His descriptions of female loveliness are worthy of the subject — they are characterized by sweetness, beauty, and truth. What can surpass this image ? M Her soul, awak'ning every grace, Is all abroad upon her face ; In bloom of youth still to survive, AU charms are there, and all alive." And in recording in his verses the name and the beauty of another of his mis- tresses, he says that " his song " will " make her live beyond the grave :" " Thus Hume shall unborn hearts engage, Her smile shall warm another age." But with all this praise of his quieter and more engaging style, we must admit that his poems, even the most perfect, abound in errors. Many of his questions are very strange, nay some of them ludicrous : " Ah ! when we see the bad prefcrr'd, Was it eternal justice err'd." u Or when the good could not prevail, How could almighty prowess fail 1" ■ When time shall let his curtain fall, Must dreary nothing swallow all ?" 41 Must we the unfinish'd piece deplore, Ere half the pompous piece be o'er." What is the meaning of these questions, or have they any ? Mr Hamilton's correspondence with his friends was varied and extensive, but seldom very important. He wrote for writing's sake, and his letters, there- fore, are just so many little pieces of friendly gossip. Of those poets who were his contemporaries, or who immediately succeeded him, some have taken notice of him in their works. The most distinguished of those is the unfortunate Fer« gusson, who in his u Hame Content," thus alludes to Hamilton on his death : " O Bangour 1 now the hills and dales, Nae mair gie back thy tender tales ; ANDREW HART.— HENRY (Blind Harry). 15 The birks on Yarrow now deplore, Thy mournful muse has left the shore j Near what bright burn, or chrystal spring-, Did 30U your winsome whistle lung } The Muse shall there, wi' wat'ry e'e, Gie the dank swaird a tear for thee ; And Yarrow's genius, dowy dame 1 Shall there forget her blood-stain'd stream, On thy sad grave to seek repose, "Wha mourn 'd her fate, condol'd her woes." Mr Hamilton of Bangour is sometimes mistaken for and identified with another poet of the same name, William Hamilton of Gilbertjield in Lanark- shire, a lieutenant in the navy, who was the friend and correspondent of Allan Bamsay, and the modernizer of Blind Harry's poem of Wallace. The composi- tions of this gentleman display much beauty, simplicity, and sweetness ; but he is neither so well known, nor entitled to be so, as the " Bard of Yarrow." Mr Hamilton's private virtues were no less eminent than his poetical abilities. His piety, though fervent, was of that quiet and subdued cast that u does good by stealth, and blushes to find it fame." His manners were accomplished — in- deed so much so, as to earn for him the title of ** the elegant and amiable Wil- liam Hamilton of Bangour." * HART, Andrew, deserves a place in this record, as one of the most distin- guished of our early typographers. He flourished in the reign of James VI. Previous to 1600, lie was in the habit of importing books from abroad ; he was at this time exclusively a bookseller. From a mere bookseller he seems to have gradually become a publisher : several books were printed in Holland about the yeacs 1600 and 1601, " at his expense." Finally, he added the business of printing to his other dealings. The productions of his press specify that his shop was in the High Street of Edinburgh, on the north side, opposite the cross ; being, by a strange chance, the identical spot, from which Mr Archibald Constable, two hundi-ed years after, issued so many noble efforts of Scottish genius. Hart's edition of the Bible, 1610, has always been admired for its fine typography. He also published a well-known edition of Barbour's Bruce. In addition to all other claims upon our praise, Hart was a worthy man. He died in a good old age, December, 1621, as we learn from a notice in Boyd of Trochrig's Obituary, quoted below.2 HENRY, the minstrel, more commonly styled Blind Habrt, was a wandering poet of the fifteenth century, who wrote a well-known narrative of the life of Sir William Wallace. The character 'of a wandering bard or minstrel was in early ages highly valued and honoured, although at a late period it fell into discredit. Henry the Minstrel, or Blind Harrt, had not the fortune to live during the sunshine of his profession ; for in the Scottish laws of his own time, we find bards classed with u vagabondis, fuilis, and sic like idill peopill ;" but the misfortune of his blindness, and the unquestionable excellence of his talents, would in all proba- bility secure to him a degree of respect and attention which was not then gener- ally bestowed on individuals of his class. Indeed, we learn from Major, that the most exalted in the land countenanced the minsti'el, and that he recited his 1 A manuscript, containing many poems by Hamilton which never saw the light, was in the possession of the late George Chalmers, Esq. author of " Caledonia." A list of them is given in the transactions of the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, vol. hi., where a portrait of Mr Hamilton has also been given. * Le moy de Dec. 1621, mourut a Edin. le bon homme, Andrew Hart, impremeur et libraire ; decide en bonne veillesse ; homme de bien et notre ancien amy. 1G HENRY (Blind ITarky). poetical narratives before them. Major is the only writer from whom any information regarding Blind Harry is derived, and the meagreness of that infor- mation may be judged of, when it is known, that the whole is comprised in the following brief sentence. " Integrum librum Gullielmi Vallacei Henricus, a nativilate luminibus captus, meae infantiaj tempore cudit ; et qua? vulgo diceban- tur carmine vulgari, in quo peritus erat, conscrinsit ; (ego autem talibus scriptis solum in parte fidein impertior ;) qui historiarum recitatione coram principibus victum et vestitum quo dignus erat nactus est."1 — " Henry, who was blind from his birth in the time of my infancy composed the whole book of William Wal- lace ; and committed to writing in vulgar poetry, in which he was well skilled, the things that were commonly related of him. For my own part, I give only partial credit to writings of this description. By the recitation of these, how- ever in the presence of men of the highest rank, he procured, as ho indeed deserved, food and raiment." Brief, however, as this passage is, we gather from it the principal points of Henry's life namely, that he was born blind — that he was well skilled in ver- nacular poetry that he composed the book of William Wallace — and that by recitino- it he procured food and raiment. The passage, also, is the only source from which we can learn the date of the poem or the period when its author flourished. Major was born in the year 1469, and as he says that the book of William Wallace was composed in his infancy, Blind Harry must have lived about that time, and the date of this work may be placed between 1470 and 14S0. More than this, regarding the biography of a once popular poet, and or.e whose name is still familiar in the mouths of his countrymen, cannot be ascertained. Of the book itself, a few observations may be taken. ** That a man," says Mr Ellis,2 born blind should excel in any science is extraordinary, though by no means without example : but that he should become an excellent poet is almost miraculous ; because the soul of poetry is description. Perhaps, therefore, it may be easily assumed that Henry was not inferior in point of genius either to Barbour or Chaucer, nor indeed to any poet of any age or country." The question of what a man might have been under certain cir- cumstances, is one of assumption altogether, and is too frequently used by indi- viduals regarding themselves as a salve for their indolence and imperfections. Neither can we admit that description is the soul of poetry : we consider it rather as the outward gax'b or frame-work of the divine art, which unless inspired by an inward spirit of contemplation, has no further charm than a chronicle or gazet- teer. Milton was blind when he composed Paradise Lost, and although he had the advantage of Henry in that he once saw, yet we have often heard his calamity adduced, to increase our wonder and admiration of his great work, whereas, had he retained his eyesight, Paradise Lost would probably never have been finished, or, if finished, might not have proved, as it has done, one of the noblest produc- tions which a human being ever laid before his fellow creatures. Although, how- ever, we disapprove of assuming a possible excellence in Henry had he been blessed with vision, it would be unjust not to acknowledge the disadvantages under which his poem has come down to us. He himself could not write it ; noi is there any probability that it was regularly taken down from his dictation ; the incorrectness and unintelligibility of many of its passages rather prove that much of it must have been written from recollection, while editors have, in too many instances, from gross misapprehensions, succeeded in rendering absurd what was previously only obscure. With all this, the poem is still of extraordinary merit —and, as a poem, is superior to Barbour's or Winton's. In an historical light, i Hist. lib. |t. c. 15. * "Specimens oi" Early English Poets," voL i. I Jin^rsred- by S.&esman ALEMNPEI MOPEMOFSn PROM ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 17 doubtless, its value can never be put in competition with the works of the above authors ; it is rather a romance than a history, and is full of exaggerations and anachronisms ; the narrative Henry professes to have derived from a complete history of Wallace (now lost) written, in Latin, partly by John Blair and partly by Thomas Gray ; and this circumstance, if true, exculpates the poet from the invention at least of its manifold and manifest absurdities. His information seems to have been, for the period, respectable. In his poem he alludes to the history of Hector, of Alexander the Great, of Julius Caesar, and of Charlemagne ; but without profiting from the character which these heroes exhibited in history, of policy combined with prowess and bravery, he has in his book taken the child- ish or gross conception of a warrior, and held up Sir William Wallace as a mere man of muscular strength and ferocity — capable of hewing down whole squadrons with his single arm, and delighting in the most merciless scenes of blood ai.d slaughter. It is in this point that the Minstrel is so far inferior to Barbour. He is destitute of that fine balancing of character displayed by the latter, and those broad political views which render " The Bruce" as much a philosophical his- tory as a poem.3 HENDERSON, Alexander, one of the most eminent of the many eminent men whose names are interwoven with the annals of Scotland at probably the most interesting period of her history, (the middle of the 17th century,) was born about the year 1583. He is supposed to have been descended from the Hender- sons of Fordel, " a house," says Wodrow, " of good quality in Fife." Of his early life there is little farther known than that he was distinguished for his assiduity and progress in learning, in which he greatly excelled all his school fellows. Having been sent to the university of St Andrews to complete his studies, he there went through the ordinary routine of learning, but with much more than ordinary reputation, a circumstance sufficiently evinced by his having been made master of arts, and soon after admitted regent or professor of philo- sophy. As this appointment took place previous to the year 1611, when he could not be more than eight and twenty years of age, it is evident that Hen- derson was already considered a man of no common attainments. The situation of i rofessor of philosophy he held for several years, discharging its duties with a zeal and ability which acquired him much reputation. It is not surprising to find, that at this period of his life lie was a strenuous advocate for the dominant or episcopal party in the church. His patrons hitherto were of that party. He had long associated with men who entertained its principles, and, unable to foresee the great changes which were about to take place in the civil and religious polity of the kingdom, as well as that which afterwards happened in his own private sentiments, he naturally enough, while perfectly sincere in the opinions which he then entertained on religious matters, conceived besides, that in the direction of these opinions, and in that direction alone, lay the road to preferment. Inspired by the ambition of a mind con- scious of its powers, Henderson, after the lapse of a few years, becoming impa- tient of the circumscribed sphere to which a professorship of philosophy confined 3 In his work, entitled "Lives of Scottish Worthies," Mr P. F. Tytler has expressed his deliberate conviction, founded upon recent investigations, that the minstrel holds too low a rank as a credit-worthy historian. " 1 am persuaded,'' says Mr Tytler, " that Wallace is the work of an ignorant man, who was yet in possession of valuable and authentic materials. On what other supposition can we account for the fact, that whilst in one page we meet witli errors which show a deplorable perversion of history, in the next we find circumstances unknown to other Scottish historians, yet corroborated by authentic documents, by contemporary English annalists, by national monuments and records only published in modern times, and *« which the minstrel cannot be supposed to have had access. The work, therefore, cannot be treated as an entire romance." The ingenious historian then adduces a number of instances in which Henrv's statements are proved by lately discovered documents to have been correct, iii. c 18 ALEXANDER HENDERSON. him, turned his attention to divinity, as opening a wider field for the exercise of his talents. After preparing himself for the ministerial calling, he was appointed to the church of Leuchars, in Fife, through the patronage of archbishop Gladstanes. His appointment, however, was exceedingly unpopular: all his talents and learning could not reconcile his parishioners to a man introduced amongst them by episcopal influence, and who was known to be himself of that detested party. The consequence was, that on the day of his ordination he was received with every mark of popular dislike. The church doors were shut against him and carefully secured in the inside, to prevent all possibility of admittance. Deter- mined, however, in despite of these very manifest tokens of public feeling, to perform the ceremony of ordination, Henderson's party entered the church by a window, and proceeded with the business of the day. Whatever were Mr Henderson's other merits, and these were certainly of no ordinary kind, it is known that any extraordinary anxiety about the spiritual interests of his parishioners was not amongst the number. At this period of his life, in short, although not remarkable for the reverse, he seems to have been but slightly impressed with the sacredness of his new calling, and to have taken but little farther interest in matters of religion, than abiding by the general principles in which he had been educated. This conduct, however, and these sentiments were soon to undergo a remarkable change, and that under circum- stances in themselves not less remarkable. Having learned that the celebrated Mr Bruce of Kinnaird was to assist at a communion in the neighbourhood ot Leuchars, Henderson, desirous of hearing the preaching of a man who had long been conspicuous as an opponent of the court measures, and whose fame for peculiar gifts in matters of theology was widely spread, repaired to the church where he was officiating. Not choosing, however, to be recognized, he sought to conceal himself in a dark corner of the building. Bruce, nevertheless, seems to have been aware of his presence ; or, if not, there was a singular coincidence in the applicability of the text which he chose, to the remarkable circumstances which attended Henderson's induction to his charge. Be this as it may, the sermon which followed made such a powerful impression upon him as effected an entire change in his religious conduct and sentiments ; and from being a careless and indifferent pastor over his flock, and an upholder of a system odious in the highest degree to the people, he became a watchful and earnest minister, and a resolute champion in the cause of presbyterianism. In three years after his appointment to Leuchars parish, which took place some time previous to the year 1615, Mr Henderson, though sedulous in the discharge of his ministerial duties since the period of his conversion, made no public appearance on the side of that party whose principles he had embraced. The opportunity, however, which was all that was wanting for his making such an appearance, at length presented itself. In August, 1618, the celebrated Five articles of Perth, which occasioned so much clamour in Scotland, from their con- taining as many points of episcopal worship, which James was desirous of thrusting on the people of that kingdom, having been carried by a packed majority in an assembly held at Perth, Henderson stood among the foremost of those who opposed, though unsuccessfully, the obnoxious measure ; and this too, in defiance of the king's utmost wrath, with which all who resisted the adoption of the Five articles were threatened. ** In case of your refusal," said the arch- bishop of St Andrews, addressing the assembled clergymen, " the whole order and estate of your church will be overthrown, some ministers will be banished, others will be deprived of their stipends and office, and all will be brought under the wrath of authority." ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 19 Not at all intimidated by this insolent and indecent threat, Henderson with several of his brethren courageously opposed the intended innovations. For this resistance, to which was added a cliarge of composing and publishing a book against the validity of the Perth assembly, he was with other two ministers summoned in the month of August, 1G19, to appear before the court of High Commission in St Andrews. Obeying the summons, Henderson and his brethren presented themselves before the bishops, when the former conducted himself with such intrepidity, and discussed the various matters charged against him and his colleagues with such talent and force of reasoning, that his judges, though they eagerly sought it, could gain no advantage over him, and were obliged to con- tent themselves with threatening, that if he again offended he should be more hardly dealt with. With this intimation Henderson and his friends were dis- missed. From this period to the year 1637, he does not appear to have meddled much Avith any transactions of a public character. During this long period he lived retired, confining his exertions within the bounds of his own. parish, in which he found sufficient employment from a careful and anxious dis- charge of his pastoral duties. Obscure and sequestered, however, as the place of his ministry was, his fame as a man of singular capacity, and as an eloquent and powerful debater, was already abroad and widely known ; and when the hour of trial came, those talents were recollected, and their possessor called upon to employ them in the behalf of his religion. Before, however, resuming the narrative of Mr Henderson's public career, it may be necessary to give a brief sketch of the circumstances which induced him to leave his retirement and to mingle once more in the religious distractions ot the times. The unfortunate Charles I. inheriting all the religious as well as political prejudices of his father James VI. had, upon the moment of his accession to the throne, entertained the design of regulating church worship in Scotland by the forms observed in that of England. In this attempt he was only follow- ing out an idea of his father's ; but what the one with more wisdom had little more than contemplated, the other determined to execute. Unfortunately for Charles he found but too zealous an abettor of his dangerous and injudicious designs in his favourite counsellor in church affairs, Laud, archbishop of Canter- bury. Encouraged in the schemes of violence which he meditated against the religious principles of Scotland, and urged on to their execution by Laud, Charles, after a series of lesser inroads on the presbyterian mode of worship in Scotland, finally, and with a rash hand fired the train which he had prepared, and by which he set all Scotland in a blaze. This was the imposition of the Liturgy or Service Book on the church of Scotland. This celebrated book, which was principally composed by Wedderburn, bishop of Dunblane, and Maxwell, bishop of Boss, and afterwards revised by Laud, and Wren, bishop of Norwich, was grounded upon the book of common prayer used in England, but contained, besides, some parts of the catholic ritual, such as the benediction or thanksgiving for departed saints, the use of the cross in baptism and of the ring in the cele- bration of marriage, the consecration of water at particular times by prayer, with many other ordinances of a similar character. Most of these observances were introduced by Laud when revising the original work. When the book was com- pleted, the king gave instructions to the archbishops and bishops regarding its introduction ; and immediately after issued a proclamation requiring his subjects, both ecclesiastical and civil, to conform to the mode of worship which it enjoined, concluding with an order that every parish should be furnished with two copies, between the publication of the injunction and Easter. The book itself, a large folio, was prefaced by a charge from the king, denouncing as rebels all who refused it. To complete the measure of Charles's rashness on the 20 ALEXANDER HENDERSON. subject of the service book, it was introduced into Scotland without having been submitted to presbyteries, and without the sanction of the General Assembly. The consequence of the introduction of the liturgy, aggravated as it was by the manner of its introduction, was, as might have been expected, in the last degree serious and important. The country rose nearly to a man against the popish innovation. In Edinburgh the bishops who presided at the ceremony of its first introduction were mobbed and maltreated : and the ministers everywhere carefully prepared their congregations to resist the obnoxious volume. The whole land, in short, was agitated by one violent commotion, and the minds of men were roused into a state of feverish excitement, which threatened the most serious results. It was at this critical moment that Henderson came again upon the stage. In the same predicament with other clergymen, Henderson was charged to purchase two copies of the liturgy for the use of his parish within fifteen days, under the pain of rebellion. On receiving the charge, Henderson immediately proceeded to Edinburgh and presented a petition to the privy council, representing that the service book had not received the sanction of the General Assembly nor was authorized by any act of parliament ; that the church of Scotland was free and independent, and ought not to be dictated to except through her own pastors, who were the proper and the best judges of what was for her benefit ; that the form of worship received at the Reformation was still sanctioned by the legislature and the supreme ecclesiastical judicatory, and could not be invaded excepting by the same authority ; that some of the ceremonies enjoined by the book had occasioned great divisions, and were extremely obnox- ious to the people, who had been taught to hold them in abhorrence. This bold statement Henderson concluded by soliciting a suspension of the charge. What hope Henderson entertained that this supplication or rather remonstrance would be formally listened to by the privy council, cannot now be ascertained. There is no reason, however, to conclude, that he possessed any secret intelligence regarding the real dispositions of that body. The credit, therefore, must be awarded him of having come forward on this perilous occasion trusting tb the strength of his cause alone, and fully prepared to meet the consequences, what- ever they might be, of the step which he had taken. The result was more favourable than probably either Henderson or the country expected. The council granted the suspension required, until the king's further pleasure should be known ; but, for the remuneration of the king's printer, ordained by an express act, as the decision in Henderson's case was of course understood to apply to the whole kingdom, that each parish should provide itself with two copies of the book, but without any injunction to make use of them. The order for reading the liturgy was also suspended, until new instructions on the subject should be received from his majesty. The king's answer, however, to the representations of the privy council, at once overturned all hopes of conces- sion in the matter of the liturgy. Instead of giving way to the general feeling, he repeated, in a still more peremptory manner than at first, his commands that the service book should be read, and farther ordered that no burgh should choose a magistrate which did not conform. This uncompromising and decided conduct on the part of the king was met by a similar spirit on the part of the people, and the path which Henderson had first taken was soon crowded by the highest and mightiest in the land, all pushing onward with the utmost eagerness and zeal to solicit the recall of the obnoxious liturgy, and discovering on each repulse and on the appearance of each successive obstacle to their wishes, a stronger and stronger disposition to have recourse to violence to accomplish their object, if supplication should fail. On the receipt of the king's last communication on the all-engrossing subject of the service book, the nobility, barons, ministers, and ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 21 representatives of boroughs, presented a supplication to the privy council, in- treating that the matter might be again brought before the king. In this and in all other matters connected with it, Henderson took a leading part : he suggested nnd directed all the proceedings of the nonconformists ; drew up their memo- rials and petitions, and was, in short, at once the head and right hand of his party, the deviser and executor of all their measures. The result of this second supplication to the king was as unsatisfactory as the first. The infatuated monarch, urged on by Laud, and in some measure by erro- neous impressions regarding the real state of matters in Scotland, still maintained his resolutions regarding the liturgy. He, however, now so far acknowledged the appeals which had been made to him, as to have recourse to evasion instead of direct opposition as at first, a course at all times more dangerous than its oppo- site; inasmuch, as while it exhibits all the hostility of the latter, it is entirely without its candour, and is destitute of that manfulness and promptitude, which, if it does not reconcile, is very apt to subdue. In place of giving any direct answer to the supplication of the nobility and barons, the king instructed his privy council in Edinburgh to intimate to the people by proclamation, that there should be nothing regarding church matters treated of in the council for some time, and that, therefore, all persons who had come to Edinburgh on that account, should repair to their homes within twenty- four hours, on pain of being denounced rebels, put to tJie horn, and all their movable goods being escheat to the king. This proclamation was immediately fol- lowed by another, announcing an intended removal of the court of session from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and this again by a third, calling in, for the purpose of being burned, a pamphlet lately published against the service book. These proclamations, which but too plainly intimated that nothing would be conceded to supplication, and that there was no hope of any change in the sen- timents of the king, instantly called forth the most decided expressions of po- pular resentment and determination. The city was at this moment filled with strangers — noblemen, gentlemen, clergymen, and commissioners from the different parishes, besides immense numbers of persons of inferior rank, whom curiosity or interest in the engrossing topic of the day, had assembled in the me- tropolis from all parts of the country. The town, thus surcharged, as it were, with inflammable matter, soon became a scene of violence and insubordination. The leaders of the nonconformists again met in the midst of the storm, and in defiance of the proclamation which enjoined their departure, proceeded to deli- berate upon the question of what was next to be done. The result was some far- ther supplications and petitions to the privy council and to the king. These, how- ever, being still unsuccessful, were followed up some months afterwards by a de- termination to appeal to the people, to unite them in one common bond, and to make the cause at once and unequivocally, the cause of the Avhole nation. The leaders resolved to adopt a measure which should involve all in its results, be it for good or for evil : by which, in short, not a leader or leaders, nor a party, but an entire kingdom should stand or fall, by swearing before their God to peril the alternative. This measure was a renewal of the rational covenant of 15S0and 1581, adapted, by changes and additions, to the existing circumstances. The re- modeled document was drawn up by Mr Henderson, with the assistance of the celebrated Archibald Johnstone, an advocate, and was first exhibited for signa- ture, February 28th, 1638, in the Grey Friars' church in Edinburgh, where an immense multitude had assembled, for the purpose of hailing the sacred docu- ment, and of testifying their zeal in the cause which it was intended to support, by subscribing it. On this occasion Henderson addressed the people with so 22 ALEXANDER HENDERSON. much fervour and eloquence, that their feelings, already excited, were wound up to the highest pitch, and a degree of enthusiasm pervaded the multitude which sufficiently assured their leaders of the popularity of their cause. The instru- ment itself which was now submitted for signature, was a roll of parchment four feet long and three feet eight inches broad ; yet such was the general zeal for the covenant that this immense sheet was in a short time so crowded with names on both sides throughout its whole space, that there was not room latterly for a single additional signature ; even the margin was scrawled over with sub- scriptions, and as the document filled up, the subscribers were limited to the initial letters of their names. Copies were now sent to different parts of the kingdom, and met every where, excepting in three places to be afterwards named, with the same enthusiastic reception which had marked its appearance in Edinburgh, receiving thousands of signatures wherever it was exhibited. The three excepted places were Glasgow, St Andrews, and Aberdeen. In the two former, however, the feeling regarding the covenant amounted to little more than indifference ; but in the latter city it was absolutely resisted. Anxious to have the voice of all Scotland with them, and especially desirous that there should not be so important an exception as Aberdeen, the leaders of the covenanters des- patched several noblemen and two clergymen, one of whom was Henderson, to that city, to attempt to reclaim it ; and this object, chiefly through the power- ful eloquence of the subject of this memoir, they accomplished to a very con- siderable extent, obtaining no less than five hundred signatures, many of them of the highest respectability, immediately after the close of a discourse by 3Ir Henderson, in which he had urged the most irresistible arguments for the sub- scribing of the covenant. Mr Henderson was now universally acknowledged as the head of the nonconforming Scottish clergy. On his moderation, firmness, and talent, they reposed their hopes ; and to his judgment they left, with implicit confidence, the guidance and direction of their united efforts. Of this feeling towards him they were now about to afford a remarkable proof. The king, though still without any intention of yielding to the demands of the covenan- ters, having consented that a General Assembly should be held, empowered his commissioner, the marquis of Hamilton, to convoke it. On the second day of the meeting of this celebrated assembly, which sat down at Glasgow on the 21st November, 1638, Mr Henderson was chosen moderator, without one single dis- senting voice. To form a correct idea of the general esteem for his amiable qualities, and the appreciation of his abilities which this appointment implied, it is necessary to consider all the singular and important circumstances connected with it — circumstances which altogether rendered it one of the utmost delicacy, difficulty, and hazard. He was, at a moment of the most formidable religious distraction, called upon to preside over an assembly whose decisions were either to allay or to promote that distraction ; who were to discuss points of serious difference between their sovereign and the nation ; who were to decide, in short, whether the nation was to proclaim open war against their sovereign — a sovereign backed by a nation of much greater power and larger population ; an assembly by whose proceedings the religious liberties of the kingdom were either to stand or fall, and one, in consequence, on which the eyes of the whole people were fixed with a gaze of the deepest and most intense interest. Impor- tant, however, and responsible as the appointment was, Henderson was found more than equal to it, for he conducted himself on this trying occasion not only with a prudence and resolution which increased the respect and admiration of his own party for his character and talents, but with a forbearance and urbanity which secured him also the esteem of those who were opposed to them. " We have now " said Henderson at the conclusion of the eloquent and impassioned ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 23 address which terminated the sittings of the assembly, " we have now cast down the walls of Jericho ; let him that rebuildeth them beware of the cm*se of Hiel the Bethelite :" a sentence which comprised typically all that had been done and all that would be done in the event of such an attempt being made. Epis- copacy was overthrown, the king's authority put at defiance, and such an attitude of hostility to the court assumed as fell short only of a declaration of open war. Such was the accession of popularity which Henderson's conduct procured him on this occasion, that, a day or two before the rising of the assembly, two sup- plications were given in from two different places earnestly soliciting his pastoral services, the one from St Andrews, the other from Edinburgh. Henderson him- self was extremely unwilling to obey either of these calls. Strongly attached to Leuchars, the charge to which he had been first appointed, and which he had now held for many years, he could not reconcile himself to the idea of a re- moval, pleading in figurative but highly expressive language, that " he was now too old a plant to take root in another soil." The supplicants, however, with a flattering perseverance pressed their suits, and after a strenuous contest be- tween the two parties who sought his ministry, he acquiesced in a removal to Edinburgh ; in favour of which the competition terminated by a majority of seventy-five votes. He only stipulated, that when old age should overtake him, he should be permitted to remove again to a country charge. Soon after his removal to Edinburgh, he was promoted to be, what was then called, first or king's minister. This change, however, in no way abated his zeal in the cause of the covenant ; he still continued to be the oracle of his party, and still stood with undisputed and unrivaled influence at the head of the church as now once more reformed. In the year after his translation to Edinburgh (1639) he was one of the com- missioners deputed by the Scottish army, then encamped on Dunse Law, to treat with the king, who, with his forces, had taken post at the Birks, a plain on the English side of the Tweed, within three or four miles of Berwick. During the whole of the various negotiations which took place at this critical and interesting conjuncture, Henderson conducted himself with his usual ability, and moreover with a prudence and candour which did not escape the notice of the king. One of the well known results of these conferences was the meeting in Edinburgh of the General Assembly in the following month of August. On this occasion the earl of Traquair, who was now his majesty's commissioner, was extremely de- sirous that Mr Henderson should be re-elected moderator, a sufficient proof of the estimation in which he was held by men of all parties. The idea, however, of a constant nioderatorship was exceedingly unpopular, and contrary to the constitution of the church ; and the suggestion of Traquair Avas overruled to the entire satisfaction of Mr Henderson himself, who was one of the most strenuous opponents of the proposition. As former moderator, however, he preached to the assembly, and towards the close of his discourse, addressed the earl of Tra- quair— " We beseech your grace," he said, M to see that Caesar have his own ; but let him not have what is due to God, by whom kings reign. God hath ex- alted your grace unto many high places within these few years, and is still do- ing so. Be thankful, and labour to exalt Christ's throne. When the Israelites came out of Egypt they gave all the silver and gold they had carried thence for the building of the tabernacle ; in like manner your grace must employ all your parts and endowments for building up the church of God in this land." He next addressed the members, urging them to persevere in the good cause, but carefully inculcating prudence and moderation in all their doings ; for zeal, he said, without these, was " like a ship that hath a full sail, but no rudder." 24 ALEXANDER HENDERSON. On the 31st of the same month, (August,) Ml Henderson was called upon to preside, in his clerical capacity, at the opening of the parliament, and on tiiat Occasion delivered a most impressive discourse, in which he treated of the duties and utility of governors with singular ability and judgment. A proof still more flattering, perhaps, than any he had yet received of tlia estimation in which his character and talents were held, was afforded him in the following year, (1610.) Previous to this period the college of Edinburgh was without^any presiding officer to regulate its affairs, these receiving only such attention as might result from an annual visit of the town council. As this was little more than a visit of ceremony, the system of education, and almost every thing else connected with the university, was in a most deplorable condition. To remedy these evils the town council came to the resolution of having a rector appointed, to be chosen annually, and whose duty it should be to direct all matters connected with the college, to keep an eye on the conduct of the prin- cipal and professors, and to superintend the education of the students, and the disposal of the revenues. To this honourable and highly responsible office Mr Henderson was unani- mously elected ; an appointment not more indicative of the general opinion entertained of his moral qualities, than of his learning and abilities ; for besides the merely legislative duties which were connected with it, the rector, by the con- stitution of the office, was to be invited by the prcses at all solemn meetings of the college, " to go before the rest in all public disputes of philosophy and divinity." Mr Henderson, notwithstanding his other various and important avocations, discharged the duties of this office with an attention, ability, and judgment, which soon placed the university on a very different footing from what it had hitherto been. He added to and improved its buildings and its approaches, be- stowed especial care on the education of candidates for the ministry, instituted a professorship of oriental languages, a department which had previously been greatly neglected, to the serious injury, in particular, of the students of divinity, whose knowledge of the Hebrew was left to be gleaned from one short weekly lecture on that language ; and, in short, he overlooked nothing which could contribute to its interests and prosperity. His own personal influence, together with the high respectability which his sagacious administration had procured for the college, was so great, that the citizens of Edinburgh, with a spirit of emulation which was very far from existing before, strove who should most contribute to the accom- modation of its members. The consequence of these judicious and important services was, that Mr Henderson was continued, by re-election, in the office of rector till his death. From these peaceful pin-suits Henderson was occasionally directed to take a share in the renewed distractions of the times. The king having refused to ratify some of the points agreed upon at the Birks, both parties again took up arms : Charles denouncing the covenanters as rebels, marched towards Scotland with an army ; while the latter, with three or four and twenty thousand men, penetrated into England. Some partial successes of the Scottish army on this occasion, together with some defections in his own, again brought the unfortu- nate monarch to pacificatory terms with the covenanters. A conference was be- gun at Kippon, and afterwards, as the king's presence was required in London, transferred to that city. The commissioners who were despatched thither by the covenanters to conclude the conference, took with them several of the most po- pular of the clergy, and amongst these was Mr Henderson, on whose talents they relied for all the subsidiary efforts which were at once to bring the conference to an issue satisfactory to themselves, and to impress the English with a favour- ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 25 able opinion of their cause. Both of these objects they accomplished, and that in no small measure by means of the impressive eloquence and literary talents of Mr Henderson, who, besides exerting himself in the pulpit and elsewhere in for- warding the views of the commissioners by discourses and lectures, wrote also several able tracts and papers which attracted much attention, and produced im- portant effects in favour of the cause which he had come to support. During 31r Henderson's stay in London on this occasion, he had an interview with the king, by whom he was graciously received. The conference Mas a private one, and although on the part of Henderson it was sought specially for the purpose of soliciting a favour for the university of Edinburgh, it is not un- likely that it embraced objects of much greater interest. On his return to Edinburgh in July, 1641, having been detained in London nine months, he was again chosen moderator of the General Assembly, then sitting at Edinburgh, and which had removed thither from St Andrews, where it first met, for the greater conveniency of the nobles who were attending parliament, and, a striking proof of his importance, that it might at this critical period have the advantages of Mr Henderson's services as moderator. On this occasion Mr Henderson delivered to the assembly a letter from a number of ministers in London, requesting the advice of their Scottish brethren on certain points of church government. In some perplexity they had written, " That al- mighty God having now of his infinite goodness raised up our hopes of removing the yoke of episcopacy, (under which we have so long groaned,) sundry other forms of church government are by sundry sorts of men projected to be set up in the room thereof." Henderson was instructed to reply to this letter. In his answer he expressed, in the name of the assembly, the deep interest which they took in the state of what they called, by a somewhat startling association of words, the kirk of England, and earnestly urged a uniformity in church government throughout Britain. Soon after this (14th August) the unfortunate Charles ar- rived in Edinburgh. Foreseeing the approaching war between himself and his English parliament, he had come down to Scotland with the humiliating view of paying court to the leaders of the presbyterian body, and of following up, by personal condescensions, the concessions by which he had already recovered, for the time at least, the favour of that party ; thus hoping to secure the aid of Scotland when he should be assailed by his subjects at home ; — the unhappy monarch's situation thus much resembling that of a bird closely pursued by a hawk, and which, preferring a lesser to a greater evil, flies to man for protec- tion. On this occasion the king appointed Mr Henderson his chaplain, and by this well judged proceeding at once gratified the people, whose favourite preacher he had long been, and not improbably also gratified his own predilection in his favour, resulting from Henderson's temper and moderation in those instances where they had been brought in contact. Henderson constantly attended the king during the time of his residence in Edinburgh, praying every morning and evening before him, and preaching to him in the chapel royal at Holyrood house every Sunday, or standing by his chair when another performed that duty. Henderson, who, although of incorruptible integrity, and a zealous presbyterian, as the share which he took in the struggles of that party sufficiently witness, was yet a mild and humane man, could not help sympathizing with the sorrows of his unfortunate sovereign. The religion of which he was so eminent a profes- sor, taught him to entertain charitable and benevolent feelings toward all man- kind, and his was not the disposition to except an humbled and unhappy prince from this universal precept, whatever were the faults which had placed him in these melancholy circumstances. The mild and amiable disposition of the man, too, which frequent interviews must have forced upon Henderson's notice, must HI. D 26 ALEXANDER HENDERSON. have in some measure obliterated in his mind the errors of the monarch. It was hard, then, that Henderson for this sympathy, for opening his heart to the best feelings of humanity, for practising one of the first and most amiable virtues which the Christian religion teaches and enjoins, should have been, as he > was, subjected to the most bitter calumnies on his character and motives. These calumnies affected his pure and generous nature deeply, and in the next assem- bly he entered into a long and impassioned defence of those parts ot his con- duct which slander had assailed. His appeal touched the hearts and excited the sympathy of his brethren who assured him of their unshaken confidence in his integrity. A , This assurance restored the worthy divine to that cheerfulness of which the in- jurious reports which had gone abroad regarding him had for some time de- prived him. If any thing were wanting to establish Henderson's character tor integrity besides the public testimony of his brethren, it is to be found in the opinion of one who widely differed from him regarding the measures of the day, bearing witness that " his great honesty and unparalleled abilities to serve this church and kingdom, did ever remain untainted." In 1642, Mr Henderson conducted the correspondence with England which now took place on the subject of ecclesiastical reformation and union, and «as soon after dssired to hold himself in readiness with certain other commissioners to proceed to England, in the event of such a proceeding being necessary. After some delay, occasioned by the open rupture which took place between the king and the English parliament, Henderson, with the other commissioners, set out for the sister kingdom. While there he used every effort, but un- fortunately to no purpose, to effect a reconciliation between Charles and his English subjects; he proposed to the king to send the queen to Scotland, with the view of exciting an interest in his behalf. He even went to Oxford, where the king then was, to endeavour to prevail upon him at a personal interview, to make some advances towards a reconciliation, and at the same time to offer him the mediation of Scotland. All his efforts, however, were unavailing ; the king, in place of acknowledging error, endeavoured to defend the justice of his cause, and on better grounds expressed high indignation at the interference of the Scots in the church reformation of England. Finding he could be of no further service, Henderson, together with his colleagues, returned to Edinburgh, where his conduct throughout the whole of this delicate mission was pronounced by the General Assembly to have been " faithful and wise." In 1643, he was once more chosen moderator of the General Assembly under peculiar circumstances. This was the presence in that body of the English commissioners sent down to Scotland by the parliament of England, to solicit the aid and counsel of the former in their present emergency. Mr Henderson, with several other commissioners, was soon after sent up to London to attend the celebrated Westminster assembly of divines, to represent in that assembly the church of Scotland, and to procure its assent, with that of both houses of parliament, to the solemn league and covenant, all of which important duties, with the assistance of his colleagues, he discharged with his usual ability and judgment On this occasion he remained for three years in London, during all which time he was unremittingly employed in assisting the assembly in pre- paring the public formularies of the religious union between the three king- doms. In 1645, he was appointed to assist the commissioners of the Scottish and English parliaments to treat with the king at Uxbridge, and finally, was deputed to negotiate with the latter when his fortunes had reached a crisis, at Newcastle. Henderson arrived on his mission at Newcastle about the middle of May, 1646, and met with a cordial reception from his majesty. After some \ ALEXANDER HENDERSON. 27 discussion on religious subjects, it was agreed that the scruples of the king should be treated of in a series of papers written alternately by his majesty and Henderson. In the last of these papers, addressed by the former to the latter, and all of which and on both sides were written with great talent, the king at once expressing his high opinion of Mr Henderson, and his determination to adhere to the sentiments which he had all along entertained, says, " For in- stance, I think you the bsst preacher in Newcastle, yet I believe you may err, and possibly a better preacher may come, but till then must retain my opinion."' Immediately afier this, Henderson, whose health was now much impaired, re- turned to Edinburgh by sea, being unable to bear the fatigue of travelling by land. The illness with which he was afflicted rapidly gained upon him, and he at length expired on the 19th of August, 1646, in the 63d year of his age, not many days after his return from Newcastle. After the death of this celebrated man, his memory was assailed by several absurd and unfounded calumnies. It Mas alleged that he died of mortification at his having been defeated in the controversy with the king ; others asserted that he had been converted by the latter, and that on his death-bed he had expressed regret for the part he had acted, and had renounced presbytery. All of these charges were completely re- futed by the General Assembly, who, taking a becoming and zealous interest in the good name of their departed brother, established his innocence on the testi- mony of several clergymen, and still more decisively by that of the two who attended him on his death-bed, and who heard him in his last moments pray earnestly for a " happy conclusion to the great and wonderful work of Refor- mation." Henderson was interred in the Grayfriars' church-yard, where a monument was erected to his memory by his nephew Mr George Henderson. This monument, which was in the form of an obelisk, with suitable inscriptions on its four sides, was, with others of the leading covenanters, demolished at the Restoration, but was again replaced at the Revolution. This -sketch of one of the greatest divines that Scotland has produced, cannot be better concluded than in the following estimate of his character by Dr Thomas M'Crie, who had intended to add a life of Henderson to his lives of Knox and Melville, but proceeded no further than the outline sketched in his miscellaneous writings: — "Alexander Henderson was enriched with an assemblage of endow- ments which have rarely met in one man. He possessed talents which fitted him for judging and giving advice about the political affairs of a nation, or even for taking an active share in the management of them, had he not devoted himself to the immediate service of the Church, and the study of ecclesiastical business. He was not more distinguished by the abilities which he displayed in his public conduct, than by the virtues which adorned his private character. Grave, yet affable and polite ; firm and independent, yet modest and condescending, he com- manded the respect, and conciliated the affection, of all who were acquainted with him ; and the more intimately his friends knew him, they loved him the more. The power of religion he deeply felt, and he had tasted the comforts of the gospel. Its spirit, equally removed from the coldness of the mere rationalist, and the irregular fervours of the enthusiast, breathed in all his words and actions. The love of liberty was in him a pure and enlightened flame; he loved his native country, but his patriotism was no narrow, illiberal passion ; it opened to the welfare of neighbouring nations, and of mankind in general Called forth by the irresistible cry of his dear country, when he found her reduced to the utmost distress, by the oppression of ambitious prelates, supported by an arbitrary court and corrupt statesmen, he came from that retirement which was congenial to him, and entered upon the bustle of public business, at a time of life when others think of retiring from it. Though he sighed after his original soli- DR. ROBERT HENRY. tude, and suffered from the fatigues and anxiety to which he was subjected, yet he did not relinquish his station, nor shrink from tae difficult tasks imposed upon him, until his feeble and shattered constitution sunk under them, and he fell a martyr to the cause." HENRY, (Db) Robert, an eminent historian, was born in the parish of St Ninians in Stirlingshire, on the 18th of February, 1718;— his father was James Henry, a respectable farmer in 3Iuirtown of the same parish, who had married the daughter of Mr Galloway of Burrowmeadow in Stirlingshire. As a respect- able farmer's son, young Henry enjoyed opportunities of instruction beyond the average of those who study for the church in Scotland, and he found little diffi- culty in indulging his inclination to become a member of a learned profession. He commenced his education under Mr Nicholson of the parish school of St Ninians, and having attended the grammar school of Stirling, perfected himself in his literary and philosophical studies at the university of Edinburgh. After leaving that institution, he occupied himself in teaching, the usual resource of the expectants of the Scottish church, and became master of the grammar school of Annan. The district in which he Has so employed was soon afterwards erected into a separate presbytery, and Henry was admitted as its first licentiate, on the 27th of March, 1746. In 1748, he was ordained as clergyman of a congregation of presbyterians at Carlisle. Here he remained for twelve years, when he was transferred to a similar dissenting congregation at Berwick upon Tweed. In 1763, he married Ann Balderston, daughter of 'I nomas Bal- derston, surgeon in Berwick. Little is said of this lady by Henry's biogra- phers, except in reference to the domestic happiness she conferred on her hus- band. During his residence at Berwick, Dr Henry applied his active mind to the preparation of a scheme for establishing a fund to assist the widows and orphans of the dissenting clergymen in the north of England. The admirable fund which had some time previously been so firmly and successfully established for bestowing similar benefits on the families of the clergy of Scotland, formed the model of his imitation; but in assimilating the situation of a dissenting to that of an established church, he laboured under the usual difficulties of those who raise a social fabric which the laws will not recognize and protect. The funds which, in Scotland, were supplied by the annual contribution of the clergy, enforced by act of parliament, depended, in the English institution, on the so- cial and provident spirit of its members. The perseverance of Henry overcame many of the practical difficulties thus thrown in his way : the fund was placed on a permanent footing in the year 1762, and Henry, having for some years un- dertaken its management, had afterwards the satisfaction to see it flourish, and increase in stability and usefulness as he advanced in years. The design of his elaborate history, which must have gradually developed itself in the course of his early studies, is said to have been finally formed during his residence in Berwick, and he commenced a course of inquiry and reading, which he found that the resources of a provincial town, and the assistance of his literary friends in more favoured situations, were quite incapable of supplying for a subject so vast and intricate, as that of a complete history of Britain from the invasion of Julius Caesar. In this situation Dr Henry found a useful friend in Mr Laurie, provost of Edinburgh, who had married his sister. The interest of this gentle- man procured for his brother-in-law, in the year 1768, an appointment to the ministry of the new Grey Friar's church in Edinburgh, whence, in 1776, he was removed to the collegiate charge of the Old Church. In the extensive public libraries of Edinburgh, Dr Henry found means of pro- secuting his researches with effect. The first volume of his history was publish- ed in quarto in the year 1771, the second appeared in 1774, the third in 1777, ^©EtE^T IKlEIM^Yp E>.[ AUTHOR OF "THE HISTOEX OF BRITAIN'] fee B1ACKLE 8c Bl K GLASGOW KliINBURGE ft LONDON DR. ROBERT HENRY. 29 the fourth in 1781, and the fifth in 1785. The method of treating the subject was original and bold, and one the assumption of which left the author no excuse for ignorance on any subject which had the slightest connexion with the cus- toms, intellects, and history of our forefathers, or the constitution of the king- dom. The subject was in the first place divided into periods, which were con- sidered separately, each period occupying a volume. The volume was divided into seven chapters, each containing a distinct subject, linked to the correspond- ing subject in the next volume by continuance of narrative, and to the other chapters of the same volume by identity of the period discussed. The subjects thus separated were — 1st, The simple narrative of the civil and military transac- tions of the country — 2d, The ecclesiastical history — 3d, The information which is generally called constitutional, narrating and accounting for the rise of the peculiarities in the form of government, the laws, and the courts of justice — 4th, The state of learning, or rather the state of literature which may be called purely scholastic, excluding the fine arts, and constitutional and political information — 5th, The history and state of arts and manufac- tures— Gth, A history of commerce, including the state of shipping, coin, and the prices of commodities ; and lastly, The history of the manners, customs, amusements, and costumes of the people. — The writer of a book on any subject on which he is well informed, will generally choose that manner of explaining his ideas best suited to his information and comprehension. It may be ques- tioned whether the plan pursued by Henry was adapted for the highest class of historical composition, and if the other great historians who flourished along with him, would have improved their works by following his complicated and elaborate system. It is true that mere narrative, uninterwoven with reflection, and such information as allows us to look into the hearts of the actors, is a gift entirely divested of the qualities which make it useful ; but there are various means of qualifying the narrative — some have given their constitutional infor- mation in notes, or detached passages ; others have woven it beautifully into the narrative, and presenting us with the full picture of the times broadly and truly coloured, have prevented the mind from distracting itself by searching for the motives of actions through bare narrative in one part of the work, and a variety of influencing motives to be found scattered through another. The plan, which we may sa y was invented by Dr Henry, has only been once imitated, (unless it can be said that the acute and laborious Hallam has partly followed his arrange- ment) The imitator was a Scotsman, the subject he encountered still more ex- tensive than that of Henry, and the ignorance the author displayed in some of its minute branches excited ridicule. This is an instance of the chief danger of the system. The acquisition of a sufficient amount of information, and regularity in the arrangement, are the matters most to be attended to ; Henry's good sense taught him the latter, his perseverance accomplished the former, and the author made a complete and useful work, inferior, certainly, as a great literary pro- duction, to the works of those more gifted historians who mingled reflection with the current of their narrative, but better suited to an intellect which did not soar above the trammels of such a division of subject, and which might have fal- len into confusion without them. The circumstances of the first appearance of the earlier volumes of this useful book are interesting to the world, from their having raised against the author a storm of hostility and deadly animosity almost unmatched in the annals of liter- ary warfare. The chief persecutor, and grand master of this inquisition on re- putation, was the irascible Dr Gilbert Stuart. The cause of his animosity against a worthy and inoffensive man, can only be accounted for by those whose pene- tration may find its way to the depths of literary jealousy. 30 DR. ROBERT HENRY. The letters of Stuart on the subject, nave been carefully collected by D'ls- raeli, and published in his " Calamities of Authors," and when coupled with such traces of the influence of the persecutor as are to be found scattered here and there among the various periodicals of the age, furnish us with the painful picture of a man of intelligence and liberality, made a fiend by literary hate. Stuart commenced his dark work in the " Edinburgh 3Iagazine and Review," established under his auspices in 1773. Dr Henry had preached before the Society (in Scotland) for Promoting Christian Knowledge, a sermon entitled " Revelation the most effectual means of civilizing and reforming mankind," and in pursuance of the custom on such occasions, the sermon was published. The sermon was as similar to all others of its class, as any given piece of mechanism can be to all others intended for similar purposes ; but Stuart dis- covered audacity in the attempt, and unexpected failure in the execution ; it required " the union of philosophy and political skill, of erudition and elo- quence, qualities which he was sorry to observe appeared here in no eminent degree."1 Dr 3Iacqueen published a letter in an anonymous form, defending the sermon, and the hidden literary assassin boldly maintained it to be the work of Dr Henry, an accusation not withdrawn till the respectable author an- nounced himself to the world. Dr Henry was soon after appointed by the magistrates to the situation of morning lecturer to the Tron church. Under the disguise of the communication of a correspondent, who mildly hints that the consequence of the proceeding will be a suit against the magistrates, we find the rounded periods of Stuart denouncing the act in those terms in which indignant virtue traces the mazes of vice and deceit, as " affording a pre- cedent from which the mortifications of the pious, may be impiously prostituted to uses to which they were never intended." In token of high respect, the General Assembly had chosen Dr Henry as their moderator, on his first return as a member of that venerable body ; and being thus marked out as a leader in the affairs of the church, he took a considerable share in the proceedings of the ensuing session. Here his enemy keeps an unsleeping eye on his motions. Whilst the speeches of others are unnoticed or reported in their native simplicity, the narrator prepares himself for the handling of a choice morsel when he ap- proaches the historian. " The opinion of one member," he observes, " we shall lay before the reader, on account of its singularity. It is that of Dr Henry, the moderator of last assembly ;"2 and then he proceeds to attract the finger of scorn towards opinions as ordinary as any opinions could well be conceived. The Doctor cannot even absent himself from a meeting without the circumstance being remarked, and a cause assigned which will admit the application of a pre- concerted sneer. Dr Robertson was the opponent of Dr Henry in this assem- bly. The periodical writer was the enemy of both, and his ingenuity has been taxed to bestow ridicule on both parties. Stuart at length slowly approaches the head and front of his victim's offending, and fixes on it with deadly eager- ness. After having attacked the other vulnerable points of the author, lie rushes ravenously on his history, and attempts its demolition. He finds that the unfor- tunate author " neither furnishes entertainment nor instruction. Diffuse, vulgar, and ungrammatical, he strips history of all her ornaments. His conces- sions are evidently contradictory to his conclusions. It is thus perpetually with authors who examine subjects which they cannot comprehend. He has amassed all the refuse and lumber of the times he would record." " The mind of his readers is affected with no agreeable emotions, it is awakened only to disgust 1 Edinburgh Review and Magazine, i. Ifl9. * Edinburgh Review and Magazine, i. 357. DR. ROBERT HENRY. 31 anil fatigue."3 But Stuart was not content with persecution at home, he wished to add the weapons of others to his own. For this purpose he procured a wor- thy associate, Whitaker, the historian of Manchester, and author of the " Genuine History of the Britons." Stuart, a vague theorist in elegant and sonorous diction, who was weak enough to believe that his servile imitations ot Montesquieu raised him to a parallel with that great man, associated himself in this work of charity with a minute and pugnacious antiquary, useful to literature from the sheer labour he had encountered, but eminently subject to the prejudices to which those who confine their laborious investigations to one narrow branch of knowledge, are exposed ; — a person who would expend many quarto pages in discussing a flint arrow-head or a tumulus of stones, occasionally attempting with a broken wing to follow the flights of Gibbon, but generally as flat and sterile as the plains in which he strove to trace Roman encampments ; two more uncongenial spirits hardly ever attempted to work in concert. It may easily be supposed that the minute antiquary looked with jealousy on the extended theories of his generalizing colleague ; and the generalizer, though he took oc- casion to praise the petty investigations of the antiquary, probably regarded them in secret with a similar contempt But Stuart found the natural malignity of Whitaker a useful commodity ; and the calm good sense of Henry afforded them a common object of hatred. A few extracts will give the best display or the spirit of Stuart's communications to his friends during his machina- tions. ** David Hume wants to review Henry: but that task is so precious, that 1 will undertake it myself. Moses, were he to ask it as a favour, should not have it ; yea, not even the man after God's own heart. I wish I could transport myself to London to review him for the Monthly — a fire there, and in the Critical, would perfectly annihilate him. Could you do nothing in the latter? To the former I suppose David Hume has transcribed the criticism he intended for us. It is precious, and would divert you. I keep a proof of it in my cabinet, for the amusement of friends. This great philosopher begins to dote.4 To-morrow morning Henry sets off for London, with immense hopes of selling his history. I wish sincerely that I could enter Holborn the same hour with him. He should have a repeated fire to combat with. I en- treat that you may be so kind as to let him feel some of your thunder. I shall never forget the favour. If Whitaker is in London, he could give a blow, "aterson will give him a knock. Strike by all means. The WTetch will trem- ble, grow pale, and return with a consciousness of his debility. I have a thou- sand thanks to give you for your insertion of the paper in the London Chronicle, and for the part you propose to act in regard to Henry. I could wish that you knew for certain his being in London before you strike the first 3 Edinburgh Review and Magazine, vol i. p. 266 — 270. 4 DTsraeli's Calamities of Authors, ii. 67- The author appends in a note " The critique on Henry, in the Monthly Review, was written by Hume, and because the philosopher was candid, he is here said to have doted." We suspect this is erroneous, and founded on mere presumption. We have carefully read the two critiques on Henry in the Monthly Review, which appeared previous to Hume's death. The elegance and profundity of Hume are want- ing, and in giving an opinion of the work, which is moderate and tolerably just, the Reviewer compares it somewhat disparagingly with the works of Hume and Robertson, a piece of con- ceit and affectation which the great philosopher would not have condescended to perpetrate. That Hume prepared and published a Review of Henry's book we have no doubt. In the Edinburgh Magazine for 1791, and in the Gentleman's Magazine for the same year, a critique is quoted, the work " of one of the most eminent historians of the present age, whose history of the same periods justly possesses the highest reputation." Without the aid of such a state- ment, theshle stamps the author, and we may have occasion to quote it in the text as the work of Hume. Where it made its first appearance, a search through the principal periodi- cals of the day has not enabled us to discover. It is in the first person singular, and may have been in the form of a letter to the editor of a newspaper. 32 DIt. ROBERT HENRY. blow. An inquiry at Cadell's will give this. When you have an enemy to at- tack, I shall in return give my best assistance, and aim at him a mortal blow ; and rush forward to his overthrow, though the flames of hell should start up to oppose me." Henry was not in possession of the poisoned weapons which would have enabled him to retaliate, and his good sense and equanimity of mind were no permanent protection against assaults so unceasing and virulent. He felt him- self the personal subject of ridicule and perversion, his expected gains denied, and the fame which he expected from years of labour and retirement snatched from his grasp by the hand of a ruffian.5 In the midst of these adversities Henry went to London for actual shelter, but the watchful enemy observed his motions — attacks were inserted in one print and copied into another — the influ- ence of his persecutor is widely perceptible in the periodical literature of the age. The Critical Review had praised the first volume of his history. The second meets with a very different reception : " it is with pain the reviewer observes, that in proportion as his narrative and inquiries are applied to cultivated times, his diligence and labour seem to relax," and a long list of alleged inaccu- racies, chiefly on minute and disputed points, follows : the style is evidently not the natural language of the pompous Stuart, but it is got up in obedience to his directions on the vulnerable points of the historian, and the minuteness bints at the hand of Whitaker. Henry answered by a moderate letter defending his opinions, and acknowledging one mistake. The reviewer returns to his work with reno- vated vigour, and among other things accuses the historian of wilfully perverting authority. The charge of dishonesty rouses the calm divine, and with some severity he produces the words of the authority, and the use he has made of them. The editor claims the merit of candour for printing the communication, and as there is no gainsaying the fact it contains, appends an obscure hint which seems tc intimate he knows more than he chooses to tell ; a mode of backing out of a mistake not uncommon in periodical works, as if the editorial dignity were of so delicate a nature as not to bear a candid and honourable confession of error. Years afterwards, it is singular to discover the Critical Review returning to its ori- ginal tone, and lauding the presence of qualities of which it had found occasion to censure the want Stuart associated himself with his friend Whitaker in conduct- ing the English Review in 1783, and it is singular, that amidst the devastation of that irascible periodical, no blow is aimed at Henry. But Stuart did not neglect his duty in the Political Herald, published in 1785, an able disturber of the tranquillity of literature, of which he was the sole conductor. Here he gave his last and deepest stab ; accusing the venerable historian in terms the most bitter and vituperative, of a hankering after language and ideas, unworthy of his profession ; concluding with the observation that " an extreme attention to smut in a presbyterian cler- gyman, who has reached the last scene of his life, is a deformity so shocking, that no language of reprobation is strong enough to chastise it."6 The heartless insinuation was probably dictated by the consciousness that, whether true or false, no charge would be more acutely felt by the simple-minded divine. Stuart had, however, a very acute eye towards the real failings of Henry, and in his Protean attacks, he has scarcely left one of them without a brand. It was not without reason that he said to his London correspondent, " If you would only transcribe his jests, it would make him perfectly ridiculous." Henry was fond of gainish- 5 Behold the triumph of the calumniator in the success of his labours: " I see every day that what is written to a man's disparagement is never forgot nor forgiven. Poor Henry is on the point of death, and his friends declare that I have killed him; 1 received the information as a compliment, and begged they would not do me so much honour." D'lsraeli's Calami- ties, i;. 72. 6 Political Herald, v i. p. 209. DR. ROBERT HENRY. 33 ing with a few sallies of wit, his pictures of human folly ; but he was unhappy in the bold attempt They had too much pleasing simplicity and good-humoured grotesqueness for the purpose to which they were applied. More like the good- natured humour of Goldsmith, than the piercing sarcasm of Voltaire, they might have served to strike the lighter foibles exhibited in our daily path ; but to attack the grander follies of mankind displayed in history, it may be said they did not possess sufficient venom to make formidable so light a weapon as wit. We have been so much engrossed with the dreary details of malignity, that we will scarcely find room for many other details of Henry's life; but the history of the book is the history of the author — in its fate is included all that the world need care to know, of the unassuming individual who composed it. It is with pleasure, then, that we turn to the brighter side ; Henry calmly weathered out the storm which assailed him, and in his green old age, the world smiled upon his labours. Hume, who had so successfully trod the same field, was the first to meet Henry's book with a welcome hearty and sincere ; he knew the difficulties of the task, and if he was sufficiently acute to observe that Henry was far behind himself, neither jealousy nor conceit provoked him to give utterance to such feelings. " His historical narratives," says this able judge, " are as full as those remote times seem to demand, and at the same time, his inquiries of the antiquarian kind omit nothing which can be an object of doubt or curiosity. The one as well as the other is delivered with great perspicuity, and no less propri- ety, which are the true ornaments of this kind of writing ; all superfluous embellishments are avoided ; and the reader will hardly find in our language any performance that unites together so perfectly the two great points of enter- tainment and instruction." Dr Henry had printed the first edition of the first five volumes of his book at his own risk, but on a demand for a new edition, he entered into a transaction with a bookseller, which returned him £3300. In the middle of its career the work secured royal attention ; lord Mansfield recom- mended the author to George the Third, and his majesty " considering his dis- tinguished talents, and great literary merit, and the importance of the very use- ful and laborious work in which he was so successfully engaged, as titles to his royal countenance and favour," bestowed on him a pension of a £ 1 00 a-year. For the honour of royal munificence, it is to be hoped that the gift was the reward of labour and literary merit, and not (as the author's enemies have proclaimed) the wages of the political principles he inculcated. The insinuation is, indeed, not without apparent foundation. Henry, if not a perverter of history in favour of arbitrary power, is at least one of those prudent speculators who are apt to look on government as something established on fixed and perma- nent principles, to which all opposing interests must give way — on the govern- ment as something highly respectable, — on the mass of the people as something not quite so respectable — on the community as existing for the government, and not on the government as adapted to the conveniences of the community. Five volumes of Dr Henry's history appeared before his death, and the ample materials he had left for the completion of the sixth were afterwards edited by Mr Laing, and a continuation was written by Mr Petit Andrews. The laborious author prepared the whole for the press with his own hand, notwithstanding a tremulous disorder, which compelled him to write on a book placed on his knee. In the latter years of his life, he retired to Milnfield, about twenty miles from Edinburgh, where he enjoyed the company of his friend and relative, Mr Laurie. In 1786, his constitution began visibly to decline; but he continued his labours till 1790. About that period his wife was affected with blindness from a cata- ract, and he accompanied her to Edinburgh, where she submitted to the usual operation, which, however, had not the desired effect during her husband's life- nr. e 34 EDWARD HENRYSON, LL.D. time. Dr Henry died on the 24th of November, 1790, in the 73d year of his age The fifth edition of the History of Britain was published in 1823, in twelve volumes 8vo. A French translation was published in 1789 — 96, by Mlt Rowland and Cantwell. HENRYSON, Edward, LL.D., an eminent civilian and classical scholar, and a senator of the College of Justice. The period of the birth of this eminent man is unknown, but it must have taken place early in the sixteenth century. Pre- viously to the year 1551, we find him connecting himself, as most Scotsmen of talent and education at that period did, with the learned men on the continent, and distinguishing himself in his knowledge of civil law, a science which, although it was the foundation of the greater part of the municipal law of Scot- land, he could have no ready means of acquiring in his own country. This study he pursued at the university of Bruges, under the tuition of Equinar Baro, an eminent civilian, with whom he afterwards lived on terms of intimacy and strong attachment It is probable that he owed to this individual his introduction to a munificent patron, who afterwards watched and assisted his progress in the world. Ulric Fugger, lord of Kirchberg and Weissenhome, a Tyrolese nobleman, who had previously distinguished himself as the patron of the eminent Scottish civilian, Scrimger, extended an apparently ample literary patronage to Henryson, admit- ting him to reside within his castle, amidst an ample assortment of valuable books and manuscripts, and bestowing on him a regular pension. Henryson after- wards dedicated his works to his patron, and the circumstance that Baro inscribed some of his commentaries on the Roman law to the same individual, prompts us to think it probable that Henryson owed the notice of Fugger to the recommen- dation of his kind preceptor.1 Dempster, who in his life of Henryson, as usual, refers to authors who never mention his name, and some of whom indeed wrote before he had acquired any celebrity, maintains that he translated into Latin (probably about this period, and while he resided in Fugger's castle) the " Com- mentarium Stoicorum Contrariorum " of Plutarch ; and that he did so must be credited, as the work is mentioned in Quesnel's Bibliotheca Thuana ; but the book appears to have dropped out of the circle of literature, and it is not now to be found in any public library we are aware of. In the year 1 552, he returned to Scotland, where he appears to have practised as an advocate. The protection and hospitality he had formerly received from the Tyrolese nobleman, was continued to him by Henry Sinclair, then dean of Glasgow, afterwards bishop of Ross, and president of the Court of Session ; — thus situated, he is said to have translated the Encheiridion of Epictetus, and the Commentaries of Arrian ; but the fruit of his labours was never published, and the manuscript is not known to be in existence. Again Henryson returned to the continent, after having remained in his native country for a short period, and the hospitable mansion of Fugger was once more open for his reception. About this period Baro, whom we have mentioned as Hen- ryson's instructor in law, published a Tractatus on Jurisdiction, which met an attack from the civilian Govea, which, according to the opinion expressed by Henryson, as an opponent, did more honour to his talents than to his equanimity and can- dour. Henryson defended his master, in a controversial pamphlet of some length, entering with vehemence into the minute distinctions which, at that period, dis- tracted the intellects of the most eminent jurisconsults. This work is dedicated to his patron Fugger. He was in 1554 chosen professor of the civil law at Bruges, a university in which one who wrote a century later states him to have left behind him a strong recollection of his talents and virtues. In 1555, he published another work on civil law, entitled " Commentatio in Tit X. Libri ral '.Vide the dedication to Tractatus de Jurisdictione Henrysoni, Meerman's Thesaurus, EDWAKD HENRYSON, LL.D. 35 Second! Institutionum de Testnmentis Ordinandis." It is a sort of running commentary on the title of which it professes to treat; was dedicated to Michael D'Hospital, chancellor of France, and had the good fortune along with his previous Tractatus, to be engrossed in the great Thesaurus Juris Civilis et Canonici of Gerard Meerman, an honour which has attached itself to the works of few Scottish civilians. Henryson appears, soon after the publication of this work, to have resigned his professorship at Bruges, and to have returned to Scotland, where lucrative prospects were opened to his ambition. A very noble feature in the history of the Scottish courts of law, is the atten- tion with which the legislature in early periods provided for the interests of the poor. Soon after the erection of the College of Justice, an advocate was named and paid, for conducting the cases of those whose pecuniary circumstances did not permit them to conduct a law-suit ; and Henryson was in 1557 appointed to the situation of counsel for the poor, as to a great public office, receiving as a salary £20 Scots, no very considerable sum even at that period, but equal to one-half of the salary allowed to the lord advocate. When the judicial privileges which the lioman catholic clergy had gradually engrossed from the judicature of the country, were considered no longer the indispensable duties and privileges of churchmen, but more fit for the care of temporal judges, Henryson was appointed in 1563 to the office of commissary, with a salary of 300 merks. Secretary Maitland of Lethington having in January, 1566, been appointed an ordinary, in place of being an extraordinary, lord of session, Henryson was appointed in his stead, filling a situation seldom so well bestowed, and generally, instead of being filled by a profound legal scholar, reserved for such scions of great families, as the government could not easily employ otherwise. Henryson was nominated one of the commission appointed in May, 1566, " for viseing, correcting, and imprenting the Laws and Acts of parliament." Of the rather carelessly arranged volume of the Acts of the Scottish parliament, from 1424 to 1564, which the commission produced in six months after its appointment, he was the ostensible editor, and wrote the preface ; and it was probably as holding such a situation, or in reward for his services, that in June, 1566, he received an exclusive privilege and license " to imprent or cause iinprent and sell, the Lawis and Actis of Parliament ; that is to say, the bukes of Law callit ftegiam Ma jestatem, and the remanent auld Lawis and Actis of Parliament, consequent] ie maid be progress of time unto the dait of thir presentis, viseit, sychtit, and cor- rectit, be the lordis commissaris speciallie deput to the said viseing, sychting, and correcting thairof, and that for the space of ten yeires next to cum."2 In November, 1567, he was removed from the bench, or, in the words of a con- temporary, taken " off sessions, because he was one of the king's council. "a This is the only intimation we have of his having held such an office ; and it is a rather singular cause of removal, as the king's advocate was then entitled to sit on the bench, and was frequently chosen from among the lords of session. Henryson was one of the procurators for the church in 1573. The period oi his death is not known, but he must have been alive in 1579, as lord Forbes at that time petitioned parliament that he might be appointed one of the commis- sioners for deciding the differences betwixt the Forbeses and Gordons. Henryson has received high praise as a jurisconsult, by some of his brethren of the continent, and Dempster considered him — " Solis Papinianis in juris cognitione inferior. ," A monument was erected to his memory in the Grey Friars' churchyard of Edinburgh, by his son Thomas Henryson, lord Chesters, who is said by Dempster and others to have displayed many of the legal and other qualifications of his father. * Reports from the Record Commission, i. 257. Denmiln MS. — Haig and Brunton's History of the College of Justice, 133. 36 ROBERT HENRTSON. HENRYSON, or HENDERSON, Robert, a poet of the fifteenth century, is described as having been chief schoolmaster of Dunfermline, and this is almost the only particular of his life that is sufficiently ascertained. According to one writer, he was a notary public, as well as a schoolmaster: and another is inclined to identify him with Henryson of Eordell, the father of James Henryson who was king's advocate and justice clerk, and who perished in the fatal battle of Flodden. This very dubious account seems to have originated with Sir Robert Douglas ; who avers that Robert Henryson appears to have been a person of distinction in the reign of James the Third, and that he was the father of the king's advocate. Douglas refers to a certain charter, granted by the abbot of Dunfermline in 1478, where Robert Henryson subscribes as a witness;1 but in this charter he certainly appears without any particular distinction, as he merely attests it in the character of a notary public. A later writer is still more inac- curate when he pretends that the same witness is described as Robert Henryson of Fordell ;"* in this and other two charters which occur in the Chartulary of Dunfermline, he is described as a notary public, without any other addition.3 That the notary public, the schoolmaster of Dunfermline, and the proprietor of Fordell, were one and the same individual, is by no means to be admitted upon such slender and defective evidence. Henryson, or, according to its more modern and less correct form, Henderson, was not at that period an uncommon surname. It is not however improbable that the schoolmaster may have exer- cised the profession of a notary. While the canon law prevailed in Scotland, this profession was generally exercised by ecclesiastics, and some vestiges of the ancient practice are still to be traced ; every notary designates himself a clerk of a particular diocese ; and by the act of 1584, which under the penalty of deprivation prohibited the clergy from following the profession of the law, they still retained the power of making testaments; so that we continue to ad- mit the rule of the canon law, which sustains a will attested by the parish priest and two or three witnesses.4 If therefore Henryson was a notary, it is highly probable that he was also an ecclesiastic, and if he was an ecclesiastic, he could not well leave any legitimate offspring. The poet, in one of his works, describes himself as " ane man of age;" and from Sir Francis Kinaston we learn that "being very old he died of a diarrhas or fluxe." With respect to the period of his decease, it is at least certain that he died before Dunbar, who in his Lament, printed in the year 1508, commemorates him among other departed poets: " In Dunfermling he hes tone Broun, With gude Mr Robert Hennsoun." The compositions of Henryson evince a poetical fancy, and, for the period when he lived, an elegant simplicity of taste. He has carefully avoided that cumbrous and vitiated diction which began to prevail among the Scottish as well as the English poets. To his power of poetical conception he unites no inconsiderable skill in versification : his lines, if divested of their uncouth ortho- graphy, might often be mistaken for those of a much more modern poet. His principal work is the collection of Fables, thirteen in number, which are written in a pleasing manner, and are frequently distinguished bv their arch simplicity; but in compositions of this nature, brevity is a quality which may be considered 1 Douglas's Baronage of Scotland, p. 518. ■ Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, vol i p 88 whic?o^u^^'tt^UmeTc1orf, f n ^^ Hennsonis a witness to other two charters * Decretal, Gregorii IX. lib. hi. tit. xxvi. cap. x. ROBERT HENRYSON. 37 as almost indispensable, nor can it be denied that those of Henryson sometimes extend to too great a length. The collection is introduced by a prologue, and another is prefixed to the fable of the lion and the mouse. The tale of Vpoulands Mouse and the Burgesse Mouse may be regarded as one of his happiest efforts in this department. The same tale, which is borrowed from TRsop, has been told by many other poets, ancient as well as modern. Babrias has despatched the story of the two mice in a few verses, but Henryson has extended it over a surface of several pages. Henryson's Tale of Sir Chaun- tecleire and the Foxe is evidently borrowed from Chaucer's Nonnes Preestes Tale. From these apologues some curious fragments of information may be gleaned. That of the Sheepe and the Dog, contains all the particulars of an action before the consistory court, and probably as complete an exposure of such transactions as the author could prudently hazard. The proceedings of the ecclesiastical courts seem about this period to have been felt as a common grievance. Another conspicuous production of Henryson is the Testament of Cresseid,5 which is the sequel to Chaucer's Troylus and Creseyde, and is commonly printed among the works of that poet. It evidently rises above the ordinary standard of that period, and on some occasions evinces no mean felicity of conception. The silent interview between Troilus and Cresseid is skilfully delineated ; and the entire passage has been described as beautiful by a very competent judge of old poetry.6 It is unnecessary to remark that for " the tale of Troy divine," neither Chaucer nor Henryson had recourse to the classical sources : this, like some other subjects of ancient history, had been invested with all the characteristics of modern romance ; nor could the Scottish poet be expected to deviate from the models which delighted his contemporaries. Sir Troilus is commended for his knightly piety; a temple is convei'ted into a kirk ; Mercury is elected speaker of the parliament; and Cresseid, on being afflicted with a leprosy, is consigned to a spittal-house, in order to beg with cup and clapper. The personages are ancient, but the institutions and manners are all modern. Henryson's tale of Orpheus is not free from similar incongruities, and pos- sesses fewer attractions ; it is indeed somewhat languid and feeble, and may have been a lucubration of the author's old age. Sir Orpheus is represented as a king of Thrace, and is first despatched to heaven in search of the lost Eurydice. Quhen endit was the sangis lamentable, He tuke his harp, that on his breast can hyng, Syne passit to the hevin, as sais the fable, To seke his wyf, bot that auailit no thing : 5 The Testament of Cresseid, compylit be Mr Robert Henrysone, Sculemaister in Dun- fermeling. Imprentit at Edinburgh be Henrie Charteris, 1593, 4to. — " Ffor the author of this supplement," says Sir Francis Kinaston, "called the Testament of Cresseid, which may passe for the sixt and last booke of this story, I have very sufficiently bin informed by Sr. Tho, Ereskin, late earle of Kelly, and divers aged schollers of the Scottish nation, that it was made and written by one Mr Robert Henderson, sometime chiefe schoole-master, in Dumfermling, much about the time that Chaucer was first printed and dedicated to King Henry the 8th by Mr Tliinne, which w lie handsomely acts his part, and behaves with a good grace in every scene and circumstance of human life. The care of doing nothing unbecoming has accom- panied the greatest minds to their last moments : they avoided an indecent posture, even in the very article of death." HERD, David, an ingenious and useful inquirer into our national antiquities, was born in the parish of St Cyrus, Kincardineshire, about the year 1732. Of his education, and early life in general, nothing has been ascertained. He probably served an apprenticeship under a country writer, and then, like many young men in his circumstances, sought a situation of better promise in the capital. Throughout a long life, he appears to have lived unarubitiously, and a bachelor, in Edinburgh, never rising above the character of a Writer's clerk. He was for many years clerk to Mr David Russel, accountant. A decided taste for antiquities, and literary antiquities in particular, led Mr Herd to spend a great part of his savings on books ; and although the volumes which he pi*e- ferred were then much cheaper than now, his library eventually brought the sum of £254, 19*. lOd. The same taste brought him into association with the principal authors and artists of his own time : Runciman, the painter, was one of his intimate friends, and with Ruddiman, Gilbert Stuart, Fergusson, and Robert Burns, he was well acquainted. His information regarding Scottish his- tory and biography was extensive. Many of his remarks appeared in the periodical works of his time, and the notes appended to several popular works were enriched by notes of his collecting. Sir Walter Scott, for instance, was much indebted, in his Border Minstrelsy, to a manuscript of Mr Herd's, which is frequently quoted by the editor, both for ballads and for information respecting them. Mr Herd was himself editor of what Scott calls " the first classical col- lection" of Scottish songs, which first appeared in one volume in 176'9, and secondly in two volumes, in 1772. At his demise, which took place, June 25, 1810, he was understood to have left considerable property, which fell to a gentleman in England, supposed to have been his natural son, and who is said to have died a major in the army. HERIOT, George, founder of the excellent hospital in Edinburgh which bears his name, and jeweller to king James VI., was descended from the Heriots of Trabroun in East-Lothian. This respectable family was connected with some of the most distinguished names in Scottish history. The mother of the illus- trious Buchanan was a daughter of the family, and it was through the patronage of James Heriot of Trabroun, his maternal uncle, that the future poet and states' man was sent to prosecute his studies at the university of Paris. Elizabeth, daughter of James Heriot of Trabroun, was the mother of Thomas Hamilton of Priestfield, first earl of Haddington, president of the court of session, and secretary and prime minister to James VI. But the family may, with more reason, boast of their connexion with the subject of this memoir, who, though 44 GEORGE HERIOT. filling only the unaristocratic rank of a tradesman, has been the means of drawing forth from obscurity some persons of high talent, and many who have moved in the middle ranks with the greatest honour to themselves and benefit to society. George Heriot, senior, was a goldsmith in Edinburgh and a person of wealth and consideration. He filled some of the most responsible civic situations in the Scottish metropolis : his name often occurs in the rolls of the Scottish parliament as a commissioner for Edinburgh, in the parliaments and conventions of estates, and he was frequently appointed a commissioner by parliament for the consideration of important questions.1 George, his eldest son (the subject of our inquiry) is supposed to have been born in June, 1563. He was destined to follow his father's profession, at that time one of the most lucrative and honourable among the burgesses. The goldsmiths of Edinburgh were, in ancient times, classed with the hammermen ; at what time they were separated seems uncertain. They received (in August, 1581) a charter of incorporation from the magistrates, in which many privileges, amounting in fact to a monopoly of their trade, were granted to them, and these were afterwards (1586) confirmed by a charter from James VI. They were, besides, for a long period, the only money lenders ; and the high rate of interest, with their frequent command over the resources of the court and the nobility, ren- dered them persons at once of wealth and power. At the age of twenty-three George Heriot entered into a contract of marriage with Christian Marjoribanks, daughter of Simon Marjoribanks, a substantial bur- gess of Edinburgh. On this occasion, his father presented him with 1000 merks " to be ane begyning and pak to him," and 500 more to purchase the implements of his trade and to fit out his shop. By his wife he received 1075 merks, which appear to have been lent out at ten per cent, interest, the usual rate of that period. Their union does not appear to have been of long dura- tion, although the date of this lady's death is unknown ; it is even doubtful if she had any children — if she had, none of them survived her. Master Heriot was admitted a member of the incorporation of goldsmiths on the twenty-eighth of May, 1588. In 1597 he was appointed goldsmith to the queen by a charter from James VI., and this (to use the expression of a contem- porary chronicler, Birrel,) " was intimat at the crosse be opin proclamatione and sound of trumpet ; and ane Clei, the French man, dischargit, quha was the queen's goldsmithe befor." Heriot was soon after constituted goldsmith and jeweller to the king, with all the emoluments attached to that lucrative office. It would appear that he had already amassed a considerable fortune from his transactions with the court, but no notice of his work occurs in the treasurer's books till September, 1599, when we have the following: " Payit at his majesties special command, with advyiss of the lords of secret counsal to George Heriot, younger, goldsmith, for a copburd propynit to Mon- sieur \etonu , Frenche arabassadour, contening the peces following, viz.: bra basing.s, twa laweris effeiring thairto, twa flaconis, twa chandilleris, sex couppis with covens, tua couppis without coveris, ane lawer for water, ane saltfalt with ane cover ; all chissellit wark, and dowbill owirgilt, weyand twa stane 14 pund and 5 unces at audit mark the unce, £4160. Item, for graving of 28 almessis upon the said copburd £,14," Scots money. No other notice of him appears between this period and that of the removal of the court to England, whither he soon followed it. Heriot was now possessed of large fortune, and determined upon forming a mar- riage connexion with a family of good rank. The object of his choice was Alison 1 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (folio edition), iv. 181, 379. GEORGE HERIOT. 45 Primrose, eldest daughter of James Primrose, clerk to the Scottish privy council ; a gentleman whose industry and talents had raised him to that honourable office, and who was the grandfather of the first earl of Koseberry. Heriot was also destined to survive this lady, who died, without leaving issue, on the 16th of April, 1612. "The loss of a young, beautiful, and amiable partner, at a period so interesting," Sir Walter Scott conjectures, " was the probable reason of her husband devoting his fortune to a charitable institution." She was interred in the south aisle of the choir of Saint Gregory's church, where her sorrowing husband erected a handsome monument, bearing a Latin inscription, to her memory. From the period of Heriot's settlement at London little is known of his his- tory. Many of the accounts of jewels furnished by him to the queen have been preserved, and several are printed by Mr Constable in his memoir of Heriot. These accounts, from 1605 to 1615, amount to many thousand pounds sterling, but there does not appear to have been the same liberality towards all the mem- bers of the royal family. We find the duke (then marquis) of Buckingham, writing to his " dere dad, gossip and steward," the king, from the Spanish court in the following manner relative to the prince : " Hitherto you have beine so sparing [of jewels] that whereas you thought to have sent him sufficiently for his one [own] wearing, to present to his mistris, who, I am sure shall shortlie now louse that title, and to lend me, that 1 to the contrarie have bene forsed to lend him." About the same period Charles writes the following letter from Madrid to his royal father : " I confess that ye have sent mor Jewells then (at my departure) I thought to had use of; but, since my cumming, seeing mnnie jewels worne here, and that my braverie can consist of nothing else, besydes that sume of them which ye have appointed me to give to the Infanta, in Steenie's oppinion and myne are not fitt to be given to her ; therefore I have taken this bouldness to entreate your majesty to send more for my own wearing, and for giving to my mistris, in which I think your majesty shall not doe amiss to take Carlyle's advice."2 It is said that Heriot furnished these jewels, and that they were never paid for by James, but that their price was deducted from the purchase-money of the barony of Broughton when bought by the trustees of the hospital.3 If this is the case, it is the last transaction in which we have found Heriot engaged. He died at London on the 12th of February, 1624, and was buried at St Martin's in the Fields on the 20th of the same month. Of Heriot's private character little unfortunately is known. He seems to have possessed those strict business-like habits of accuracy for which he is so dis- tinguished in the novel of the Fortunes of Nigel. With his relations he must have lived on amicable terms, for besides the munificent provision made in his will for the establishment of an hospital, he left considerable sums to many of his relations. Of these the nearest were two natural daughters. By his will, (dated 20th January, 1623,) he left the whole of his fortune, af- ter deducting the legacies to his relations, servants, &c to ° the provost, bail- liffs, ministers, and ordinary council, for the time being, of the said town of Edinburgh, for and towards the founding and erecting of an hospital within the said town of Edinburgh, in perpetuity ; and for and towards purchasing of cer- tain lands in perpetuity to belong unto the said hospital, to be employed for the * Stark's Picture of Edinburgh, p. 232. 3 Ellis's Letters illustrative of English history, (first series) iii. 145, 6. Buckingham adds the following postscript in his usual stvle : " 1 your doge (dog) sayes )ou lvtve munie jewels neyther fitt for jour one (own,) your sones, nor jour daughters, wearing, but very fitt to be- stow on those here who must nectssarilie have presents ; and this waj will be least chargeable to vour majesty in my poure opinion." 46 ROBERT HERON. maintenance, relief, bringing up, and education of so many poor fatherless boys, freemen's sons of the town of Edinburgh, as the means which 1 give, and the yearly value of the lands purchased by the provost, bailiffs, ministers, and council of the said town shall amount, or come to." The education of the boys is superintended by able masters, and they are not only taught to read, write, and cast accounts, (to which the statutes of the hospital originally confined the trustees,) but Latin, Greek, Mathematics, &c If the boys choose a learned pro- fession, they are sent to the university for four years, with an annual allowance of thirty pounds. The greater number are bound apprentices to tradesmen in the city, and are allowed the annual sum of ten pounds for five years ; at the end of their apprenticeship they receive five pounds to purchase a suit of clothes, upon producing a certificate of good conduct from their master. The foundation of the present magnificent structure (designed by the cele- brated architect Inigo Jones,) was laid on the 1st of July, 1628, but from the disturbed state of the country continued unfinished till April, 1659. From the rise in the value of their property, the yearly revenue at the disposal of the trustees has very greatly increased, especially during the last half century. A body of statutes by which the institution is governed was drawn up by Dr Bal- canqual, dean of Rochester, the well known author of a " Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland," 1639, published in name of king Charles I. HERON, Robert, a miscellaneous writer, was born in the town of New Galloway, on the 6th November, 1764. His father, John Heron, was a weaver, generally respected for his persevering industry and exemplary piety. By his grandmother, Margaret Murray, aunt of the late Dr Alexander Murray, he claimed no very distant relationship to that profound philologist. He was early instructed in his letters under the careful eye of a fond parent, and was not sent to the school of the parish until he had reached his ninth year. He soon be- came remarkable for the love he showed for learning, and the unwearied anxiety with which he pursued his inquiries after every point connected with his studies. This being early perceived by his parents, they resolved to give him the benefit of a liberal education as far as their means would allow. He had scarcely re- mained two years at school when, at the age of eleven, he contrived to maintain and educate himself by mingling with his studies the labour of teaching and writing. From his own savings out of a very limited income, and a small as- sistance from his parents, he was enabled to remove to the university of Edin- burgh at the end of the year 17 80. His hopes of preferment at that time being centered in the church, he first ap- plied himself to the course of study which that profession requires. While attending the college he was still obliged to devote a considerable portion of his time to private teaching, as well as writing occasional essays for newspapers and magazines m order to provide for his subsistence. To quote his own words, he taught and assisted young persons at all periods in the course of education, from the alphabet to the highest branches of science and literature." Bein- IVell nrmniriK In n 1,..„...1_ J __ _/• .1 r-. , . _ » well grounded ir. a knowledge of the French language, he found const; — ent from booksellers in translating foreign works. His first J, published with his name, appeared in 1789, " A Critique c ntirigs of Thomson," prefixed to a small edition of the Seasons!'" It was A, „..;„. . i. , , .... => -*""•&" "w"vo. ins ursi iiierarv pro- Z yJ ttr11 h'S„name' appeared in l789> " A Criti1ue o" the Genius h!llv r 0f,T1TT' Prefixed t0 a s,nal1 edition of the Seasons. It was hghly spoken of, and reflected much credit on the.judgment and taste of the author. by sXl0T 3 a T,0n °f J!0"™0?'* Chemistry, from the French, followed by Savary s Travels in Greece, Dumourier's Letters, Gesner's Idyls in Dart an abs ract of Zlmmennan on Solitude and several abridgments of ^J"X™ in 1790-1, he says he read lectures on the law of nature the law of na turns, the Jewish, Grecian, Roman, feudal, and canon law-and then on Z ROBERT HERON. 47 several forms of municipal jurisprudence established in modern Europe;" — these lectures, he says, were to assist gentlemen who did not study professionally, in the understanding of Just or y. Though he devoted much time and study to pre- pare these lectures, he was afterwards unfortunate in not being able to obtain a sufficient audience to repay him for their composition — they were consequently soon discontinued. A syllabus of the entire course was afterwards published. Still the sums of money he continued to i*eceive from his publishers were amply sufficient to maintain him in a respectable manner, if managed with prudence and discretion ; but his unfortunate peculiarity of temper, and extravagant desire of supporting a style of living which nothing but a liberal and certain income would ad- mit of, frequently reduced him to distress, and finally to the jail. He might have long remained in confinement, but that some worthy friends interceded ; and, on their suggestion, he engaged himself to write a History of Scotland, for which Messrs Morrisons of Perth were to pay him at the rate of three guineas a sheet, his creditors, at the same time, agreeing to release him for fifteen shillings in the pound, to be secured on two thirds of the copyright; before this arrangement was fully concluded, melancholy to relate, nearly the whole of the first volume of the History of Scotland was written in jail. It appeared in 1793, and one volume of the work was published every year successively, until the whole six were completed. During that period he went on a tour through the western parts of Scotland, and from notes taken on the road, he compiled a work in two volumes octavo, called " A Journey through the Western Parts of Scotland." He also gave to the world, " A Topographical Account of Scot- land," " A New and Complete System of Universal Geography," " A Memoir of Robert Burns," besides many contributions to magazines and other periodical works. He was also engaged by Sir John Sinclair, to superintend the publica- tion of his Statistical Account of Scotland. By this time he had acquired great facility in the use of his pen, and, being extremely vain of the versatility of his genius, he flattered himself there was no range in literature, however high, that was not within the scope of his powers. Impressed with these ideas, he made an attempt at dramatic composition, and having some influence with the manager of the theatre, he contrived to get introduced on the stage an after-piece, written, as he says, in great haste, called, " St Kilda in Edinburgh ; or, News from Camperdown ;" — but as if to verify the adage, " Things done in a haste are never done well," so it turned out with St Kilda. Being devoid of every thing like interest, and violating in many parts the common rules of decency, it was justly condemned before it reached the second act. Our author's vanity must have on this occasion received a deep wound, being present in the house at the time ; — overwhelmed with disappointment, he flew to his lodgings and confined himself to bed for several days. Still blinded by vanity in the midst of his mental sufferings, he imputed the failure of his play to the machinations of his enemies. He therefore determined on " shaming the rogues" by printing. It is needless to say, it neither sold nor was talked of. The most amusing part of this affair was the mode in which he persisted in forc- ing his production on the public. We shall present our readers with an ex- tract ■ from his highly inflated preface. It commences with a quotation from Sterne's Tristram Shandy. " The learned bishop Hall tells us in one of his de- cades, at the end of his Divine Meditations, that it is an abominable thing for a man to commend himself, and verily I think so ; and yet, on the other hand, when a thing is executed in a masterly kind of fashion, which thing is not likely to be found out, I think it is fully as abominable that a man should lose the hon- our of it This is exactly my situation." In the following he quotes Swift : — u When a true genius appears in the world, you may know him by this sign — _ 48 ROBERT HERON. that the dunces are all in confederacy against him." Yet, though blinded by folly and weighed down by distress, still his filial affections were alive, and, al- though he could not afford his parents any permanent support, he seemed an- xious to promote the education of their family ; which the following extracts from his letters will sufficiently prove : " I hope by living more pious and carefully, by managing my income frugally, and appropriating a part of it to the service of you and my sisters, and by living with you in future at least a third part of the year, to reconcile your affections more entirely tome, and give you more comfort than I have yet done. Oh forget and forgive my follies ; look on me as a son who will anxiously strive to com- fort and please you, and, after all your misfortunes, to render the evening of your days as happy as possible." And again, — " We will endeavour," says he, " to settle our dear Grace comfortably in life, and to educate our dear little Betty and Mary aright." He brought his eldest brother, John, to Edinburgh, to study at the university, with the view of his entering the church ; he was a youth of promising abilities, but of weak constitution, and sank into an early grave in 1790. As the other children increased in years, faithful to his pro- mise, he brought his favourite sister, Mary, to live with him in Edinburgh to complete her education. His irregularities, and consequent embarrassments, made her situation in town any thing but an enviable one. Her mortifications, however, in this life were not of long duration, as she died at his lodgings in 1798. To a mind of his quick sensibility this was a dreadful shock. Almost frantic with grief at the loss he experienced, he gave himself up to the wildest despair : every unkind action or word he made use of towards her rushed to his distracted memory, until life itself was almost insupportable. Neither the sympathy of friends, nor the consolations of religion, could mitigate his woes. At the same time his means of subsistence became every day more precarious ; his literary labours were ceasing to pay, so that, added to his other misfortunes, starvation and a jail were hourly staring him in the face. Shunning as much as possible all his former companions, he might now be seen wandering about the suburbs of the city, with wasted cheek and sunken eye, a miserable victim of want and care. By degrees, however, he was recalled to a better state of mind, when, finding his views not likely to succeed any longer in Scotland, he was induced to go to London in 1799. For the first few years of his relidence there, it appears he found good employment, and his application to study being very great, his profits and prospects were alike cheering. In a letter written to his father about the time we are speaking of, he says — " My whole income, earned by full sixteen hours a-day of close application to reading, writing, observation, and study, is but very little more than three hundred pounds a-year. But this is sufficient to my wants, and is earned in a manner which I know to be the most useful and honourable — that is, by teach- ing beneficial truths, and discountenancing vice and folly more effectually and more extensively than I could in any other way. This I am here always sure to earn, while 1 can give the necessary application; and if I were able to exe- cute more literary labour I might readily obtain moi-e money.'' He for a time pursued his literary vocations with an unwearied industry, and there was scarcely a publication then in London of any note but contained some of his fugitive writings. He realized in consequence a good income, but, unfor- tunately, for no great length of time. His former bad habits returned, and while money continued to flow in, he indulged in the wildest extravagance. Wish- ing to be thought an independent man of fortune, he would carry his folly so far as at times to keep a pair of horses, with a groom in livery. All this time his pen was Laid aside ; and until warned of his fate by the appearance ROBERT HERON. 49 of his last shilling, he seemed altogether devoid of reflection. Then he would betake himself to his work, as an enthusiast in every thing, confining himself for weeks to his chamber, dressed only in his shirt and morning gown, and com- monly with a green veil over his eyes, which were weak, and inflamed by such fits of ill regulated study. In 1806, he addressed a letter to Mr Wilberforce on the justice and expedi- ency of the Slave Trade. He wrote a short system of Chemistry, and a few months previous to his death he published a small work called the Comforts of Life, which, it appears, met with a ready sale. The last years of his life were spent in the deepest misery. His friends and associates by degrees deserted him ; some offended at his total want of steadiness, others worn out by constant importunities, and not a few disgusted at the vanity and envy he displayed on too many occasions ; added to all this, his employers found they could place no dependence on his promises, as he would only resume his pen when urged to it by stern necessity, so that he found at last, it was with great difficulty he could procure even a scanty subsistence. Deep in debt, and harassed by his creditors, who were all exasperated at his constant want of faith, he was at last consigned to the jail of Newgate, where he dragged on a miserable existence for many months. From that vile prison lie wrote the following pathetic appeal to the Literary Fund, which we derive from a most appropriate source, D'israeli's " Calamities of Authors." ** Ever since I was eleven years of age I have mingled with my studies the labour of teaching or writing to support and educate myself. During about twenty years, while I was in constant and occasional attendance at the university of Edinburgh, I taught and assisted young persons at all periods in the course of education, from the alphabet to the highest branches of science and literature. I read lectures on the law of nature, the law of nations, the Jewish, the Grecian, the Roman, and the canon law, and then on the feudal law, and on the several forms of municipal jurisprudence established in modern Europe. I printed a Syllabus of these lectures, which was approved ; they were as introductory to the professional study of law, and to assist gentlemen who did not study it professionally, in the understanding of history. I translated Fourcroy's Chem- istry twice, Savary's Travels in Greece, Dumourier's Letters, Gesner's Idyls in part, an abstract of Zimmerman on Solitude, and a great diversity of smaller pieces. I wrote a journey through the western parts of Scotland, which has passed through two editions; a History of Scotland in six volumes 8vo; a topographical account of Scotland, which has been several times reprinted ; a number of communications in the Edinburgh Magazine ; many prefaces and critiques. A Memoir of the Life of Burns, which suggested and promoted the subscription for his family, has been reprinted, and formed the basis of Dr Cur- rie's life of him, as I learned by a letter from the Doctor to one of his friends; a variety ofjeux d^esprit, in verse and prose, and many abridgments of large works. In the beginning of 1799, I was encouraged to come to London. Here I have written a great multiplicity of articles in almost every branch of literature, my education in Edinburgh having comprehended them all. The London Review, the Agricultural Magazine, the Universal Magazine, the Anti-Jacobin Review, the Public Characters, the Annual Necrology, with several other periodical works, contain many of my communications. In such of these publications as have been received, I can show that my anonymous pieces have been distinguished with very high praise. I have written also a short system of Chemistry, and I published a few weeks since a small work called the Comforts of Life, of which the first edition was sold in one week, and the second edition is now in rapid __ 50 DR. GEORGE HILL. sale. In the newspapers — The Oracle, The Porcupine, when it existed, The General Evening Post, The Morning Post, The British Tress, The Courier, &c. 1 have published my reports of the debates in parliament, and I believe a greater variety of fugitive pieces than I know to have been written by any one person. I have written also a great variety of compositions in Latin and French, in favour of which I have been honoured with the testimonials of liberal approbation. ** I have invariably written to serve the cause of religion and morality, pious Christian education, and good order in the most direct manner. I have con- sidered what I have written as mere trifles, and I have incessantly studied to qualify myself for something better. I can prove that I have for many years read and written one day with another from twelve to sixteen hours a-day. As a human being I have not been free from follies and errors ; but the tenor of my life has been temperate, laborious, humble, quiet, and, to the utmost of my power, beneficent 1 can prove the general tenor of my writings to be candid, and ever adapted to exhibit the most favourable views of the abilities, disposi- tions, and exertions of others. For the last ten months I have been brought to the very extremity of bodily and pecuniary distress. " I shudder at the thoughts of perishing in a jail. " 92, Chancery Lane, Feb. 2d. 1807. (In confinement.)" His life was now fast drawing to a close. With a mind bowed down by want and despair, and a body emaciated from increasing disease, he was incapable of farther exertion ; and being removed to an hospital as his last and only hope, in one week after his entrance there, he breathed his last, on the 13th of April, 1807, without a friend to console or assist him. Thus perished Robert Heron in the prime of life, with talents and acquirements of a very rare descrip- tion, which, if governed by prudence, were eminently calculated to gain for him an honourable independence in the world. It is difficult to estimate the true depth of his genius by his miscellaneous publications in prose ; his style was of a mixed description, — sometimes pompous and declamatory, at other times chaste and elegant But it must be considered he was seldom allowed the choice of a subject, being all his life under the dictates of a publisher.1 He composed with great rapidity, and seldom made any corrections but in his proof sheets. His appearance was at most times impressive and dignified ; his figure, above the middle size, stately and erect, and his countenance had a benevolent expression, though pale and care-worn from study and confinement. With all his faults he had still many redeeming virtues; and above all a strong sense of the respect which is due to religion and morality. In a diary of his life, kept at various times, which contains a free confession of his senti- inents, he has recorded, that, in whatever manner he spent the day, he never closed his eyes at night without humbling himself in prayer before the throne of the Most High. The brief memoir of this accomplished scholar affords another striking in- stance of the impossibility of shielding genius from poverty and disgrace when blinded by passion, or perverted by eccentricity. HILL, (Db) George, an eminent leader of the church of Scotland, and prin- cipal of St Mary's college, St Andrews, was born in that city, in the month of June, 1750. His father, the Rev. John Hill, was one of the ministers of St Andrews ; and he went through his whole course of education in the university there. The elements of education he received very early, after which he uas un'dettr^^LtrrSuZ"' ^ ^^ ««*■ *tf** ■»*•• present work. DR. GEORGE HILL. 51 sent to the grammar school, then taught by Mr Dick, who afterwards obtained a chair in the university. While he continued at school, he made a rapid pro- gress, and was generally at the head of his class. At the age of nine years, he exhibited so much precocity of talent as to compose a sermon, superior in his father's opinion to many sermons he had heard from the pulpit ; and the late countess ol Buchan was so much pleased with it, that she requested it might be dedicated to her, and carried it to London with her, with the intention of having it printed. The intention, however, without any loss to the world we presume, was never brought into act. He entered upon his academical course in the eleventh year of his age, and in all the different classes maintained a decided superiority. His tasks he performed always with ease; and he was highly respected by all the professors under whom he studied. At fourteen years of age, he had completed his philosophical course, and was made a master of arts ; and, having determined to devote himself to the church, entered upon the study of theology in his fifteenth year. During the second session of his theology, the earl of Kinnoul, having been appointed chancellor of the university of St Andrews, gave for the encouragement of learners, a number of prizes, to be bestowed on the most deserving in the various classes. These prizes his lordship distributed to the successful candidates with his own hand ; and young Hill, having gained one of them, though he had to contend with many that were greatly his seniors, attracted the particular notice of his lordship, who from that moment took a warm interest in his success in life, giving him directions for his conduct, and aid for the prosecution of his schemes, with the warmth of a parent rather than the cold and stately formality of a patron. During his college vacations, he was in the habit of visiting frequently at Temple, his uncle, Dr M'Cormick, the biographer of Carstairs, by whom he was introduced to the metropolitan of the Scottish church, principal Robertson, and by the principal he was recommended as tutor to the eldest son of Pryce Campbell, M. P., and at that time one of the lords of the treasury. In consequence of this appointment, he repaired to Lon- don in November, 1767, not having completed his seventeenth year. Such a series of fortunate incidents occurs in the lives of few individuals. " Educated," says his biographer, " in the genuine principles of whiggism, he considered the great design of government to be the promotion of the liberty and the happiness of the people ;" but in the close of the very same paragraph this writer intro- duces the subject of his panegyric saying to his mother, " as I have seen nothing but mobbing and the bad effects of faction since I came to England, I am very moderate, and think it the duty of an honest man to support almost any min- istry." Mr Hill was, indeed, a whig of a somewhat odd kind ; the man whom he most admired was lord North, and the objects of his aversion and his vituperation were the American colonists, Messrs Beckford, Wilkes, and the other members of the opposition in the house of commons. Mr Hill, while at St Andrews, had been an ambitious member of those associa- tions generally formed at colleges for the purpose of exercising the talent of speech, and he was not long in London till he found his way into the Robin Hood Debating Society, where he even then consulted his interest by defending the measures of administration. His account of this society gives no very high idea of its members. " Last night I went to the Bobin Hood Society and was very highly entertained there. We had speakers of all kinds, shoemakers, weavers, and quakers, whose constant topic was the dearness of provisions. There were one or two who spoke very comically, and with a great deal of humour. But what surprised me much, I heard one of the easiest and most masterly speakers that ever I heard in my life. His dress was rather shabby, but he is a constant attendant and by long practice has greatly improved. I 52 DR. GEORGE HILL. spoke once or twice, and had the honour of being listened to with great atten- tion, which is a compliment in a society of this kind, which is made up of people of all descriptions. It sits on .Mondays from eight to ten. A ticket costs six- pence, for which you get a well lighted room and as much porter and lemonade as you choose to drink. There is a subject fixed, and if that fail, the president gives another. I shall be a constant attendant, not only as it is one of the highest entertainments, but as the best substitute for the select clubs which I have left." " 1 carried,'' he says in another letter to his mother, " my pupil to the ltobin Hood Society, along with Mr Brodie, Mr Campbell's parochial clergyman at (aider, who was on a visit to London. I made a splendid oration, which had the honour of a loud clap, and was very much approved by Mr Brodie. It is a fine exercise for oratorical talents." On another occasion Mr Hill thus expresses himself: " I am obliged to you for your observations on the knowledge of mankind. The true secret certainly for passing through life with comfort, and especially to a person in my situation, is to study the tempers of those about hiinand to accommodate himself to them, I don't know whether I am possessed of this secret, or whether there is something remarkable in the persons with whom I converse, but I have found every body with whom I have had any connexion since I came to England or Wales, exceedingly agreeable. From all I have met with politeness and attention, and, from many, particular marks of favour and kindness. I may be defective in penetration and sagacity, and in judging of character, but I am sure I am pliable enough, more than I think sometimes quite right. I can laugh or be grave, talk nonsense, or politics, or philosophy, just as it suits my company, and can submit to any mortification to please those with whom I converse. I cannot flatter ; but I can listen with attention, and seem pleased with every thing that any body says. By arts like these, which have, perhaps, a little meanness in them, but are so convenient that one does not choose to lay them aside, I have had the good luck to be a favourite in most places." This at eighteen, except perhaps in Scotland, will be looked upon as an amazing instance of precocious worldly sense. In the scramble for the good things of this world, had such a man failed, who could ever hope to succeed? In a subsequent letter to his mother, referring to the circumstance of a younger brother entering upon his education, he observes, " What is the learning of any one language, but throwing away so much time in getting by heart a parcel of words in one language, and another parcel corresponding to the first in another ? It is an odd thing that some more rational and useful employment cannot be found out for boys of his age, and that we should still throw away eight or ten years in learning dead languages, after we have spunged out of them all that is to be found. God certainly never intended that so much of our time should be spent in learning Greek and Latin. The period allotted to us for action is so short that we cannot too soon begin to fit ourselves for appearing upon the stage. -Air Campbell cannot read Greek, and he is a bad Latin scholar ; yet he is a philosopher, a divine, and a statesman, because he has improved his natural parts by reading a great deal of English. I am, and perhaps all my life shall continue a close student ; but I hate learning. 1 have no more than is absolutely necessary, and as soon as I can I shall throw that little away." Whatever was his Latinity, Mr Campbell's interest was good and promised still to be better, in consequence of which Mr Hill's friends were instant with him to go into the church of England, where, through the attention of Mr Campbell, he might be much better provided for than he could be in the church of Scotland, to which, notwithstanding, he still professed not only adherence, but a high degree of veneration. From this temptation he was delivered by the death of Mr Pryce Campbell. DR. GEORGE HILL. 53 who was cut off in the prime of his days, and in the midst of his expectations. Mr Hill, however, was still continued with his pupil, who was now under the protection of his grandfather ; and as great part of his estates lay in Scotland, that his education might be corresponding to the duties which, on that account, he might have to perform, young Campbell was sent for two sessions to the university of Edinburgh, and that he might be under the eye of principal Robertson, he was, along with his tutor, boarded in the house of Mrs Syme, the principal's sister. During these two sessions, Mr Hill attended the divinity class and the meetings of the Speculative Society, where he acquired considerable eclat from a speech in praise of the aristocracy. He also waited on the General Assembly, in the debates of which he took so much interest as to express his wish to be returned to it as an elder. With Dr Robertson his intercourse was uninter- rupted, and by him he was introduced to the notice of the principal men in and about Edinburgh. By his uncle, Dr M'Cormick, he was introduced at Arniston house, and in that family (Dundas) latterly found his most efficient patrons. While he was thus swelling the train of rank and fashion, it was his fortune to meet for the first time, dining at general Abercrombie's, with the celebrated David Hume, of whom he thus wrote immediately after : " I was very glad to be in company with a man about whom the world has talked so much ; but I was greatly sur- prised with his appearance. I never saw a man whose language is more vulgar, or whose manners are more awkward. It is no affectation of rudeness as being a philosopher, but mere clownishness, which is very surprising in one who has been so much in high life, and many of whose writings display so much elegance." During all this time, the progress of his pupil was not commensu- rate to the expectations of his friends, aud the expenses it occasioned ; and with the approbation of his patron, lord Kinnoul, Mr Hill resigned his charge. Mr Morton, professor of Greek in the university of St Andrews, at this time wishing to retire on account of the infirmities of age, Mr Hill became a candidate, was elected after some little opposition, and on the 21st of May, 1772, was admitted joint professor of Greek, being yet only in the twenty-second year of his age. He now went to London with his former pupil, and visited Cam- bridge, where Mr Campbell was to finish his studies ; and, having received from lord Kinnoul and Dr Robertson ample testimonials to the ability and faithfulness with which he had discharged his duty while residing in Edinburgh, the family parted with him, expressing their thankfulness, their respect, and regret. Return- ing to Scotland, he spent some time with his uncle, preparing for meeting with his class, which he did in the end of the year 1772. The duties of this charge did not prevent him from various other pursuits. In the year 1774, Mr Camp- bell, in order to make the most of his parliamentary interest in the shire of Nairn, gave to a number of his friends votes upon life-rent superiorities, and among others conferred one upon Mr Hill, who, while at Nairn performing his friendly office as one of Mr Campbell's voters, nearly lost his life by sleeping in a room that had been newly plastered. His groans, however, happened to be heard, and a physician being in the house to give immediate assistance, he was soon recovered. The year following, he formed the resolution of entering the church, and having made application to the presbytery of Haddington, with which, through his brother-in-law Mr Murray of North Berwick, he considered himself in some sort connected, he was by that reverend court licensed to preach the gospel on the 3d of May, 1775. He was immediately after this employed as assistant to principal Tullidelph in the parochial church of St Leonard's, which has always been united with the principally of the college. In this situation, he continued till the death of principal Tullidelph in the year 1777. The same year he was offered the parish of Coldstream by the earl of Haddington ; but he 54 DB. GEORGE HILL. did not think it worth accepting. The following year, on the death of Dr Baillie, professor of theology in the college of Glasgow, principal Robertson desired him to stand candidate for that chair ; but he seems to have taken no steps for that purpose, probably from the circumstance of his being only a preacher, which might have operated against him in case of a well supported can- didate coming forward. The same year, probably to be ready in case of a similar emergency, he again applied to the presbytery of Haddington, and was by them ordained to the holy ministry. In the year 1779, through the interest of prin- cipal Robertson, and his uncle Dr M'Cormick, he was offered one of the churches of Edinburgh, with the prospect of a cliair in the university in a short time. This also he declined with a view to some contemplated arrangements of lord Kinuoul. In consequence of the death of principal Morison, Dr Gillespie was shortly after removed from the first charge in the city to the principalty of the new college. Dr Adamson, the second minister, was promoted to Dr Gillespie's benefice, and Mr Hill was elected by the town-council successor to Dr Adamson. In consequence of his holding the professorship of Greek, Mr Hill's induction was protested against by a member of the presbytery of St Andrews, and the case was brought before the General Assembly in the year 1780, which dismissed it without ceremony, as it did also overtures on the subject from the synods of Fife, Perth, and Stirling. Mr Hill was, accordingly, with the full concurrence of the congregation, admitted to the church in which his father had officiated, on the 22nd day of June, 1780. Since his settlement at St Andrews as a pro- fessor of Greek, he liad sat in the General Assembly as an elder ; he now appeared in the more weighty character of a minister, and on the retirement of Dr Robertson became the most important member of the house, and confessedly the leader of the moderates. We have already noticed his acceptance of a life-rent superiority, by which he became a freeholder in the county of Nairn in the year 1774. He continued to stand on the roll of freeholders for that county till the winter of 1784, when a new election came on ; but Mr Campbell, from being on the side of the ministry, was now violent on the side of the opposition. In this case, for Mr Hill to have given his vote to Mr Campbell's candidate would have been considered by tire ministry as open rebellion against their claims on the church, for which they might have selected another leader, and have, at the same time, withdrawn every mark of their favour from him. They might also have prosecuted him before the justiciary on a charge of perjury, as they had already done some others in similar circumstances. Under this complication of difficulties, Mr Hill as usual had recourse to the earl of Kinnoul, and to his brother-in-law Mr Murray of North Berwick. Lord Kinnoul most ingeniously gave him back his own views ; did not, as chancellor of the university think he was warranted to allow him to desert his professional duties for the purpose merely of giving a political vote ; and stated, that though he himself could have greatly extended his interest by such votes as Mr Hill possessed, he had never granted one of them. A charge of perjury he admitted, might be brought against any person who received them, and whether it might be well founded or not, it was a charge to which, in his opinion, no minister of the gospel should expose himself. The judgment of his lordship we cannot but approve, though it is probable that if the candidate had been a ministerial one, the Greek class might have been allowed a few holidays without the smallest impropriety. Mr Murray, while he regretted (though he no doubt knew it from the first,) that his friend should ever have accepted such a rote, applauded his purpose of relinquishing it, and of refusing, under all cir- cumstances, to comply with the requisition to attend the election. Mr Hill's biographer labours hard to clear him from any degree of blame in this affair, DR. GEORGE HILL. 55 but without effect : it carries its character full in its face, and holds up a most important lesson to all clergymen, to beware of intermeddling in political intrigues of any kind. In 1787 Mr Hill was honoured by the university with the title of D.D., and in 1788 was appointed to succeed Dr Spens as professor of divinity in St Mary's college. He had been the previous year appointed dean to the order of the thistle, a place that had been first created to gratify Dr Jardine for his services in support of Dr Robertson, but with no stated salary; the dean only claiming a perquisite of fifty guineas on the installation of every new knight. During Dr Hill's incumbency, no instalment took place, and he of course derived no pecuniary benefit from the situation. He had been little more than three years in the divinity chair, when the situation of principal became vacant by the death of Dr Gillespie, and it was by lord Melville bestowed on Dr Hill. This appointment in his letter of thanks he considered as peculiarly valuable, as being the best proof that lord Melville approved the mode in which he had discharged the duties of the divinity professorship. " I will not attempt, he continues, to express by words the gratitude which I feel ; but it shall be the study of my life to persevere as a clergyman in that line of conduct upon which you have generously conferred repeated marks of your approbation." This was the tercnination of his university preferment ; but he was shortly afterwards nominated one of his majesty's chaplains for Scotland, with a salary annexed ; and, on the death of his uncle Dr M'Cormick, he succeeded him as one of the deans of the chapel royal. The deanery of the thistle already noticed was unproductive ; but the above two situations, while they added nothing to his labours, increased his income in a material degree. In his management of the General Assembly Dr Hill copied closely after Dr Robertson ; except that the en- tire satisfaction of himself and his party with the law of patronage as it then stood, was marked by withdrawing from the yearly instructions to the commission, the accustomed order to embrace every opportunity of having it removed, and by still bolder attempts to do away with the form of moderating calls for presentees and to induct them solely upon the footing of presentations. In his progress Dr Hill certainly encountered a more formidable opposition than Dr Robertson latterly had to contend with. In one case, and in one only, he was com- pletely defeated. This was an overture from the presbytery of Jedburgh con- cerning the imposition of the Test upon members of the established church of Scotland; which it was contended was an infringement of the rights of Scotsmen, and a gross violation of the privileges and independence of the Scottish church. In opposition to the overture it was maintained by the moderates of the assembly that the Test Act Mas a fundamental article of the treaty of union ; and Dr Hill, in particular, remarked that there were no complaints on the subject except from one single presbytery, nor was there any ground to complain ; for, to a liberal and enlightened mind it could be no hardship to partake of the Lord's Supper according to the mode sanctioned by a church whose views of the nature and design of that ordinance were the same with his own. For once the popular party gained a triumph, and the accomplished and ingenious leader was left in a minority. A series of resolutions moved by Sir Henry Moncrieff* were adopted, and by the unanimous voice of the assembly a committee was appointed to follow out the spirit and purpose of these resolutions. Care, however, was taken to render the committee of no avail, and nearly thirty years elapsed without any thing further being done. We cannot enlarge on Dr Hill's administration of the affairs of the church, and it is the less necessary that no particular change was effected under him. Matters generally went on as usual, and the influence of political men in biasing her decisions were, perhaps, fully 56 DR. GEORGE HILL. more conspicuous than under his predecessor. Of his expertness in business, and general powers of management, the very highest sense was entertained by the public, though differences of opinion latterly threatened to divide his sup- porters. In 1807 Dr Hill had a severe attack, from which it was apprehended he would not recover; contrary to all expectation he did recover, and the following year, on the death of Dr Adamson, he was presented to the first ecclesiastical charge in the city of St Andrews. Eight years after, namely, in 1816, we find him as active in the General Assembly as at any former period of his life. Shortly after this time, however, he was attacked with slight shocks of apoplexy, which impaired his speech, and unfitted him for his accustomed exer- cises. He was no more heard in the assembly house ; but he continued to preach occasionally to his own congregation till the year 1819, when he was laid aside from all public duty. He died on the 19th of December that year, in the seventieth year of his age, and thirty-ninth of his ministry. Dr Hill married in 1782, Miss Scott, daughter to Mr Scott, a citizen of Edin- burgh, who had chosen St Andrews as his place of retirement in his old age, after he had given up business. By this lady, who survived him, Dr Hill had a large family, several of whom are yet alive. His eldest son is Dr Alexander Hill, professor of divinity in the university of Glasgow. In a life of principal Hill, it would be unpardonable to pass over his various publications, some of which possess high excellence. We cannot, however, afford room for criticism, and shall merely notice them in a general way. Single sermons seem to have been his first publications, though they are mentioned by his biographer in a very indistinct manner. One of these, preached before the sons of the clergy, seems to have been sent to the bishop of London, whose commendation it re- ceived. Another, from the text, "Happy art thou, O Israel ; who is like unto thee, O people saved by the Lord ?" was published in the year 1792, as a seda- tive to the popular excitement produced by the French revolution. The sermon was an unmeasured panegyric on the existing order of things in Great Britain, and had, for a short time, an immense popularity. " I believe it will be agree- able to you," writes his bookseller, "to inform you that I have had success with respect to your sermon, beyond my most sanguine imagination. I have written a hundred letters upon the subject, and have got all the capital manufacturers in Scotland to enter into my idea. I have printed off ten thousand copies of the coarse, and one thousand copies of the fine. I have got letters of thanks from many capital persons, with proper compliments to you. * * *- I congratulate you upon the extensive circulation of the sermon, for never was such a number of a sermon sold in this country before, and I flatter myself it will, in a great measure, answer the purpose for which it was intended." The following year he published a third sermon, " Instructions afforded by the present war to the people of Great Britain." In 1795, he published a volume of sermons, which is said to have met with limited success. Several years after, Dr Hill published " Theological Institutes," containing Heads of his Lectures on Divinity, a work which continues to be highly estimated as a theological text-book ; " a, View of the Constitution of the Church of Scotland;" and " Counsels respecting the dutie* of the Pastoral Office." This last is an interesting and valuable work. In 1812, he published, " Lectures, upon portions of the Old Testament, intended to illustrate Jewish history and Scripture characters." To this work is prefixed the following dedication : " To the congregation which attends the author's minis- try, this specimen of a Course of Lectures, in which he led them through the Books of the Old Testament, is, with the most grateful sense of their kindness and the most affectionate wishes for their welfare, respectfully inscribed." There SIR ROGER HOG. 57 is no mode of publication a minister can adopt so likely to be useful as this. It gives a most pleasing idea of a clergyman when he thus takes, as it were, a last farewell of his people, who cannot tail to peruse a work bequeathed to them under such circumstances, with peculiar interest These lectures, we doubt not, were regarded among his parishioners more than all his other works. Of Dr Hill's character the reader has been furnished with materials for forming a judg- ment for himself. His precocious abilities, his talents for adapting himself to the uses of the world, his diligence in all his offices, and his powers of managing public business and popular assemblies, conspire to mark him out as a very ex- traordinary man. It may only be remarked that, for the most of tastes, his corf* duct will in general appear too much that of a courtier. HOG, (Sib) Roger, lord Harcarse, a judge and statesman, was born in Ber- wickshire about the year 1635. He was the son of William Hog of fiogend, an advocate of respectable reputation, to whom is attributed the merit of having prepared some useful legal works, which have unfortunately not been given to the public. The subject of this memoir passed as an advocate in June 166 1, and continued in the enjoyment of a lucrative and successful practice, till a breach between Nisbet of Dirleton, and the powerful and vindictive Hatton, opened for him a situation on the bench on the resignation of that judge in 1677 ; being marked out by the government as a useful instrument, the appointment was ac- companied with the honours of knighthood from Charles the Second. At this period the judges of the Scottish courts, like ministerial officers, held their situa- tions by the frail tenure of court favour, and were the servants, not of the laws, but of the king. It was the good fortune of Harcarse to be, in the earlier part of his career, particularly favoured by the ruling powers; and on the 18th No- vember, 1678, we accordingly find Sir John Lockhart of Castlehill summarily dismissed from the bench of the court of justiciary, and Harcarse appointed to fill his place. At this period he represented the county of Berwick in the Scot- tish parliament, an election which, from the journals of the house, we find to have been disputed, and finally decided in his favour. A supreme judge of the civil and criminal tribunals, and a member of the legislative body, Harcarse must have had difficult and dangerous duties to perform. The times were a labyrinth full of snares in which the most wary went astray : few of those who expe- rienced the sunshine of royal favour, passed with credit before the public eye, and none were blameless. Among the many deeds of that bloody reign, which mankind might well wish to cover with a veil of eternal oblivion, was one dar- ing and unsuccessful attempt, with regard to which, the conduct of Harcarse, in such an age and in such a situation, had he been known for nothing else, is wor- thy of being commemorated. In 1681, the privy council had called on Sir George M'Kenzie, as lord advocate, to commence a prosecution for treason and perjury against the earl of Argyle, for his celebrated explanation of his under- standing of the contradictions of the test. To the eternal disgrace of that emi- nent man, he brought with him to the prosecution those high powers of argument and eloquence with which he had so frequently dignified many a better cause. 'Ihe relevancy of the indictment was the ground on which the unfortunate earl and his counsel, Sir George Lockhart, placed their whole reliance, but they lean- ed on a broken reed. In a midnight conclave, held it would appear after the minds of most of the judges were sufficiently fatigued by the effect of a long day of labour, the full depth of iniquity was allowed to the crime " of interpreting the king's statutes other than the statute bears, and to the intent and effect that they were made for, and as the makers of them understood." Queensberry, who pre- sided as justice general, having himself been obliged to accompany the oath with a qualification, remained neuter, and to oppose the insult on sense and justice, 58 SIR ROGER HOG. was left to Harcarse. and Collington, a veteran cavalier. In order to do the busi- ness with certainty, and prevent his majesty's interest from being sacrificed to opposition so unusual and captious, Nairn, an infirm and superannuated judge, was dragged from his bed at dead of night, and the feeble frame of the old mail yielding to the desire of sleep wbile the clerk read to him a summary of the pro- ceedings, he was roused from his slumber, and by his vote the relevancy of the indictment was carried by a majority of one. The course pursued by lord Har- carse in this trial escaped the vengeance of government at the time, but his con- duct was held in remembrance for a future opportunity. In the year 1688, a question came before the court of session, in which the matter at issue was, whe- ther a tutory, named by the late marquis of Montrose, should subsist after the death of one of the tutors, who had been named, in the language of the Scottish law, as a " sine qua non." In a matter generally left to the friends of the pu- pil, the unusual measure of the instance of the lord advocate was adopted by go- vernment, for the purpose of having the pupil educated in the Roman catholic faith. Wauchope lord Edmonstone and Harcarse voted for the continuance of the trust in the remaining tutors, and on a letter from the king, intimating to the court that, " for reasons best known to himself," it was his royal will and plea- sure that they should cease to act as judges, both were removed from the bench, " notwithstanding," says Fountainhall, with some apparent astonishment, " that Edmonston was brother to Wauchop of Nidrie, a papist." The doctrine of the law, previously vaccilating, has since this decision been considered as properly fixed, according to the votes of the majority ; but an opposition to the will of government in such a matter can be attributed to no other motives but such as are purely conscientious. Other opinions on government and prerogative, maintained in a private conference with some of the leaders of the ministry, are alleged to have contributed to this measure ; but these were never divulged. At the period of his downfall, a public attack was made on the character of lord Harcarse, on the ground of improper judicial interference in favour of his son- in-law, Aytouu of Inchdarnie, by an unsuccessful litigant. These animadversions are contained in a very curious pamphlet, entitled " Oppression under colour of Law ; or, my Lord Harcarse his new Practicks: as a way-marke for peaceable sub- jects to beware of playing with a hot-spirited lord of Session, so far as is possible when Arbitrary Government is in the Dominion," by Robert Pittilloch, advocate, London, 1689.1 The injured party is loud in accusation ; and certainly if all the facts in his long confused legal narrative be true, he had reason to be discon- tented. He mentions one rather striking circumstance, that while the case was being debated at the side bar of the lord ordinary, previous to its coming before the other judges, " my lord Harcarse compeared in his purple gown, and de- bated the case as Inchdarnie's advocate ;" a rather startling fact to those who are acquainted with the comparatively pure course of modern justice, and which serves with many others to show the fatal influence of private feeling on our ear- lier judges, by whom an opportunity of turning judicial influence towards family aggrandizement, seems always to have been considered a gift from providence not to be rashly despised. After the Revolution, the path of honour and wealth was again opened to lord Harcarse, but he declined the high stations proffered to him ; and the death of a favourite and accomplished daughter, joined to a dis»ust at the machinations of the court, prompted by his misfortunes, seems to have work- ed on a feeble frame, and disposed him to spend the remainder of his days in retirement. He died in the year 1700, in the 65th year of his age, leaving be- hind him a collection of decisions from 1681 to 1692, published in 1757, in the form of a dictionary, a useful and well arranged compilation. The pamphlet of 1 Re-edited by Mr Maid men t, Advocate, in 1827. JOHN HOLYBUSH. 59 the unsuccessful litigant, previously alluded to, though dictated by personal and party spleen, has certainly been sufficient somewhat to tinge the judicial integ- rity of lord Harcarse ; but those who had good reason to know his qualities have maintained, that " both in his public and private capacity, he was spoken of by all parties with honour, as a person of great knowledge and probity;" * it would indeed be bard to decide how far the boasted virtues of any age might stand the test of the opinion of some more advanced and pure stage of society, did we not admit that in a corrupt period, the person who is less vicious than his contem- poraries is a man of virtue and probity ; hence one who was a profound observer of human nature, an accurate calculator of historical evidence, and intimately acquainted with the state of the times, has pronounced Harcarse to have been "a learned and upright judge."3 Some unknown poet has penned a tribute to bis memory, of which, as it displays more elegance of versification and pro- priety of sentiment than are generally to be discovered in such productions, we beg to extract a portion. " The good, the godly, generous, and kind The best companion, father, husband, friend ; The stoutesl patron to maintain a cause, The justest judge to square it by the laws ; Whom neither force nor flattery could incline To swerve from equity's eternal line; Who, in the face of tyranny could own, He would his conscience keep, though lose his gown; Who, in his private and retired state As useful was, as formerly when gieai, Because his square and firmly tempered soul, Round whirling fortune's axis could not roll ; Nor, by the force of prejudice or pride, Be bent his kindness to forego or bide, But still in equal temper, still the same, Esteeming good men, and esteemed by them ; A rare example and encouragement . Of virtue with an aged life, all spent Without a stain, still flourishing and green, In pious acts, more to be felt than seen." HOLYBUSH, John, a celebrated mathematician and astronomer, better known by the Latin terms, de Sacrobosco, or de Sacrobusto, occasionally also receiv- ing the vernacular appellations of Holy wood and Hallifax, and by one writer barbarously named Sacerbusc/iius. The period when this eminent man flour- ished is not known with any thing approaching even to the usual certainty in such cases, and it is matter of doubt whether he existed in the 13th or 14th cen- tury. Nor is his birth-place less dubious ; as in many other instances during the same period, England, Scotland, and Ireland have contended for the honour — the two former with almost equal success, the last with apparently no more claim than the absence of certain evidence of his belonging to any other particular nation. When a man has acquired a fame apart from his own country, and in any pursuit not particularly characteristic of, or connected with his native land, the establish- ment of a certainty of the exact spot of his birth is of little consequence, and when easily ascertained, the fact is only useful for the purpose of pointing out the particular branch of biography (as that subject is generally divided) to which the individual belongs, and thus preventing omission and confusion. Eutertain- * Memoir prefixed to his Decisions. * Laing's Hist, of Scot iv. U3. • • k.n fart «rlance at the arguments adduced by the writers ing such an opinion, we shall just glance at u e 0 pretending to of the two nations in defence of their .^P^™^^ wh*he should be decide a matter of such ^£*%* *£ iSon can be come to a fit subject for—— *£ «£ *J^ ^ are doubts as to the n^aXnsIn1 u£ R **" £* £ qua, nunc Anglia Insula, olim SLr^-T-l— 5JST* tbe divisions of BrUain, and confounds the Inland of later times, with the Albion or Britannia of the Ro- Z^l it uded England and Scotland. Lelaod and Camden vindicate hTs English birth, on tiuTgwu-d that John of Halifax n, Yorkshire forms a translation (though it must be admitted not a very apt one) of Joannes de Sacro- bosco. On the other hand Dempster scouts the theory of Leland with consider- able indignation, maintaining that Halifax is a name of late invention and that the mathematician derived his designation from the monastery of Holywood ,n Nithsdale, an establishment of sufficient antiquity to have admitted him within its walls. M'Kenzie repeats the assertions of Dempster with a few additions, stating that after having remained for some years in the monastery, he went to Paris, and was admitted a member of the university there. " Upon the 5th of June, in the year 1221," Sibbald in his manuscript History of Scottish Literature as- serts, that besides residing in the monastery of Holywood, he was for some time a fellow student of the monks in Dryburgh, and likewise mentions, what M'Kenzie has not had the candour to allude to, and Dempster has sternly denied, that he studied the higher branches of philosophy and mathematics at the university of Oxford. Presuming Holybush to have been a Scotsman, it is not improbable that such a circumstance as his having studied at Oxford might have induced his continental commentators to denominate him an Englishman. M'Kenzie tells us that he entered the university of Paris " under the syndic of the Scots nation ;" for this he gives us no authority, and we are inclined not only to doubt the as- sertion, but even the circumstance that at that early period the Scottish nation had a vote in the university of Paris, disconnected with that of England — at all events, the historians of literature during that period are not in the habit of mentioning a Scottish nation or syndic, and instead of the faculty of arts being- divided, as M'Kenzie will have it, " into four nations, France, Scotland, Pi- cardy, and Normandy," it is usually mentioned as divided into France, Britain, Picardy, and Normandy. That Holybush was admitted under a Scottish syndic, was not a circumstance to be omitted by Bulaeus, from his elaborate, and minute History of the University of Paris, where the mathematician is unequivocally de- scribed as having been an Englishman. There cannot be any doubt that Holy- bush became celebrated at the university for his mathematical labours ; that he was constituted professor of, or lecturer on that science ; that many of the first scholars of France came to his school for instruction ; and that if he was not the first professor of the mathematics in Paris, he was at least the earliest person to introduce a desire for following that branch of science. M'Kenzie states that he died in the year 125G, as appears from his tombstone. The author of the History of the University of Paris, referring with better means of knowledge to the same tombstone, which he says was to be seen at the period when he writes, places the date of his death at the year 1340. The same well informed author mentions that the high respect paid to his abilities and integrity, prompted the 1 Hist. Lit. Gentis Scot. MS. Adv. Lib., p. 164. EM IY MO LOK HENRY HOME. 61 university to honour hiin with a public funeral, and many demonstrations of grief. On the tombstone already referred to, was engraved an astrolabe, sur- rounded by the following inscription : — " De Sacrobosco qui computista Joannes, Tempera discrevit, jacet hie a tempore raptus. Tempora qui sequeris, memor csto quod morieris; Si miseres, plora, miserans pro me precor ora.'' The most celebrated work of Holywood was a treatise on the Sphere, discuss- ing in the first part the form, motion, and surface of the earth — in the second those of the heavenly bodies, and, as was customary before the more full revival of philosophy, mingling his mathematics and astronomy with metaphysics and magic. Although the discoveries displayed in this work must be of great impor- tance, it is impossible to give any account .of their extent, as the manuscripts of the author seem to have lain dormant till the end of the 1 5th or beginning of tiie lGth century, when they were repeatedly published, with the comments and ad- ditions of able mathematicians, who mingled the discoveries of Holybush with those which had been made since his death. The earliest edition of this work appears to have been that published at Padua in 1475, entitled " Francisci Ca- puani expositio Sphserae Joannis a Sacrobosco." In 1435 appeared " Sphaera cum Theoriois Purbachii et Disputationibus Johannis Regiomontani contra Cre- monensium Deliramenta in Planetarum Theoricas,'1 being a mixture of the dis- coveries of Holywood, with those of George Purbach, (so called from the name of a town in Germany, in which he was born,) and Regiomontanus, whose real name was 3Iuller, two celebrated astronomers and mathematicians of the 15th century. During the same year there appears to have been published a com- mentary on Holywood by Cichus Ascolanus. In 1507, appeared an edition for the use of the university of Paris, with a commentary, by John Bonatus. In 1547, an edition was published at Antwerp, with figures very respectably exe- cuted, and without the name of any commentator. Among his other commenta- tors, were Morisanus, Clavius, Vinetus, and many others of high name, whom it were useless here to enumerate. Some late authors have said that Melancthon edited his Computus Ecclesiasticus ; of this edition we have not observed a copy in any library or bibliography, but that great man wrote a preface to the Sphaera, prefixed to an edition published at Paris in 1550. Besides these two works, Holybush wrote De Algorismo, and De Ratione Anni. Dempster also mentions a Breviarium Juris, which either has never existed, or is now lost. 31'Kenzie mentions a Treatise de Algorismo, and on Ptolemy's Astrolabe, frag- ments of which existed in MS. in the Bodleian library. In the catalogue of that institution the former is mentioned, but not the latter. HOME, Henbt, (Lord Kames,) a lawyer and metaphysician, son of George Home of Kames, was born at his father's house in the county of Berwick, in the year 1696. The paternal estate of the family, which had once been con- siderable, was, at the period of the birth of the subject of this memoir, consider- ably burdened and reduced by the extravagance of his father, who appears to have pursued an easy hospitable system of living, unfortunately not compatible with a small income and a Isrge family. With the means of acquiring a liberal education, good connexions, and the expectation of no permanent provision but the fruit of his own labours, the son was thrown upon the world, and the history of ;ill ages has taught us, that among individuals so circumstanced, science has chosen her brightest ornaments, and nations have found their most industrious and powerful benefactors. In the earlier part of the last century, few of the country gentlemen of Scotland could afford to bestow on iheir children the ex- pensive education of an English 32»X*^S»52 vitl. the lower rank,, frequently £^^£Zi Whether from this or of education provided by the »"«ff»f fZ^LatioT and received in- some other cause, young Home was denied a j"?*™^ "^ ta]ents and sections from . ^^^J^JSSJ The classical edu- ^^ffi^JSi^SWaSSS to have been of a very imperfect ds" ion ind aUhough on entering the study of his profession, he turned .us te Kr some length of time to that branch of study he never acquired a know iXe of ancient languages sufficiently minute to balance his other varied and evte'lve acquirements. Mr Home was destined by his fam.ly to follow , e proflLn of Ihe law, the branch first assigned him be ng that of an age*. He was in consequence apprenticed to a writer to the signet in the year 1712, and he continued for several years to perform the usual routine of drudgery, unpleasant to a cultivated and thinking mind, but one of the best introductions to the accurate practice of the more formal part of the dut.es of the bar He ample bio-rapher of Home has detailed in very pleasing terms the accident to which he dates his ambition to pursue a higher branch of the profession than that to which he was originally destined. The scene of action is represented as being the drawing room of Sir Hew Dalrymple, lord president of the court of session, where Home, on a message from his master, finds the veteran judge in the full enjoyment of elegant ease, with his daughter, a young beauty, per- forming some favourite tunes on the harpsichord. " Happy the man, the sen- timental youth is made to say to himself, " whose old age, crowned with honour and dignity, can thus repose itself after the useful labours of the day, in the bosom of his family, amidst all the elegant enjoyments which affluence, justly earned, can command! such are the fruits of eminence in the profession of the law!" If Home ever dated his final choice of a profession from the occurrence of this incident, certain praises which the president chose to bestow on his acuteness and knowledge of Scottish law, may have been the part of the inter- view which chiefly influenced his determination. Having settled the important matter of his future profession, Mr Home ap- plied himself to the study of the laws, not through the lectureship which had just been established in Edinburgh for that purpose, but by means of private reading, and attendance at the courts. He seems indeed to have entertained an early objection to the discipline of a class-room, and to have shown an indepen- dence of thought, and repugnance to direction in his mental pursuits, which have been by some of his admirers laid down as the germs of that originality which his works have exhibited. Perhaps the same feeling of self-assurance prompted him in the year 1723, to address a long epistle to Dr Samuel Clarke, " from a young philosopher," debating some of that learned divine's opinions on the necessity, omnipotence, and omniscience of the Deity. A very concise and 1 TjUer, in his life of Karnes, mentions an amusing scene which took place betwixt the scholar and mater some time after their separation. When Home was at the height of his celebrity as a barrister, the pedagogue had contrived to amass a sum of money, whieh he cautiously secured on land. Anxious about the security of his titles, he stalked one morning into the study of his former pupil, requesting an opinion of their validity. The lawyer having carefully examined the several steps of the investment, assumed an aspect of concern, and hoped Mr Wingate had not concluded the bargain; but Mr Wingate had concluded the bar- gain, and so he had the pleasure to listen to a long summary of objections, with which the technical knowledge of his former pupil enabled him to pnse the uninitiated. When the lawyer was satisfied with the erl'ectof his art, the poor man was relieved from the torture, with an admonition, which it were to be wished all followers of "the delightful task" would hold in mind: «• You may remember, sir, how you made me smart in da\s of yore for verv small offences— now I think our accounts are closed. Take up jour papers, man, and go home with an easy mind j }our titles are excellent." HENRY HOME. 63 polite answer was returned, for the brevity of which the writer excuses himself, " as it is according to his custom, and the time allowed him for such matters." No encouragement was given to continue the correspondence, and the application was not repeated. He appears at the same time to have maintained a conference with Mr Andrew Baxter, on certain points of natural philosophy; but that gentleman finding it impossible to bend the young philosopher's mind to the con- viction, that motion was not the effect of repeated impulses, but of one impulse, the effect of which continues till counteracted, (the doctrine generally received by the learned world,) seems to have lost all proper philosophical patience, and given up the controversy in a fit of anger. Mi Home put on the gown of an advocate in the year 1723, when there were, as there ever will be in such institutions, many eminent men at the Scottish bar ; but although many were respectable both for their talents and integrity, it could not be said that more than one revered individual, Forbes of Culloden, was justly illustrious, for a distinguished display of the former, or an uncompromising and undeviating maintenance of the latter quality. The baneful corruptions of family and ministerial influence, which had long affected the court, ceased to characterize it : but their shadows still hovered around their former dwelling- place, and many curious little private documents on which the world has ac- cidentally stumbled, have shown that the most respectable guardians of justice, have not administered the law uninfluenced by some of those little worldly mo- tives which affect a man in the management of his own affairs. From the period when Mr Home commenced his practice at the bar, he seems to have for a time forgot his metaphysics, and turned the whole of his discriminating and naturally vigorous intellect to the study of the law; in 1728 he published the first of his numerous works, a collection of the " Remarkable Decisions of the Court of Session," from 17 16 to 1728, a work purely professional, which from the species of technical study being seldom embodied by an author so comparatively youth- ful, seems to have attracted much attention from the court and the leading lawyers of the time. It is probable that the hue and arrangement given to the pleadings, now the chief defect of that compilation, may have rendered it at the time it was published attractive from the originality of the method. A small volume of essays " upon several subjects in Scots Law," which he published four years afterwards, afforded more scope for ingenuity and refinement of reasoning than could possibly be infused into other men's arguments; and in the choice of the subjects, and the method of treating them, full advantage has been taken of the license. Such of the arguments and observations as stood the test of more mature consideration, were afterwards embodied by the author in one of his more extensive popular law books. Mr Home seems to have been one of those gifted individuals who could enjoy hilarity without dissipation, and gayety without fri- volity. In early life he gathered round him a knot of familiar and congenial spirits, with whom he enjoyed the fashionable and literary society of Edinburgh, then by no means despicable as a school of politeness, and just dawning into a high literary celebrity. Hamilton of Bangour, Oswald, and lord Binning, were among bis early and familiar friends, and though he soon extended to more gifted minds the circle of his philosophical correspondence, an early intercourse with men so refined and learned must have left a lasting impression on his sus- ceptible intellect. In 1741, at the prudent age of forty-seven, Mr Home married Miss Agatha Drummond, a younger daughter of 3Ir Druramond of Blair, in Perthshire, a lady of whom we hear little, except that she had a turn for quiet humour, and that she perplexed her husband's economical principles by an inordinate affection for old china, being in other respects generally reported to have been a prudent and (54 HENRY HOME. docile wife In 1741, Mr Home published the well known Dictionary of the Decisions of the Court of Session, afterwards continued and perfected by lus friend and biographer, lord Woodhouselee ; a very laborious work, and ot great practical utility, though now superseded by the gigantic compilation of Monson, and the elaborate digest of the late Mr Brown. During the rebellion of 174a, the business of the court of session was suspended for eleven months, and those lawyers whose minds were not engaged in the feverish struggles of the times, had to seek some occupation in their retirement. Mr Home seems at no tune to have busied himself in active politics, excepting such as came within the range of his judicial duties— and the early predilection of his family to the support of the Sluart dynasty, may have been an additional motive for his preserving a strict neutrality during that disorderly period. In the midst of his retirement, he ga- thered into a few short treatises, which, in 1747, he published under the title of ''Essays upon several subjects concerning British Antiquities," some facts and observations intended to allay the unhappy differences of the period, although it is rather doubtful whether the Highlanders or their intelligent chiefs found any solace for their defeat and subjection to the laws, in discussions on the authority of the Regiam 31a jestatem, or nice theories of descent. The subjects discussed are of a highly useful and curious nature ; and had the author brought to the work an extensive collection of facts, and a disposition to launch into no theories but such as his own good sense dictated to be applicable and sound, the coun- try might have had to thank him for a just and satisfactory account of her an- cient laws and customs, and the rise of the constitution, which the talent of her bar has not yet produced. But these essays are brief and desultory, the facts are few and paltry, and the reasoning fanciful and unsatisfactory. The argu- ments against " the Hereditary and Indefeasible Right of Kings," if they ever produced any good effect, would certainly constitute a proof that the human mind, as exhibited in any arguments which might be used by his opponents, was then more perverted by prejudice, than it is generally believed to have been in any civilized country. To the truisms contained in that essay, the refine- ments on hereditary descent form a curious converse ; where the feudal system has its origin from the tendency of bodies in motion to continue in a straight line, and the consequent tendency of the mind to pursue its objects in a course equally direct, which proves that, " as in tracing out a family, the mind descends by degrees from the father first to the eldest son, and so downwards in the order of age, the eldest son, where but one can take, is the first who presents himself." The next production of Mr Home's pen, was one of a nature more con- genial to his habits of thought: — in 1751, he published " Essays on the Principles of Morality and Natural Religion." One of the grand leading aims of this work, is the maintenance of innate ideas, or principles of right and wrong, in opposi- tion to the opinions of Locke and Hume. After the clear logical deductions of these great men, the duty of an opponent was a task of difficulty ; while it is at the same time generally allowed by both parties in this grand question, that the yiew adopted by lord Karnes, while it agrees more happily with the general feel- ings of the world, cannot bear the application of the same chain of clear and subtle reasoning which distinguishes the position of his antagonists. Like too many of the best works on metaphysics, the Essays on Morality give more instruction from the ingenuity of the arguments, and the aspects of the human mind brought be- fore the reader in the course of deducing them, than in the abstract truths pre- sumed to be demonstrated. It has been frequently noticed, to the prejudice of most of the works of the same author, that, instead of arranging his arguments for the support of some general principle, he has subdivided his principle*, and so HENRY HOME. Go failed to bring his arguments to a common point The failing, if characteristic of lord Karnes, was not unusual at the period, and is one which time, and the advantage of the labours of previous thinkers, tend to modify ; — in the work we are just considering, the line of argument maintained bids defiance to the adop- tion of any one general principle, while much confusion is prevented, by the author having given a definition of what he understands those laws of nature to which he refers our consciousness of good and evil to consist of. Although the author in the advertisement avows the purpose of his work to be " to prepare the way for a proof of the existence of the Deity," and terminates the whole with a very pious and orthodox prayer, he had the fortune to bring the church of Scotland like a hornet's nest about him, on the ground of certain principles tending to infidelity, which some of its active adherents had scented out in his arguments. A zealous clergyman of the name of Anderson published, in 1753, " An Estimate of the Profit and Loss of Religion, personally and publicly stated ; illustrated with references to Essays on Morality and Natural Religion ;" in which the unfortunate philosopher is treated with no more politeness than the opponent of any given polemical disputant deserves. This blast of the trumpet was followed up by an ** Analysis" of the same subject, " addressed to the consideration of the church of Scotland ;" and the parties rousing themselves for battle, the hand of the respected Dr Blair, stretched forth in moderation of party rancour, and defence of his esteemed friend, protracted but did not prevent the issue. A mo- tion was made in the committee for overtures of the General Assembly, " How far it was proper for them to call before them, and censure the authors of in- fidel books." After a stormy debate the motion was lost, but the indefatigable My Anderson presented in name of himself and those who adhered to his opin- ions, a petition and complaint to the presbytery of Edinburgh, praying that the author of the Essays on 3Iorality, &c. might be censured " according to the law of the gospel, and the practice of this and all other well governed churches." Defences were given in, and the petitioner obtained leave to reply, but before the matter came to a conclusion he had breathed his last, and the soul of the controversy perishing along with him, lord Kames was left to pursue his philoso- phical studies unmolested. The chief subject of this controversy, may be dis- covered in the curious and original views maintained by the author of the essays, on the subject of liberty and necessity. Full freedom to the will of mankind he maintains to be in opposition to the existence and operation of a Deity, who pre- judges all his actions, and has given him certain motives which he cannot avoid following ; while, to preserve common uniformity with the doctrine of an innate sense of right and wrong previously maintained, the author is obliged to admit that man must have a consciousness of free-will, to enable him to act according to that innate sense : he therefore arrives at a sort of intermediate doctrine, which may be said to maintain, that while the will is not in reality free, it is the essence of our nature that it should appear to us to be so. " Let us fairly own," says the author, " that the truth of things is on the side of necessity ; but that it was necessary for man to be formed with such feelings and notions of contin- gency, as would fit him for the part he has to act." " It is true that a man of this belief, when he is seeking to make his mind easy after some Lad action, may reason upon the principles of necessity, that, according to the constitution of his nature, it was impossible for him to have acted any other part. But this will give him little relief. In spite of all reasonings his remorse will subsist. Na- ture never intended us to act upon this plan : and our natural principles are too deeply rooted to give way to philosophy.'' * * * " These discoveries are also of excellent use, as they furnish us with one of the strongest arguments lor the existence of the Deity, and as they set the wisdom and goodness of his CO HENRY HOME. providence in the most striking light Nothing carr.es in it more express char- acters of dtsi-m ; nothing can be conceived more opposite to chance, than a plan so artfully contrived for adjusting our impressions and feelings to the purposes of life » The doctrine may appear at first sight anomalous; but it displays equal ingenuity in its discovery, and acuteness in its support, and is well worthy of the deepest attention. A certain clergyman of the church of Scotland is said to have seen in this theory an admirable exposition of the doctrine of predestina- tion and to have hailed the author as a brother ; and certainly a little com- parison Mill show no slight analo2y betwixt the two systems; but other persons thought differently, and the reverend gentleman was superseded. These fiery controversies have carried us beyond an event which served to mitigate their ran- cour—the elevation of Mr Home to the bench of the court of session, where he took his seat in February, 1752, by the title of lord Karnes; an appointment which, as it could not be but agreeable and satisfactory to the learned and in- genious, seems to have met the general concurrence and approbation of the com- mon people of the country. Arguing from the productions of his pen, no one would hesitate to attribute to lord Karnes those qualities of acuteness, ingenuity, and plausible interpretation, necessary for the acquirement of distinction and success at the bar — but that he was characterized by the unprejudiced and un- wavering uprightness of the judge, whose conclusions are formed less on finely •pun theories and sophisms than on those firm doctrines of right and wrong which can form a guide alike to the ignorant and the learned, would seem question- able, had we not the best authority to believe, that his strong good sense, and knowledge of justice, taught him as a judge to desert, on most occasions, the pleasing speculations which occupied his mind as a lawyer. " He rarely," says Tytler, " entered into any elaborate argument in support of his opinions ; it was enough that he had formed them with deliberation, and that they were the re- sult of a conscientious persuasion of their being founded on justice, and on a fair interpretation of the laws." Unfortunately there are some exceptions to this general characteristic ; refined speculation seldom entirely deserts its favourite abode, and in some few instances lord Kames was a special pleader on the bench. In 1755, lord Kames was appointed a member of the board of trustees, for the encouragement of the fisheries, arts, and manufactures of Scotland, and likewise one of the commissioners for the management of the annexed estates, on both of which important duties it would appear he bestowed the attention his ever active mind enabled him to direct to many different subjects. In the midst of his va- ried judicial and ministerial labours, two legal works appeared from the pen of lord Kames. " The Statute Law of Scotland abridged, with Historical Notes," published in 1759, was never known beyond the library of the Scots lawyer, and has now almost fallen into disuse even there. " Historical Law Tracts," published in 1757, was of a more ambitious sort, and acquired something be- yond professional celebrity. The matters discussed in this volume are exceed- ingly miscellaneous, and present a singular mixture of " first principles" of morality, metaphysics, &c, and Scots law. The author has here displayed, in the strongest light, his usual propensity for hunting all principles so far back into the misty periods of their origin, that, attempting to find the lost traces of the peculiar idea he is following, he pursues some fanciful train of thought, which has just as much chance of being wrong as of being right " I have often amused myself," says llie author, " with a fanciful resemblance of law to the river Nile. When we enter upon the municipal law of any country in its present state, we resemble a traveller, who, crossing the Delta, loses his way among the numberless branches of the Egyptian river. But when we begin at the source, md follow the current of law, it is in that case no less easy and agreeable ; and HENRY HOME. 67 all its relations and dependencies are traced with no greater difficulty than are the many streams into which that magnificent river is divided before it is lost in the sea." If the philosopher meant to compare his searches after first principles to the investigation of the source of the Nile, the simile was rather unfortunate, and tempts one by a parody to compare his speculations to those of one who will discover the navigability or fertilizing power of a river, by a confused and end- less range among its various sources, when he has the grand main body of the river open to his investigations, from which he may find his way, by a sure and undoubted course, to its principal sowrces, should he deem it worth his while to penetrate them. This work exhibits in singularly strong colours the merits and defects of its author. While his ingenuity has led him into fanciful theories, and prompted him to attribute to the actions of barbarous governments subtle inten- tions of policy, of which the actors never dreamed, it has enabled him to point out connexions in the history of our law, and to explain the natural causes of anomalies, for which the practical jurisconsult might have long looked in vain. The history of criminal jurisprudence is a prominent part of this work. The author attempts to confute the well founded theories of Voltaire, Montesquieu, and many others, tracing the origin of punishment, and consequently the true principles of criminal jurisprudence, from the feelings of vindictiveness and in- dignation inherent in human nature when injured, — a principle we fear too often followed to require a particular vindication or approval. We cannot pass from this subject without attracting attention to the enlightened views thrown out by lord Karnes on the subject of entails, views which he has seen the impor- tance of frequently repeating and inculcating, though with many others he spoke to the deaf adder, who heeded not the wisdom of his words. He proposed the entire repeal of the statute of 16 85, which, by an invention of the celebrated Sir Thomas Hope, had been prepared for the purpose of clenching the fetters of Scots entails, in a manner which might put at defiance such efforts as had en- abled the lawyers of England to release property from its chains. But the equity of the plan was shown in the manner in which the author proposed to settle the nice point of the adjustment of the claims on estates previously entailed. The regulations enforced by these he proposed should continue in force in as far as respected the interests of persons existing, but should neither benefit nor bind persons unborn at the time of the passing of the act proposed. Such an adjust- ment, though perhaps the best that could possibly be supposed, can only be put in practice with great difficulty ; the circumstance of an heir being expected to be born, nearer than any heir alive, and numberless others of a similar nature, would render the application of the principle a series of difficulties. Lord Karnes communicated his views on this subject to lord Hardwick and lord Mansfield, and these great judges admitted their propriety ; it had been well had the warn- ing voice been heeded — but at that period the allegiance of Scotland might have been endangered by such a measure. The duke of Argyle was then the only Scotsman not a lawyer, who could look without horror on an attempt to infringe on the divine right of the lairds. In 1760, appeared another philosophically legal work from our author's prolific pen, entitled " Principles of Equity," composed with the ambitious view of reconciling the distinct systems of jurisprudence of the two nations — a book which might be of great use in a country where there is no law, and which, though it may now be applied to but little practical advantage in Scotland, it is rather humiliating to think, should have ever been considered requisite as a guide to our civil judges. But the opinions of this volume, which referred to the equity courts of England, received a kindly correction from a masterly hand. In tracing the jurisdiction of the court of chancery, lord Karnes pro- 68 HENRY HOME. ■•.lined it to be possessed of perfectly arbitrary powers, (something resembling tlu.se at one time enjoyed by the court of session,) enabling it to do justice ac- cording to the merits, in every case which the common law courts did not reach° and with great consideration laid down rules for the regulation of its decisions, forgetting that, if such rules could be applied to any court so purely arguing from circumstances and conscience, the rules of an act of parliament night hare been as well chosen, and rather more strictly followed, than those of the* Scottish judge. But it appears that lord Karnes had formed erroneous ideas of the powers of the English equity courts; and in a portion of Sir William Blackstoue's Commentary, attributed to the pen of lord Mansfield, he is thus corrected: " on the contrary, the system of our courts of equity is a laboured, connected system, governed by established rules, and bound down by precedents, from which they do not depart, although the reason of some of them may per- haps be liable to objection." Tytler, on all occasions the vindicator of his friend, has attempted to support the theory of lord Karnes, by making Black- stone contradict himself: he has discovered the following passage in the Intro- duction to that author's works, — " Equity depending essentially upon the parti- cular circumstances of each individual case, there can be no established rules and fixed precepts of equity laid down, without destroying its very essence, and reducing it to a positive law." But in this passage, be it recollected, the author speaks of courts of pure equity like the Praetorian tribunals of the Romans, un- trammelled by act or precedent, and left entirely to judicial discretion, a species of institution of which he does not admit the existence in England. But let us not relinquish this subject, without bestowing our meed of approbation on the noble efforts which the learned author has made in this, and more effectually in others of his works, to reconcile the two countries to an assimilation in laws. There is no more common prejudice, than the feeling, that the approach of one country to the laws and customs of another, is not an act of expediency, but an acknowledgment of inferiority, and it generally requires a harsher struggle on the part of the weaker, than on that of the stronger people. It is frequently maintained that a love for ancient institutions, and a wish to continue them, however cumbersome, is the characteristic safeguard of freedom ; but might it not be said, that the firmness of a nation consists in the obedience it pays to the laws while they exist, paying them not the less respect in their execution, that they look upon thein as systems which should be altered by the legislative authority. " Our law," says lord Karnes, " will admit of many improvements from that of England ; and if the author be not in a mistake, through partiality to his native country, we are rich enough to repay with interest all we have occasion to borrow ;" a reflection which might produce good seed, if it would teach some narrow intellects to examine the merits of some petty deformities of Scottish law, for which antiquity has given them an affection. And if the proud legislators of a neighbouring country would desert for a moment the stale jest which forced itself into the words " nolumus leges Angliae mutari," and admit the possibility that the mighty engine of English jurisprudence might admit some improvement from the working of a more simple and in many things very efficacious machine, the high benefits of a participation in the excellencies of their own system, which they show so much anxiety to extend across the border, would be received with less jealousy and suspicion. Passing over the introduction to the Art of Thinking, published in 1761, we turn with much pleasure to the contemplation of another of the philosophical productions of this eminent writer, the work on which his reputation chiefly depends. In 1762 was published, in three octavo volumes, " The Elements of Criticism." The correspondence and previous HENRY HOME. G9 studies of the author show the elaborate and diversified matter of these volumes to have been long the favourite subject of his reflections. It had in view the aim of tracing the progress of taste as it is variously exhibited and acknowledged to exist, to the organic principles of the mind on which in its various depart- ments it is originally founded, displaying the art of what his biographer justly calls " Philosophical Criticism," in opposition to that which is merely practical, or applicable to objects of taste as they appear, without any reference to the causes why the particular feelings are exhibited. But that lord Karnes was in this " the inventor of a science," as his biographer has termed him, is a state- ment which may admit of some doubt. The doctrine of reflex senses propounded by Hutchinson, the father of the Scottish System of Philosophy, had many years previously laid a firm foundation for the system, afterwards so ably erected. Some years previously to the publi- cation of the Elements of Criticism, Hume and Gerard had drawn largely from the same inexhaustible source, and, if with less variety, certainly with more correctness and logical accuracy of deduction ; and Burke, though he checked the principle of the sensations he has so vividly illustrated by arbitrary feelings assigned as their source, contributed much to the advancement of that high study. Nor is it to be denied, that the ancients at least knew the existence of this untried tract, if they did not venture far within its precincts, for few can read Cicero de Oratore, Longinus, or the Institutions of Quinctilian, without perceiv- ing that these men were well acquainted with the fundamental principles of the rules of criticism. But relinquishing the discussion of its originality, the Ele- ments of Criticism is a book no man can read without acquiring many new ideas, and few without being acquainted with many new facts: it is full of useful infor- mation, just criticism, and ingenious reasoning, laying down rules of composition and thought, which have become classical regulations for elegant writers. The author is, however, a serious transgressor of his own excellent rules ; his mind seems to have been so perpetually filled with ideas, that the obstruction occa- sioned by the arrangement of a sentence would cause a considerable interruption in their flow ; hence he is at all times a brief, unmelodious composer, and the broken form of his sentences frequently renders their meaning doubtful. The following specimen, chosen by chance, is an example of a good rule ill observed by its maker : " In arranging a period, it is of importance to determine in what part of it a word makes the greatest figure, whether at the beginning, during the course, or at the close. The breaking silence rouses the attention, and prepares for a deep impression at the beginning ; the beginning, however, must yield to the close : which, being succeeded by a pause, aftbrds time for a word to make its deepest impression. Hence the following rule, that to give the utmost force to a period, it ought, if possible, to be closed with that word which makes the greatest figure. The opportunity of a pause should not be thrown away upon accessories, but reserved for the principal object, in order that it may make a full impression : which is an additional reason against closing a period with a circumstance. There are, however, periods that admit not such a struc- ture, and, in that case, the capital word ought, if possible, to be placed in the front, which next to the close, is the most advantageous for making an impres- sion" (v. ii. p. 72). But were we to scrutinize with malicious accuracy, we might find sentences like the following, bidding defiance to form and sense. " Benevolence and kindly affection are too refined for savages, unless of the simplest kind, such as the ties of blood," (Sketches of Hist, of Man, v, i. p. 270 ;) or, " Here it is taken for granted, that we see external objects, and that we see them with both eyes in the same place ; inadvertently, it must be acknowledged, as it flatly contradicts what he had been all along inculcating, 70 HENRY HOME. that external objects are not visible, otherwise than in imagination," (Essays on Monk p. 276). It has been said, and not without reason, that the critical principles of lord Karnes are more artificial than natural, more the produce of refined reasoning than of feeling or sentiment. The whole of his deductions are, indeed, founded on the doctrine of taste being increased and improved, and' almost formed by art, and his personal character seems not to have suggested any other medium for his own acquisition of it He joined tbe vulgar cry of the period on the barbarism of the Gothic architecture, probably because the general disrespect in which it was held prevented him from being anxious to discover any " first principles" on which to erect for it a character of propriety and elegance. In his plans for the improvement of his grounds, we find him falling into practical abortions of taste, of which, had they been presented to him as speculative questions, he might have seen the deformity. In a letter to the accomplished Mrs Montague, he says, " a rill of water runs neglected through the fields, obscured by pretty high banks. It is proposed that the water be raised in different places by stone buildings imitating natural rocks, which will make some beautiful cascades. The banks to be planted with flowering shrubs, and access to the whole by gravel paths. The group will produce a mixture of sweetness and liveliness, which makes fine harmony in gardening as well as in life ;" and farther on, " But amongst my other plans, I have not forgot the spot pitched upon by you for a seat; and because every thing belonging to you should have something peculiar, the bottom, to be free from wet, is contrived to fold up, and to have for its ornament a plate of brass with this inscription, ' rest, and contemplate the beauties of art and nature.' " The Elements of Criticism had the good fortune to call forth a little of the virulence of Warburton, who seems to have complacently presumed that lord Karnes composed his three thick volumes with the sole and atrocious aim of opposing some of the theories of the learned divine ; and Voltaire, celtifying the author by the anomalous name of " Makaims," has bestowed on him a few sneers, sparingly sprinkled with praise, provoked by the unfortunate Scotsman having spoken of the Henriade in slight- ing terms, and having lauded Shakspeare to the prejudice of the French drama. In April, 1763, lord Karnes was appointed a lord of justiciary, in the criminal court of Scotland. Some have accused him of severity as a judge ; but in the character of the man who can stretch the law against the criminal, there is some- thing so repugnant, and — acting in a court where judges decide very much fron discretion, and from which the accused enjoys no appeal — something so truly abhorrent, that we would require much and strong evidence indeed, before we could attribute to a man of great benevolence, of much and tried philanthropy and of general virtue, the characteristic of a cruel judge. Surrounded by judi- cial duties and immersed in professional and literary studies, he was still an active supporter of the useful institutions which he had some time previously joined, investigating along with the celebrated Dr Walker, the proper grounds for improving the cultivation and manufactures of the Western Isles, and the more remote parts of Scotland, In 1766, a new field was opened for his exer- tions, by his succession, through the death of his wife's brother, to the extensive estate of Blair Drummond, which made him a richer, but not a more illustrious man. The chief circumstance which renders this accession to his fortune inter- esting to the world, is the commencement of a vast system of improvement, by floating ,nto the Firth of Forth the surface of a moss, extending over portions ot h.s own, and many contiguous estates, and shrouding what cultivation has made and i. still making the finest land in Scotland. The next issue from the pen of lord Karnes, were, a small pamphlet on the Progress of Flax Hus- bandry ,n Scotland, published in the year 1765, and in the ensuin* year, a HENRY HOME. 71 continuation of his Remarkable Decisions from 1730 to 1752. He now began to approach that age which has been marked out as a period reached by a small proportion of the human race, but though stricken in years, and pressed upon by official duties, he did not flinch from a new and elaborate undertaking on a subject of many diversified branches, some of which were totally disconnected with his previous literary labours. Lord Karnes appears to have had his mind perpetually filled with the matter he was preparing to discuss, and to have con- stantly kept open to the world the engrossing matter of his thoughts ; it is thus that, for some time previously to the publication of his " Sketches of the History of Man," (which appeared in 1774,) we find an ample correspondence with his literary friends, — with Dr Walker, Sir James Nasmith, Dr Reid, and Dr Black, affording some most interesting speculations on the gradations of the human race, and the analogy between plants and animal subjects — which had long been speculated upon by our author. On these branches of philosophy, he has bestowed considerable attention in the Sketches of the History of Man, to little satisfac- tion. In reasoning a priori from the history of man in the world, and the various aspects of his tribe, the author erects a system in opposition to that of revelation, to which however he afterwards yields, as to the authority of the court, allowing it to be true, not by any means from the supe- riority of the system to his own, but because holy writ has told it. But if the work be hereafter perused, to gratify an idle hour with its amusing details, few will search in it for much information on a subject which has received so much better illustration from Blumenbach, Pritchard, and Lawrence. But the subjects of these sketches are multifarious ; Ossian's poems are ingeniously introduced as part of the history of man, constituting a sort of barbaro-civilized period, when probably the same amount of polish and of rudeness which still exists, held sway, though without neutralizing each other, and both displayed in the extreme ; government is also discussed, and finances. The political economy is old and narrow, looking upon national means too much in the light of an engine to be wielded, rather than as a self-acting power, which only requires freedom and room to enable it to act ; nevertheless it is sprinkled with enlightened views such as the following : "It appears to be the intention of Providence, that all nations should benefit by commerce, as by sunshine ; and it is so ordered, that an unequal balance is prejudicial to the gainers, as well as to the losers : the latter are immediate sufferers ; but not less so ultimately are the former." In his latter days, the subject of our memoir produced four more extensive works, of which we shall only mention the names and dates : " The Gentleman Farmer," in 1776, — " Elucidations respecting the Common Law of Scotland,'' in 1777, — " Select Decisions of the Court of Session from 1752 to 1768,'' pub- lished in 1780, — " Loose Hints on Education." The last of his works, was pub- lished in 1781, in the 85th year of the author's age, a period when the weak- ness of the body cannot fail to communicate itself to the thoughts. The green old age of lord Karnes seems to have been irabittered by no disease but that of general decay. He continued his usual attention to the agricultural and manu- facturing projects of the country ; gratified his few leisure hours in the society of his select literary friends, attended the court of session, and even performed the arduous duty of travelling on the circuits : he was indeed a singular specimen of a mind whose activity age could not impede. His correspondence continues till within a short time of his death, and before leaving the world, he could spare some consideration for assisting in the establishment of an institution, the pleasures and profits of which could not be reaped by him, The Royal Society of Scotland. During his short and last illness, he expressed no dread except that he might outlive the faculties of his mind ; to the usual solicitations, which 72 JOHN HOME. friends can never avoid making on such occasions, that he would submit himself to the care of a physician— " Don't talk of my disease," he answered, " I have no disease but old age. I know that Mrs Druminond and my son are of a different opinion ; but why should I distress them sooner than is necessary. I know well that no physician on earth can do me the smallest service : for I feel that I am dying ; and I thank God that my mind is prepared for that event. I leave this world in peace and good-will to all mankind. You know the dread I liave had of outliving my faculties ; of that 1 trust there is now no great proba- bility, as my body decays so fast My life has been a long one, and prosper- ous, on the whole, beyond my deserts : but I would fain indulge the hope that it has not been useless to my fellow creatures." A week before he died, lord Karnes took a final farewell of his old friends and professional companions, on that bench to which he had been so long an ornament. He parted from each as a private friend, and on finally retiring from the room, is said to have turned round on the sorrowful group and bid his adieu in an old favourite epithet, more expressive of jovial freedom than of refinement. He died on the 27th of December, 1782, in the 87th year of his age. We have narrated the events of his life with so much detail, that a sum- mary of his character is unnecessary ; he is said to have been parsimonious, but if the epithet be applicable, the private defect will be forgotten in the midst of his public virtues. He possessed the dangerous and powerful engine of sarcasm ; but he used it to heal, not to wound, 'lhe following instance of his reluctance to give pain, to be found in a letter to Mr Creech, is so characteristic of a truly worthy man, that we cannot abstain from quoting it. " In the fifth volume of Dodsley's collection of poems, there is one by T D at page 226, which will make a good illustration of a new Rule of Criticism that is to go into the new edition of the Elements ; but, as it is unfavourable to the author of that poem, I wish to know whether he is alive ; for I would not willingly give pain." HOME, John, an eminent dramatic poet, was born at Leith on the 22d of September, (O.S.) 1722. He was the son of 31r Alexander Home, town-clerk of Leith, whose father was the son of Mr Home of 1 lass, in Berwickshire, a lineal descendant of Sir John Home of Cowdenknowes, from whom the present earl of Home is descended. John Home, who during his whole life retained a proud recollection of his honourable ancestry, Mas educated, first at the gram- mar school of his native town, and then at the university of Edinburgh. In both of these seminaries, he prosecuted his studies with remarkable diligence and success. While he attended the university, his talents, his progress in literature, and his peculiarly agreeable manners, soon excited the attention, and procured in no small degree the favour, both of the professors and of hii fellow students. He here formed an acquaintance which lasted through life, with many of those eminent men, who elevated the literary character of Scot- land so highly during the eighteenth century. After qualifying himself by the ordinary course of studies, to undertake the duties of a clergyman in the Scot- tish church, he was licensed to preach on the 4th of April, 1745. 'Ihe natural chaiacter of Home was ardent and aspiring. Under the meek garb of a Scottish licentiate, he bore a heart which throbbed eagerly at the idea of military fame, and the whole cast of his mind was romantic and chival- rous. It might have been expected that, in the celebrated quarrel which divided the national mind in 1745, such a person would have been unable to resist the temptation ot joining prince Charles. It happened, however, that the chivalry of Home was of a whiggish cast, and that his heart burned for civil freedom as well as for military glory. He therefore became a volunteer in a rovai corps which was raised at Edinburgh to repel the attack of the Chevalier. '1 his corps, .. A.TJTB ■ JOHN HOME. 73 when the danger approached in all its reality, melted almost into thin air : yet Home was one of a very small number who protested against the pusillanimous behaviour of the rest. Having reluctantly laid down his arms, he employed himself next day in taking observations of the strength of the Highland forces, which he appears to have communicated to Sir John Cope : while thus engaged, he was near enough to the prince to measure his stature against his own. In the early part of the succeeding year, he reappeared in arms as a volunteer, and was present at the disgraceful affair of Falkirk, where he was taken prisoner. Being conveyed to Doune castle, then under the keeping of a nephew of Rob Roy, he was confined for some days, along with several companions in misfortune ; but the whole party at length escaped, by cutting their blankets into shreds, and letting themselves down upon the ground. He now took up his residence at Leith, and for some time pi'osecuted his professional studies, mixed, however, with a kind of reading to which his inclination led, that of the historians and classics of Greece and Rome. " His temper," says his friendly biographer Mackenzie, " was of that warm susceptible kind, which is caught by the heroic and the tender, and which is more fitted to delight in the world of sentiment than to succeed in the bustle of ordinary life. His own favourite model of a character, and that on which his own was formed, was the ideal being Young Norval in his own play of Douglas, one endowed with chivalrous valour and romantic generosity, eager for glory beyond any other object, and, in the contemplation of future fame, en- tirely regardless of the present objects of interest and ambition. The same glowing complexion of mind, which gave birth to this creature of fancy, co- loured the sentiments and descriptions of his ordinary discourse ; he had a very retentive memory, and was fond of recalling the incidents of past times, and of dramatizing his stories by introducing the names and characters of the persons concerned in them. The same turn of mind threw a certain degree of elevation into his language, and heightened the narrative in which that language was em- ployed ; he spoke of himself with a frankness which a man of that disposition is apt to indulge, but with which he sometimes forgot that his audience was not al- ways inclined to sympathize, and thence he was accused of more vanity than in truth belonged to his character. The same warm colouring was employed in the delineation of his friends, to whom he assigned a rank which others would not always allow. So far did he carry this propensity, that, as Dr Robertson used jokingly to say, he invested them with a sort of supernatural privilege above the ordinary humiliating circumstances of mortality. • He never,' said the Doctor, ' could allow that a friend was sick till he heard of his death.' To the same source were to be traced the warm eulogies which he was accustomed to bestow upon them. * He delighted in bestowing as well as in receiving flat- tery,' said another of his intimates ; ' but with him it had all the openness and warmth of truth. He flattered all of us, from whom his flattery could gain no favour, fully as much, or, indeed, more willingly, than he did those men of the first consequence and rank, with whom the circumstances of his future life associated him ; and he received any praise from us with the same genuine feel- ings of friendship and attachment.' There was no false coinage in this currency which he used in his friendly intercourse ; whether given or received, it had with him the stamp of perfect candour and sincerity." Such was the enthusiastic young man who was destined for the strange glory of producing, in Scotland, a tragedy upon a Scottish story. In 1746, he was presented by Sir David Kinloch of Gilmerton, to the church and parish of Athelstaneford in East Lothian, then vacant by the death of the Rev. Robert Blair, the author of the Grave. Previous to this period, his passionate fondness y4 JOHN HOME. —which lie finished soon after he was "«"»J»/ f re presentation at Drurv went to London, and offered his J** ^J^, onager But the English Abbey : j ^^ q{ shakspeare j t0 this place I come, To ease my bursting bosom at thy tomb-, For neither Greek nor Roman poet fired My fancy first— thee chiefly I admired •, And, dav and night revolving still thy page, I hoped.'like thee, to shake the British Blags; But cold neglect is now my only meed, And heavy falls it on so proud a head, lf powers above now listen to my lyre, Charm them to grant, indulgent, my desire ; Let petrifaction stop this falling tear, And fix my form for ever marble here. After this unsuccessful journey to London, he turned his mind to the com- position of the tragedy of Douglas, which was founded upon the beautoft .old ballad of Gil Morris. Having finished this in the intervals of his profes uona] labours, he set out upon another expedition to the metropolis, February 1755 with the favourable hopes of a circle of most intelligent friends, to whom he had intrusted it for perusal. It was, however, as ill received as Agis : Mr Garr.ck returned it with the declaration that it was totally unfit for the stage. With this opinion, which many excellent English critics still maintain, neither the poet nor his friends were at all satisfied. Those friends, looking upon it with the eyes of Scotsmen, heheld in it something quite superior to the ordinary run of English tragedies ; and accordingly they recommended that it should be pre- sented upon the Edinburgh stage, which was then conducted by a gentleman named Digges, whom Mr Mackenzie describes as possessed of great powers, (though with many defects,) and of great popularity in Scotland. The recom- mendation was carried into effect ; and all Edinburgh was presently in a state of wild excitement, from the circumstance of a play being in preparation by a minister of the established church.1 The actors at the Edinburgh theatre hap- 1 If we are to believe an authority good in theatrical matters— the Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle newspaper, while under the management of Mr Edward Hislop, — Dr Carlyle, and others of his brethren, not only attended the rehearsals of Douglas, but themselves performed in the first of them : " It may not be generally known," says the authority just referred to, " that the first rehearsal took 'place in the lodgings in the Canongate occupied by Mrs Sarah Warde, one of Digges's company ; and that it was rehearsed by, and in presence of, the most distinguished literary characters Scotland ever could boast of. The following was the cast of the piece on the occasion : — Dramatis Personce. Lord Randolph, . . Dr Robertson, principal, Edinburgh. Glenalvon, . . . David Hume, historian. Old Norval, . . . Dr Carlyle, minister of Musselburgh. Douglas, . . . John Home, the author. Lady Randolph, . . Dr Ferguson, professor. Anna (the Maid), . Dr Blair, minister, High Church. The audience that day, besides Mr Digges and Mrs Warde, were the right honourable Patrick lord Elibank, lord Milton, lord Karnes, lord Monboddo, (the two last were then only lawyers,) the Rev. John Steele and William Home, ministers. The company, all but Mrs Warde, dined afterwards at the Griskin Club, in the Abbey. The above is a signal proof of the strong passion for the drama which then obtained among the literati of this capital, since JOHN HOME. 7a pened to be, in general, men of some ability in their profession, and the play was thus cast : Digges, Young Norval; Hayman, Old Norval ; Love, Glenalvon ; Mrs Warde, Lady RandolpJu But the name Barnet was at this time used for Randolph, and Norval was called Norman. The first representation, which took place December 14, 1756, was honoured by the presence of a large audience, comprising many friends of the author, clerical as well as otherwise. It was re- ceived with enthusiastic applause, and, in the conclusion, drew forth many tears, which were, perhaps, a more unequivocal testimony to its merits. The town was in an uproar of exultation, that a Scotsman should write a tragedy of the first rate, and that its merits were first submitted to them. But the most remarkable circumstance attending its representation was the clerical contest which it excited, and the proceedings of the church of Scotland regarding it. Owing to certain circumstances, — among which was reckoned the publication of lord Karnes's " Essays on Natural and Revealed Religion," which were suspected of a tendency to infidelity, besides the issue of a work in England, entitled " England's Alarm," in which Scotland was accused of cher- ishing great corruptions in religion, — there obtained in the church a more zealous disposition than usual to lop off heresies, and chastise peccant brethren. Hence the prosecution raised against Mr Home, which at any rate must have taken place, was characterized by an appearance of rancour which has often since been the subject of ridicule. The presbytery of Edinburgh commenced the proceedings by publishing a solemn admonition ; in which they expressed deep regret at the growing irre- ligion of the times, and warned all persons within their bounds, especially the young, against the danger of frequenting stage-plays. This document only pro- voked the mirth of the public ; it was replied to by a perfect torrent of jeux d'esprit. The church, however, though unable to inflict any punishment upon the people at large for their admiration of the play, had the author and all his then, unfortunately, much abated. The rehearsal must have been conducted with very great sucrec) ; for what would the kirk, which took such deep offence at the composition of the piece by one of its ministers, have said to the fact of no fewer than four of these being engaged in rehearsing it, and two others attending the exhibition ? The circumstance of the gentle Anna having been personated by ' Dr Blair, minister of the High Church,' is a very droll one." — Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle, January 21, 1829. This statement may not be accurate — it is only a quotation from a newspaper ; but assum- ing that it has some truth in it, we hesitate not to say that it is far from being either " droll " or creditable to the eminent persons to whom it refers : " Sir," said Dr Johnson, upon one oc- casion, " this merriment of parsons is very offensive." As to Dr Robertson's share in these transactions, it is only fair to quote what is said by hij biographer. Mr Stewart's words are as follows: " The extraordinary merits of Mr Home's performance, which is now become to Scotsmen a subject of national pride, were not suf- ficient to atone for so bold a departure from the austerity expected in a presbyterian divine; and the otl'ence was not a little exasperated by the conduct of some of Mr Home's brethren, who, partly from curiosity, and partly from a friendly wish to share in the censure bestowed on the author, were led to witness the first representation of the piece on the Edinburgh stage. In the whole course of the ecclesiastical proceedings connected with these incidents, Dr Robertson distinguished himself by the ablest and most animated exertions in defence of his friends ; and contributed greatly, by his persuasive eloquence, to the mildness of that sen- tence in which the prosecution at last terminated. His arguments, on this occasion, had, it may be presumed, the greater weight, that he had never himself entered within the walls of a playhouse ; a remarkable proof, among numberless others which the history of his life af- fords, of that scrupulous circumspection in his private conduct, which, while it added so much to his usefulness as a clergyman, was essential to his influence as the leader of a party; and which so often enabled him to recommend successfully to others the same candid and indul- gent spirit that was congenial to his own mind." — Account of the Life and Writings of Dr Robertson, by Dugald Stewart, Esq., p. 12. In this passage Mr Stewart discountenances, in general terms, the belief that the Principal gave the tragedy of Douglas any active patronage, by attending the representations or other- wise ; but the statement that Dr Robertson " had never himself entered within the walls of a playhouse," cannot be considered as an absolute contradiction of his having been present at the rehearsal "in the lodgings in the Canongate occupied by Mrs Sarah Wurde." 76 JOHN HOME. clerical abettors completely in their power. Mr Home only escaped degrade tion by abdicating his pulpit, which he did in June, 1757. His friends who had been present at the representation, were censured or punished according to the degree of their supposed misconduct Mr White, the minister of Libberton, was suspended for a month, a mitigated sentence in consideration of his apology, which was— that he had attended the representation only once, when he en- deavoured to conceal himself in a corner, to avoid giving offence. The misfortune of the Scottish church, on this occasion, consisted only in a little want of discrimination. They certainly did not err in characterizing the stage as immoral ; for the stage, both then and since, and in almost all periods of its existence, has condescended to represent scenes, and give currency to language, which, in the general society of the period, could not be tolerated. But though the stage seems thus to claim a privilege of lagging behind the moral standard of every age, and in general calculates itself for the gratification of only a secondary order of tastes, there was surely something to be said in favour of a man who, having devoted his leisure to the cultivation of an elegant branch of the belles lettres, had produced a work not calculated to encourage the immoral system complained of, but to correct it by introducing a purer taste, or which could at least not be played, without for that night preventing the re- presentation of something more fatal to good manners. There were many, no doubt, who were rather rejoiced than saddened, at finding a stream of purer feel- ing disposed to turn itself into the Augean stable of the theatre ; because they calculated that since men cannot be withheld from that place of amusement, the next best course is to make the entertainment as innocent as possible. 3Ir Home had been introduced some years before, by Sir David Kinloch, the patron of his parish, to lord justice clerk Milton, who then acted as Sous Mi?iis- tre for Scotland, under Archibald duke ofArgyle. Being introduced by lord Milton to the duke, his grace said that, being now too old to be of any material service in improving his prospects, he would commit him to his nephew, the earl of Bute, who was succeeding to that nameless situation of trust and patron- age which had been so long held by himself. Accordingly, on Mr Home's going to London in 1757, he was kindly received by lord Bute, who, having that in- fluence with Garrick which had been found wanting in the merit of the play itself, soon caused it to be brought out at Brury Lane. Notwithstanding Gar- rick's unchanged opinion of its merit, it met with distinguished success. Lord Bute, besides procuring Mr Home this highest gratification which he was capable of receiving, provided for his personal wants by obtaining for him the sinecure situation of conservator of Scots privileges at Campvere. Thus se- cure as to the means of subsistence, the poet reposed with tranquillity upon his prospects of dramatic fame. His tragedy of Agis, which had been written before Douglas, but rejected, was brought forward, and met with success, Gar- rick and Aire Cibber playing the principal characters. The Siege of Aquikia was repi'esented in 1750, but, owing to a want of interest in the action, did not secure the favour of the audience. In 1760, he pi-inted his three tragedies in one volume, and dedicated them to the prince of W ales, whose society he had enjoyed through the favour of the earl of Bute, preceptor to the prince. When this royal personage became king, he signified his favour for Mr Home by granting him a pension of £300 a-year from his privy purse — which, in ad- dition to an equal sum from his office of conservator, rendered him what in Scotland might be considered affluent. About this period, he spent the greater part of his time in London, but occasionally came to Scotland, to attend his duties as an elder in the General Assembly, being appointed to that trust by the ecclesiastical establishment at Campvere, which then enjoyed a representa- tion in the great clerical council of the nation. In 1767, he forsook almost JOHN HOME. 77 entirely the company of the earl of Bute and his other distinguished friends at London, and planted himself down in a villa, which he built near his former residence in East Lothian, and where he continued to reside for the next twelve years. To increase the felicity of a settled home, he married a lady bf his own name in 1770, by whom he never had any children. Three tragedies, the Fatal Discovery, Alonzo, and Alfred, successively ap- peared in 1769, 1773, and 1778; but, though received at first with considera- ble applause, they took no permanent hold of the stage ; and thus seemed to confirm the opinion which many English critics had avowed in regard to the success of Douglas — that it was owing to no peculiar powers of dramatic com- position in the author, but simply to the national character of the piece, with a slight aid from its exhibition of two very popular passions, maternal and filial ten- derness.2 The reception of the last mentioned play was so cool, that he ceased from that time to write for the stage. * " As we sat over our tea," says Boswell on this subject, "Mr Home's tragedy of Douglas was mentioned. 1 put Dr Johnson in mind that once, in a Coffee-house at Oxford, he allied to old Mr Sheridan, ' How came }ou, sir, to give Home a gold medal * for writing that foolish play?' and defied Mr Sheridan to show ten good lines in it. He did not insist that they should be together ; but that there were not ten good lines in the whole play. He now persisted in this. I endeavoured to defend that pathetic and beautiful tragedy, and re- peated the following passage : Sincerity, Thou first of virtues, let no mortal leave Thy onward path, altho' the earth should gape, And from the gulph of hell destruction cry, To take dissimulation's winding way. Johnson. ' That will not do, sir. Nothing is good but what is consistent with truth or proba- bility, which this is not. Juvenal indeed gives us a noble picture of inflexible virtue i Esto bonus miles, tutor bonus, arbiter idem Integer: ambiguse si quando citabere testis Inceriaque rei, Phalaris licet imperet, ut sis Falsus, et admoto dictet perjuria tauro, Summum crede nefas, animam prseferre pudori, Et, propter vitam, vita? perdere causas.' He repeated the lines with great force and dignity ; then added, « And after tin's comes Johnny Home, with his earth gaping and his destruction crying ! — Pooh !' " — Boswell's Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides. It must be acknowledged Boswell was not fortunate in the specimen he produced, and that the passage quoted by Johnson from Juvenal is infinitely superior. The circumstances at- tending the representation of Douglas were not such as to dispose an English critic to allow its merit. In the first place, the national taste was in some degree committed in the judg- ment passed upon the play by the favourite actor and manager; and it was not only galling to himself, but to all who relied upon his taste, that he should have been mistaken. In tl:e next place, the Scots did not use their triumph with discretion ; they talked of the merits of Douglas in a strain quite preposterous, and of which no unfair specimen is to be found in the anecdote of a Caledonian who, being present in the pit of Drury Lane one night of its per- formance, is said to have exclaimed, in the insolence of his exultation, " Whar's your Wulrv Shakspeare nou 1" Such ridiculous pretensions are now forgotten; but they were advanced at the time, and, from their extreme arrogance and absurdity, could not fail to exasperate a mind so ready to repel insult as Johnson's, and so keenly alive as his was to the honour of the national literature of England. The natural consequence followed : he decried Douglas per- haps as much as it was overvalued by its admirers; and his acquaintance with far superior compositions, must have enabled him, as in the instance above quoted, to pour derision upon it with an effect which the more judicious part of its admirers could not contend with, the more especially as the noise of undiscriminating applause with which it was hailed, had in- duced them to assume higher ground than their sober judgment would have led them to fix upon. And indeed, it may be a question whether the same cause that contributed to the first popularity of Douglas does not still continue to operate, preserving to our only tragedy a higher rank than it really is entitled to occupy : it is rare that the parents of an only child do not love and admire him for virtues which all the world else fails to discover that he is possessed of. • " The elder Sheridan, then manager of the theatre at Dublin, sent Mr Home a gold medal in testimony of his admiration of Douglas ; and his wife, a woman not less respectable for her virtues than for genius and accomplishments, drew the idea of her admired novel of Sydney Jfidrtufph, as her introduction bears, from the genuine moral effect of that excellent tragedy."— Mackenzie's Life of Home, p. 47. 78 JOHN HOME. Mr Home, as already mentioned, lived in terms of the greatest intimacy with all the literary men of his time : he seems, however to have chemhed no friendship with so much ardour as that which he entertained for h.s ph.losophK-al namesake David Hume. During the course of a lengthened period of friendly intercourse with this individual, only two trifling differences had ever men be- tween them. One referred to the orthography of their name which the dramatic poet spelt after the old and constant fashion of his family, wh.le the philosopher had early in life assumed the spelling indicated by the pronunc.a- tion. David Hume, at one time, jocularly proposed that they should detemnne this controversy by casting lots ; but the poet answered, " Nay, that is a most extraordinary proposal, indeed, 31r Philosopher, for, if you lose, you take your own name, whereas, if I lose, I take another man's name. The other controversy referred merely to their taste in wine. Mr John Home had the old Scottish prepossession in favour of claret, and utterly de- tested port. When the former drink was expelled from the market by high duties, he wrote the following epigram, as it has been called, though we contess we are at a loss to observe anything in it but a narrative of supposed facts :— " Firm and erect the Caledonian stood, Old was his mutton, and his claret good; ' Let him drink port,' an English statesman cried— He drank the poison, and his spirit died." David Hume, who to his latest breath continued the same playful being he had ever been, made the following allusion to the two controversies, in a codicil to his will, dated only eighteen days before his death. " 1 leave to my friend Mr John Home of Kilduff", ten dozen of my old claret at his choice ; and one other bottle of that other liquor called port. I also leave him six dozen of port, provided that he attests, under his hand, signed John Hume, that he has himself alone finished that bottle at two sittings. By this concession he will at once terminate the only two differences that ever arose between us concern- ing temporal matters." When this eccentric philosopher was recommended for his health to pay a visit to Bath, his faithful friend Home accompanied him, and was of great ser- vice, by his lively conversation and kind attentions, in supporting him against the attacks of a virulent disease. The journey took place in April, 1776, and Mr Mackenzie has preserved a curious diary by Mr Home, detailing the principal matters which passed between him and his fellow traveller in conversation. Many of the anecdotes told by the philosopher are exceedingly valuable as snatches of what is styled secret history. Mr Home spent the latter moiety of his long life in a state little removed from indolence. He removed to Edinburgh in 1779, and thenceforward lived in the enjoyment of that high literary society which the character of his mind fitted him to enjoy, and in which his income fortunately permitted him to in- dulge. Careless of money in the highest degree, he delighted in entertaining large companies of friends, and often had his house filled to a degree which would now be considered intolerable, with permanent guests. The only production of his later years was a History of the Bebellion of 1745 ; a transaction of which he was entitled to say, pars fui. He had pro- jected something of the kind soon after the event, but did not proceed with it till after he had given up dramatic writing. If there was any literary man of the day from whom, rather than from any other, a good work upon this subject might have been confidently expected, it was Mr Home, who had not only taken a strong personal interest in the affair, but possesssed that generous and chival- SIR JOHN HOPE. 79 rous colour of mind which was most apt to do it justice in narration. Unfor- tunately, before setting- about this work, he had met with an accident by a fall from his horse, in consequence of which his intellect was permanently affected. As a pensioner of king George III., he was also prevented from giving that full expression to his sentiments which was so necessary in the historian of such an event. This work, therefore, when it appeared in 1802, was found to be a miserable sketchy outline of the transaction, rather than a complete narrative — here and there, indeed, as copious as was to be wished, and also showing oc- casional glimpses of the poetical genius of the author, but in general " stale, fiat, and unprofitable." The imperfections of the work have been partly ac- counted for, without contradiction, by the circumstance of its having been sub- mitted to the inspection of the reigning family, with the understanding that they were at liberty to erase such passages as they did not wish to be made public Mr Home died on the 5th of September, 1808, when he was just on the point of completing his eighty-sixth year. As a man, he was gentle and ami- able, a very warm friend, and incapable of an ungenerous feeling. As a poet, he deserves the credit of having written with more fervid feeling, and less of stiffness and artificiality, than the other poets of his time ; his genius in this re- spect approaching to that of his friend Collins. The present age, however, has, by its growing indifference to even his sole successful play, pronounced that his reputation on account of that exertion, was in a great measure the result of temporary and local circumstances, and that, being ill based, it cannot last HOPE, (Sm) John, latterly earl of Hopetoun, a celebrated military com- mander, was son to John, second earl of Hopetoun, by his second marriage with Jane, daughter of Robert Oliphant of Rossie, in the county of Perth. He was born at Hopetoun in the county of Linlithgow, on the 17th of August, 17G6. After finishing his education at home, he travelled on the continent, where he had the advantage of the superintendence of Dr Gillies, author of the History of Greece, now historiographer to the king. Mr Hope entered the army as a vol- unteer at a period so early as his 15th year, and on the 28th of May, 1784, received a cornetcy in the 10th regiment of light dragoons. We shall briefly note his gradual rise as an officer until he reached that rank, in which he could appropriate opportunities of distinguishing himself. On the 24th of December, 17S5, he was appointed to a lieutenancy in the 100th foot; on the 3 1st Oc- tober, 1789, to a company in the 17th dragoons; on the 25th of April, 1792, to a majority in the 2nd foot; and on the 26th of April, 1793, to a lieutenant- colonelcy in the 25th foot. It was the period when the claims of rank began to meet with less observance in the British army, and severer duties called for the assistance of active and persevering men. ; and these had before them a sure road to honour. So early as 1794, lieutenant-colonel Hope was appointed to the arduous situation of adjutant-general to Sir Ralph Abercromby when serving in the Leeward islands ; during the three ensuing years he was actively em- ployed in the campaigns in the West Indies, where he held the rank of brigadier-general ; during this service he is characterized in the despatches of the commander-in-chief, as one who ** on all occasions most willingly came for- ward and exerted himself in times of danger, to which he was not called, from his situation as adjutant-general." In the parliament of 1796, Mr Hope was returned as member for Linlithgow- shire : as a legislator he has been very little known, and he soon relinquished a duty not probably according with his taste and talents. As a deputy adjutant- general he attended the expedition to Holland, in August, 1799, having, in the interval betwixt his services abroad, performed the duty of a colonelcy in the north Lowland fencibles. In the sharp fighting at the landing at the Helder, j- ~r *»,«> conrot pxnedition to Holland commenced, rt-tnemT'o the duke* York, lieutenant-colonel Alexander Hope, Ins Kfer b^his father's third marriage, being appointed Ins successor as deputy ad jujnt general. In 1800, colonel Hope joined the expedition to Egypt under Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had been his commanding -office, -at the at- tack on the Helder. He still acted as adjutant-general, and on he 13th of May he was appointed brigadier-general in the Mediterranean. Were we to follow this active officer's footsteps through the progress of the Egyptian war we should merely repeat what the best pens in Europe have been engaged in dis- cussing for thirty years, and what generally is known ; suffice i to say, that he was en-aged in the actions of 8th and 13th March, 1801 , and that he received a wound on the hand at the battle of Alexandria. In June he was able to pro- ceed with the army to Cairo, where he has received credit as an able negotiator, for the manner in which he settled the convention for the surrender of that place with the French commander, general Belliard. On the 11th of May, 1802, he was promoted to the rank of a major-general. On the 30th of June 1805 he was appointed deputy governor of Portsmouth: an office he resigned the same year, on being nominated to a command with the troops sent to the continent under lord Cathcart On the 3rd of October, 1805, he was made colonel of the 2nd battalion of the 60th foot, and on the 3rd of January, 1800, colonel of the 92nd foot. On the 25th of April, 1 808, he was made a lieutenant- general.1 Lieutenant-general Hope was among the most eminent and persevering par- takers in that exterminating war in the Peninsula, where, as in the conflicts of ancient nations, every thing gained was the price of blood. On the 8th of Au- gust he landed with the British forces in Portugal ; — during the ensuing month he was appointed British commandant at Lisbon ; and on the French gradually evacuating the town, in terms of their convention, he took possession of the cas- tle of Belem on the 10th, and of the citadel on the 12th. The restless spirit of the Portuguese, on the knowledge that the French were to leave the country, caused their long-smothered indignation to appear in insults, threats, and even attempts on the lives of the general officers ; to depart in safety was the ob- ject of the French, and general Hope had the difficult task of preventing the oppressed people from making dangerous displays of public feeling, a duty he performed with moderation and energy, and which he was enabled finally to complete. Sir John Moore divided his forces into two columns, one of which under his own command, marched by Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo, while the other pro- ceeded to the Tagus under the command of general Hope. While thus separat- ed from his celebrated commander, both experienced the full danger and doubt which so amply characterized the disastrous campaign. The few Spanish troops who had struck a blow for their country, fleeing towards the Tagus, brought to general Hope the traces of the approach of the victorious French. His column, consisting of three thousand infantry and nine hundred cavalry, were in want and difficulty. The inhospitable country afforded insufficient sup- plies of provision, they were destitute of money, and of many necessary articles 1 These dry details of military advancement, which we would willingly spare our readers, were they not necessary for the completeness of a biography, we have copied from the Annual Biography and Obituary for 1824s a source from which we derive all the dates in this memoir, judging it one likely to be depended on. SIR JOHN HOPE. 81 of military store. To enable his troops in some measure to obtain supplies, he separated his whole column into six divisions, each a day's march distant from the others, and thus passing through an uncultivated country destitute of roads, whose few inhabitants could give no assistance and could not be trusted, and harassed by the neighbourhood of a powerful enemy, he had to drag his artil- lery and a large park of ammunition to join the commander-in-chief, whose safety depended on his speedy approach. At Almaraz he endeavoured to dis- cover some path which might guide him through the hills to Ciudad Rodrigo, but not finding one easily accessible, the jaded state of his few remaining horses compelled him to relinquish the attempt to cross these regions. On reaching Talavera, to the other evils with which he had to contend was added the folly or perfidy of the Spanish functionaries : the secretary at war recom- mended to him a method of passing through Madrid, which on consideration he found would have been the most likely of all methods to throw him into the hands of the French army. Resolving to make a last effort to obtain assistance from the nation for which the British troops were wasting their blood, he proceeded in person to Madrid ; but the uncontrolled confusion of the Spanish government threw additional clouds on his prospects, and he found that the safety of his men must depend on their own efforts. Avoiding the path so heedlessly proposed, he passed Naval Carnero, and reached Escurial, where he halted to bring up his rear, and to obtain bullocks for dragging his artillery and ammunition. Having crossed the mountains on the sixth day after leaving Madrid, his situa- tion became more melancholy, and he fell into deeper difficulties. He received the intelligence of additional disasters among the Spaniards ; and his scouts traced the vicinity of parties of the enemy. " The general's situation," says colonel Napier in his History of the Peninsular War, " was now truly embar- rassing. If he fell back to the Guadarama, the army at Salamanca would be without ammunition or artillery. If he advanced, it must be by a flank march of three days, with a heavy convoy, over a flat country, and within a few hour's march of a very superior cavalry. If he delayed where he was, even for a few hours, the French on the side of Segovia might get between him and the pass of Guadarama, and then, attacked in front, flank, and rear, he would be re- duced to the shameful necessity of abandoning his convoy and guns, to save his men in the mountains of Avila. A man of less intrepidity and calmness would have been ruined ; but Hope, as enterprising as he was prudent, without any hesitation ordered the cavalry to throw out parties cautiously towards the French, and to maintain a confident front if the latter approached ; then moving the in- fantry and guns from Villacastin, and the convoy from Espinosa, by cross roads to Avila, he continued his march day and night until they reached Peneranda : the cavalry covering this movement closed gradually to the left, and finally oc- cupied Fontiveros on the 2nd of December." s Not without additional dangers from the vicinity of the enemy, to the number of ten thousand infantry, and two thousand cavalry, with forty guns, he at length reached Salamanca, and joined the commander-in-chief. He partook in the measures which the army thus re- .cruited endeavoured to pursue, as a last effort of active hostility, passing with his division the Douro at Tordesillas, and directing his march upon Villepando. In the memorable retreat which followed these proceedings, he had a laborious and perilous duty to perform. He commanded the left wing at the battle of Gorunna; — of his share in an event so frequently and minutely recorded it is scarcely necessary to give a detailed account. After the death of the commander- in-chief, arid the wound which compelled Sir David Baird to retire from the field, general Hope was left with the honour and responsibility of the supreme * Vol. i p. 437. i ~e tho Hp«n.itrhes to his " abilities and exer- command, and in the language of the despatches, ran tions. in the direction of the ardent zeal and unconquerable valouroUus maje*. l^Uops is to be attributed, under Providence »"££** M terminated in the complete and entire repulse and defeat of the enemy. h"i the immediate^ decision of Sir John Hope, not to fo low up , a v.ctory over o powerful an enemy, but taking advantage of the contus.on of the French, "oproceed with the original design of embarking the troops, a measure per. fon^TwUh true military alacrity* and good order not w.thout the strenuous exertion, of the general, who, after the fatigues of the day, personally -wm** till a late hour the purlieus of the town, to prevent stragglers from tailing into the hands of the enemy. General Hope wrote to Sir IW Baird a succinct and clear account of the battle, in which his own name seldom occurs. As exhibiting the subdued opinion he expressed of the advantage gamed and as what is very probably a specimen of his style of composition, we quote the following passage from this excellent document: "Circumstances forbid us to indulge the hope, that the victory with which it has pleased Providence to crown the efforts of the army, can be attended with any very brilliant consequences to Great Britain. It is clouded by the loss of one of her best soldiers. It has been achieved at the termination of a long and harassing service. The superior numbers and advantageous position of the enemy, not less than the actual situation of this army, did not admit of any advantage being reaped from success. It must be, however, to you, to the army, and to our country, the sweetest reflection that the lustre of the British arms has been maintained, amidst many disadvantageous circumstances. The army which had entered Spain amidst the fairest prospects, had no sooner completed its junction, than, owing to the multiplied disasters that dispersed the native armies around us, it was left to its own resources. The advance of the British corps from Douro afforded the best hope that the south of Spain might be relieved, but this gener- ous effort to save the unfortunate people, also afforded the enemy the oppor- tunity of directing every effort of his numerous troops, and concentrating all his principal resources, for the destruction of the only regular force in the north of Spain." The thanks of his country crowded thickly on general Hope, after the arrival of the despatches in England ; a vote of thanks to him and to the officers under his command was unanimously passed in the House of Lords, on the motion of the earl of Liverpool ; in the House of Commons, on that of lord Castlereagh. As a reward for his services, his brother (the earl of Hopetoun) was created a baron of the united kingdom, by the title of baron Hopetoun of Hopetoun in the county of Linlithgow, and himself received the order of the bath, in which he was installed two years afterwards, along with twenty-two other knights. Soon after his return to Britain, Sir John was appointed to superintend the military department of the unsatisfactory expedition to the Scheldt. It was the intention of the planners of the expedition, that by landing on the north side of South Beveland, and taking possession of the island, Sir John might incom- mode the French fleet while it remained near Flushing, and render its retreat more difficult, while it might be subject to the attacks of the British ships. Sir John's division landed near Ter-Goes, took possession of the important post of Baltz, and removed all impediments to the progress of the British vessels in the West Scheldt, For nine days Sir John occupied his post, waiting impatiently for the concerted arrival of the gun-boats under the command of Sir Home Popham, harassed by frequent attacks from the enemy, in one of which they brought down about twenty-eight gun-vessels, and kept up, a cannonade for several hours, but were, after much exertion on the part of the general, com- SIR JOHN HOPE. 83 pelled to retreat The termination and effect of the expedition are well known, and need not be here repeated. At the termination of the expedition Sir John Hope was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in Ireland, but be soon left this unpleasing sphere of duty, to return in 181 3, to the scene of his former exertions in the Peninsula. At the battle of Nivelle be commanded the left wing, and driving in the enemy's out-posts in front of their entrenchments on the Lower Nivelle, carried the redoubt above Orogue, and established himself on the heights immediately opposite Sibour, in readiness to take advantage of any movement made by the enemy's right. On the 10th of December, nearly the whole army of the enemy left their entrenchments, and having drawn in the piquets, advanced upon Sir John Hope's posts on the high road from Bayonne to St Jean de Luz. At the first onset, Sir John took 500 prisoners, and repulsed the enemy, while he received in the course of the action a severe contusion on the head. The same movement was repeated by the enemy, and they were in a similar manner repulsed. The conduct of Sir John on this occasion has received the approbation of military men, as being cool, judicious, and soldierly ; and he received the praises of the duke of Wellington in his despatches. In this campaign, which began on the frontiers of Portugal, the enemy's line of defence on the Douro had been turned, and after defeat at Vittoria, Soult had been repulsed in his efforts to relieve St Sebastian and Pamplona, and the army of France had retreated behind the Pyrenees. After the fall of the latter place, the army entered France, after many harassing operations, in which the progress of the allies was stoutly impeded by the indomitable Soult. In the middle of February, 1814, the passage of the Adour was accomplished. While the main body of the army under the duke of Wellington, prosecuted the cam- paign in other quarters, Sir John Hope was left with a division to invest the citadel and town of Bayonne on both banks of the river. Soon after these operations commenced, Sir John received information from two deserters, that the garrison was under arms, and prepared for a sortie before day-light next morning. By means of a feint attack at the moment they were so expected, and by the silent and stealthy movements of some of their men through the rough ground, many of the sentinels were killed, and several lines of piquets broken. The nature of the spot, with a hollow way, steep banks, and inter- cepting walls, deprived those so attacked of the power of retreating, and the whole vicinity was a series of scattered battles, fought hand to hand, with deadly bitterness. The chief defence of the besiegers lay in the fortified convent of St Bernard, and in some buildings in the village of St Etienne ; to the latter post Sir John Hope proceeded with his staff, at the commencement of the attack. Through one of the inequalities of the ground already mentioned, which formed a sort of hollow way, Sir John expected to find the nearest path to the village. When almost too late, he discovered that the banks had concealed from him the situation of the enemy, whose line he was just approaching, and gave orders to retreat ; before, however, being extricated from the hollow way, the enemy approached within twelve yards' distance, and began firing : Sir John Hope's horse received three balls, and falling, entangled its rider. While the staff attempted to extricate him, the close firing of the enemy continued, and several British officers were wounded, among whom was Sir John himself, and the French soldiers pouring in, made them all prisoners. The French with diffi- culty extricated him from the fallen horse, and while they were conveying him to the citadel, he was severely wounded in the foot by a ball supposed to have come from the British piquets. . From the effects of this encounter he suffered for a considerable period. On the 3rd of May, Sir John was created a British peer by the title of baror 84 SIR THOMAS HOPE. Niddry of Niddry, county of Linlithgow. He declined being a partaker in the pecuniary grant, which, on the 9th of June ensuing, was moved by the chan- cellor of the exchequer, as a reward for the services of him and other distin- guished generals. On the death of his brother by his father's prior marriage, he succeeded to the family title of earl of Hopetoun, and in August, 1819, he attained to the rank of general. He died at Paris, on the 27th August, 1823, in the 58th year of his age. From the Edinburgh Annual Register for 1823, we extract a character of this excellent and able man, which, if it have a small de«ree too much of the beau ideal in its composition, seems to be better fitted to the person to whom it is applied, than it might be to many equally celebrated. " As the friend and companion of Moore," says this chronicle, " and as acting under Wellington in the Pyrenean campaign, he had rendered himself conspicuous. But it was when, by succession to the earldom, he became the head of one of the most ancient houses in Scotland, and the possessor of one of its most extensive properties, that his character shone in its fullest lustre. He exhibited then a model, as perfect seemingly as human nature could admit, of the manner in which this eminent and useful station ought to be filled. An open and magnificent hospitality, suited to his place and rank, without extravagance or idle parade, a full and public tribute to the obligations of religion and private morality, without ostentation or austerity ; a warm interest in the improvement and welfare of those extensive districts with which his possessions brought him into contact — a kind and generous concern in the welfare of the humblest of his dependents, — these qualities made him beloved and respected in an extraordinary degree, and will cause him to be long remembered."3 HOPE, (Sir) Thomas, an eminent lawyer and statesman of the fifteenth cen- tury, and the founder of a family distinguished for its public services, was the son of Henry Hope, a considerable Scottish merchant, whose grandfather, John de Hope, was one of the gentlemen attending Magdalene de Valois, first consort of James V., at her coming into this country in 1537. Henry Hope, a younger brother of the subject of this memoir, following the profession of his father, was the progenitor of the great and opulent branch of the Hopes of Amsterdam ; a house, for extent of commerce and solidity of credit, long considered superior, without exception, to any private mercantile company in the world. Thomas Hope, after having distinguished himself at school in no small degree entered upon the study of the law, and made so rapid a progress in juridical knowledge, that he was at a very early age called to the bar. However like the generality of young lawyers, he enjoyed at first a very limited practice : in 1606, he burst at once upon the world on the following occasion. Six ministers of the church of Scotland having thought proper to deny that the king and his council possessed any authority in ecclesiastical affairs were on that account imprisoned for some months in Blackness castle, indicted for high treason, and on the 10th of January, 1606, put upon trial at Linlithgow, before a jury consisting chiefly of landed gentlemen of the three Lothians. As it was carefully promulgated that the king and court had openly expressed the highest displeasure against the ministers, and had declared that they would show no favour Wsch^ra^ Hfe, and ,„ erection of no fewer than three mZm„hii.iV? testified ma remarkable manner by the In Fife, on the Z^otS^^1^^J^Rf^^,i-aMmmy hiUsi°ne House, and the third in the neighborhood of Ha5d nLLn Arf0"^'?' "Tf "T^-" lordship has also been erected in St. Andrew's Wrf VMni Tes*r'a" s¥ue of nis from the pen of Sir Walter Scott A enrrpnt \t i ™ ?' ,Edlnburg"> with an inscription represent^ him ^^^^l^^^^S^^^ °f Lord *°»«™> SIR THOMAS HOPE. 85 to any person that should appear in their behalf, none of the great lawyers chose to undertake their cause ; even Sir Thomas Craig, although he was procurator for the church, refused to be concerned in this affair, and Sir William Oliphant, who had at first promised to plead for them, sent word, the day before, that he must decline appearing. The ministers, thus abandoned, applied to Mr Hope, who, pitying their case, with the greatest cheerfulness and resolution undertook their defence ; and, notwithstanding the reiterated endeavours of the court to perplex and browbeat him, contradicted it in so skilful and masterly a manner, that he made a deep impression on the jury. However, by an unlawful tamper- ing with the jurors (some of the lords of council having procured admittance to them after they were locked up,) and assurance that no harm was intended against the persons or goods of the accused, nine of the fifteen jurymen were induced to bring in a verdict of guilty, and the ministers were sentenced to banishment forth of the kingdom, which was accordingly executed. By the commendable intrepidity, knowledge of the law, and singular abilities, manifested by Mr Hope at this important trial, he became so greatly the favour- ite of the presbyterians, that they never afterwards undertook any important business without consulting him ; and he was retained in almost every cause brought by that party into the courts of justice, so that he instantly came into the first practice of any lawyer at that period. By this, in a few years he acquired one of the most considerable fortunes ever made at the Scottish bar; which enabled him to purchase, between 1613 and 1642, the lands of Grantoun, Edmonstoun, and Cauldcolts in Mid Lothian, Prestongrange in East Lothian, Kerse in Stirlingshire, Mertoun in the Merse, Kinninmonth, Arnydie, Craighall, Ceres, Hiltarvet, and others in Fife. It was the policy of king Charles I. to bestow honours and emoluments upon those who had most power to obstruct his designs, and hence, in 1626, the great presbyterian barrister was made king's advocate, with permission, revived in his favour, to sit in the bar, and be privy to the hearing and determining of all causes, except those in which he was retained by any of the parties. He was also in 1628 created a baronet of Nova Scotia. If the king expected by these means to gain him over from the presbyterians, he was grievously disappointed, for although Sir Thomas discharged the duties of his high office with attention and propriety, his gratitude, principles, and inclination, were all too powerfully engaged to his first friends and benefactors to admit of his deserting them: it was, on the contrary, with pleasure that he beheld that party increasing every day in numbers and consequence. It would draw out this account to too great a length, to enumerate all the various steps taken by them in pursuance of his advice ; it is enough to say that he acted as their confidant throughout the whole affair of the resistance of the Liturgy in 1637, and that he was intimately con- cerned in framing the bond of resistance, entitled the National Covenant, which was subscribed by nearly the whole population of Scotland in the succeeding year. The king, with fatal weakness, nevertheless retained him in an office, which, of all others in the state, implied and required a hearty service of the royal cause. In 1643, when a parliament was required to meet in order to settle the Solemn League and Covenant with the English parliament. Sir Thomas, to get over the dilemma of illegality which must have characterized such a meeting, as it could not legally take place till the next year, recommended a convention of estates upon the precedent of some such transaction in the reign of James V. ; and thus was achieved a measure which, more than any other, perhaps, was fatal to the royal cause : the army voted in this irregular meeting being of great avail in the decisive battle of Longmarston-moor, which was fought soon after. Charles, nevertheless, still persisting in his unfortunate policy, appointed Sir 8 a FRANCIS HORNER. Thomas Hope to be his commissioner to the General Assembly, which met in Auoust, 1643 ; an honour never before or since bestowed upon a commoner. The royalists were so muph incensed at the appointment of an enemy instead of a friend, that they very generally absented themselves from the assembly, and the field was therefore left in a great measure clear to the covenanters, who carried all before them. As the sanction of this body was necessary to the transaction above alluded to, the credit of the whole, direct or indirect, lies with Sir Thomas Hope. . . In 1645, Sir Thomas Hope was appointed one of the commissioners tor managing the exchequer, but did not long enjoy that office, dying the next year, 1646. He had the singular happiness of seeing, before his death, two of bis sons seated on the bench while he was lord advocate ; and it being judged by the Court of Session unbecoming that a father should plead uncovered before his children, the privilege of wearing his hat, while pleading, was granted to him. This privilege his successors in the office of king's advocate have ever since enjoyed, though it is now in danger of being lost through desuetude. The professional excellencies of Sir Thomas Hope are thus discriminated by Sir George Mackenzie, in his Characteres Advocatorum. " Hopius mira inven- tione pollebat, totque illi fundebat argumenta ut amplificatione tempus deesset; non ornabat, sed arguebat, modo uniformi, sed sibi proprio. Nam cum argumen- tum vel exceptionem protulisset, rationem Jtddebat ; et ubi dubia videbatur, rationis rationem. Ita rhetorica non illi defuit, sed-inutilis apparuit." The following are the written or published works of Sir Thomas Hope 1, Carmen Seculare in serenissinum Caroluin I. Britanniarum Monarcham, Edin. 1626 2, Psalmi Davidis et Canticum Solomonis Latino carmine reddi- tum, MS 3, Major Practicks 4, Minor Practicks, (a very well known work), 5, Paratitillo in universo Juris Corpore. — and 6, A Genealogie of the Earls of Mar, MS. In Wood's Ancient and Modern account of the Parish of Cramond, from which the above facts are chiefly taken, is given a very perfect account of the numerous descendants of Sir Thomas Hope, including the noble race of Hope- toun, and many other races distinguished in the two past centuries, by official eminence and public service. HORNER, Francis, whose virtues, talents, and eloquence, raised him to an eminent rank in public life, while yet a young man, was born at Edinburgh on the 12„h of August, 1778. His father, who was at that time a linen manufacturer and mercer upon an extensive scale, took delight in cultivating the excellent talents which his son early displayed, and doubtless contributed much to the formation of those intellectual habits, and sound and liberal principles, which marked the boy as well as the full-grown man. Francis was sent to the High school, where he soon became a favourite with the late Dr Adam, who then presided over that eminent seminary as rector, and who was accustomed to say of his distinguished pupil, that " Francis Horner was the only boy he ever knew who had an old head upon young shoulders." Nor was this remark dictated by undue partiality, although some of the most eminent men of the present age were among young Horner's class-fellows : for he was never known to join in the field-sports or recreations of any of the boys, and he kept the rank of dux at school by bis own industry and talents alone, having no private tutor to direct his studies. Francis indeed needed no adventitious aid ; but it has been thought by some of his medical friends that these early propensities to retirement and constant study contributed to sow the seeds of that pulmonary disease which assailed his youth, and finally led to an untimely grave. When removed to the university he enjoyed the instructions of several eminent FRANCIS HORNER. 87 professors, and, in particular, attracted the notice of Dugald Stewart : but the theatre, perhaps, which tended more than any other to unfold his talents and views was the Speculative Society, an institution for improvement in public speaking, and in science in general, without peculiar reference to any of the learned professions, the members of which met weekly during the sitting of the college. There are few associations of this kind which have numbered so many young men of splendid talents on their roll of members. Lord Henry Petty, the second son of the first marquis of Lansdown, and Messrs Brougham and Jeffrey were amongst Mr Horner's associates in the arena of debate, and con- tributed by their mutual influence on each other's minds to invigorate and sharpen those intellectual powers which were afterwards to raise them to stations of the highest eminence and widest influence in society. Mr Horner first directed his attention to the Scottish bar, but like his two last-mentioned friends with very limited success. The attainment of sufficient practice before the Scottish court can only be the result of undismayed perseverance and great industry ; real talent will ultimately reach its object there, but the necessary probation is apt to dishearten conscious merit. There was something also in the political character of the times inauspicious to young men of independent prin- ciples, who sought to make their way without friends or interest by dint of talent alone ; the aristoci*acy possessed overwhelming influence, and a considerable amount of prejudice existed in the midst of the commonalty against the first manifestations of that more liberal spirit which now began to show itself in various quarters, and more especially characterized the debates of the Speculative Society. The intervention of a jury was also unknown in civil causes, and thus the principal field for forensic eloquence was denied to the youthful aspirant. These considerations appear to have so far weighed with Mr Horner as to induce him, though already admitted a member of faculty, to direct his attention to the English bar ; and with this view he left his associates, now busily engaged with the early numbers of the Edinburgh Review, and repaired to London, where he commenced the study of English jurisprudence. In the meantime his friend lord H. Petty, after having taken his degree at Cambridge, and visited the continent, returned to England, and was immediately elected one of the two representatives of Calne. In the new parliament just then convoked, this young nobleman soon began to be considered a very able and formidable ally of the opposition ; and upon the final success of Mr Fox's party, lord Henry Petty found himself, at the very early age of twenty- one, chancellor of the exchequer, a member of the privy council, and M. P. for the university of Cambridge. In this commanding situation he strongly recommended his young Scottish friend to the notice of his coadjutor, as a gen- tleman whose principles, character, and talents eminently fitted him for supporting the new ministry. Mr Horner was accordingly brought into parliament for the borough of St Ives in 1806. By the dismission of the Foxo-Grenville admin- istration, Mr Horner was for a time deprived of his parliamentary seat ; but the talents and integrity which he had exhibited while in office, pointed him out to the friends of liberal principles as an ally too important to be consigned to oblivion. Accordingly, on the retirement of viscount Mahon from the represen- tation of Wendover, Mr Horner was immediately nominated for that place, and soon afterwards was appointed one of the commissioners for investigating the claims on the late Nabob of Arcot, whose debts had been guaranteed by the East India Company, — an office of considerable emolument but proportionate labour. This situation, however, he afterwards resigned, though receiving little or no emolument from professional business, which indeed he did not aim at acquiring. Once established, however, in parliament, Mr Horner continued gradually to ac- 88 FRANCIS HORNER. quire the confidence of the house, and that hold upon public opinion, without which no member of the British senate can be an efficient statesman. His speeches were little remarkable for ornament, or in a high degree for what is generally called eloquence ; but he brought to the examination of every subject the power of a clear and matured understanding ; and as he made it a point never to address the house upon any subject of which he had not made himself fully master, he never failed to command attention and respect. The excellence of the speaker consisted in accurate reasoning, logical arrangement of the facts, and clear and forcible illustration. On the 1st of February, 1 8 10, Mr Horner entered upon that part of his parlia- mentary career in which he reaped his most brilliant reputation. The extraor- dinary depreciation of the paper-currency, and the unfavourable state of the exchanges for the last two years had attracted the attention of the best econo- mists of the day, and engaged Messrs Mushet, Ricardo, and Huskisson, and many others, in the investigation of the general principles of circulation, and of the various results which are occasioned in different countries by the variations in their respective currencies. This was a subject upon which Mr Horner felt himself at full liberty to enter. He had early turned his attention to economi- cal subjects, and had given the result of his inquiries to" the public in various articles which he contributed to the Edinburgh Review, which had attracted very considerable notice from their first appearance. Accordingly, pursuant to notice, he moved for a variety of accounts and returns, and during the spring of th.it year, called the attention of the house at different times to the important subject of the circulating medium and bullion trade. At the same time that Mr Horner was establishing his reputation as an economist, he neglected not the other duties of a statesman. On the 10th of May, 1810, when Alderman Combe made a motion censuring the ministers for obstructing the address of the Livery of London to his majesty in person, we find 31r Horner supporting it in the fol- lowing constitutional terms: " lie considered it as a question of vital importance, respecting which ministers had attempted to defend themselves by drawing the veil from the infirmities of their sovereign. It was the right of the Livery of London, as it was of other subjects, to have access to his majesty's person in the worst times, — even in those of Charles II. these had not been refused. The most corrupt min- isters indeed, had no idea it would ever be refused. How complete would have been their triumph if they had discovered the practice which of late had pre- vailed ! The obstruction of petitions was a subversion of the fundamental law of the land." Towards the conclusion of the same session, the house marked its sense of 3Ir Horner's superior information by placing his name at the head of " the bullion committee." Mr Horner presided for some time as chairman of that committee during the examination of the evidence, and drew up the first part of the report ; the second was penned by Mr Huskisson ; and the third by Mr Henry Thornton. They reported " that there was an excess in the paper circulation, of which the most unequivocal symptoms were the high price of bullion,1 and next to that the low state of the continental exchange ;a that the cause of this excess was to be found in the suspension of cash-payments, there being no adequate provision against such an excess, except in the convertibility of paper into specie ; and that the unfavourable state of the exchange originated in the same cause, and was farther increased by the anti-commercial measures of the enemy." They added " that they could see no sufficient remedy for the present, or security for the future, except the repeal of the law suspending the 1 Gold had attained a maximum of 15} per cent, above the mint price. 1 The exchanges on Hamburg and Amsterdam had been depressed towards the latter end of 1809, from 16 to 20 per cent, below par; while the exchange on Paris was slid lower. FRANCIS HORNER. 89 cash payments of the bank ; this, they thought, could not be safely done at an earlier period than two years from the time of their report ; but they recom- mended that early provision should be made by parliament for this purpose." This report excited much discussion both within and without the walls of the house. The press swarmed with pamphlets on the present state of the currency, and the remedies proposed ; — the journals teemed with dissertations on the same subject ; — the comparative merits of a metallic and a paper currency formed the topic of discussion in every company ; — ministers opposed the committee's pro- position ; — and finally, Mr Vansittart, at the head of the anti-bullionists or practical men, as they called themselves, got a series of counter-resolutions passed after four nights' keen discussion, in which the speeches of Mr Horner and seve- ral other members extended to three hours' length. Although defeated in their struggle, the appearance which Mr Horner made in it, was so highly respectable as to deepen the impression which his talents and knowledge had already made on the house ; and from this period he appears to have exercised very considerable influence with all parties. Indeed, the urbanity of his manners, and the moderation with which he pressed his own views, were such as secured for him the respect, at least, of those from whom he differed in opinion ; and while steadily and consistently supporting the party to which he belonged, he displayed a spirit of tolerance towards his opponents which totally subdued any thing like personal animosity on their part. His efforts were then often more successful than those of more gifted men, who, with greater talents, have nevertheless greater prejudice, frequently amounting to personal di3like, to struggle against It has been supposed that had Mr Horner been in parliament after the death of Mr Ponsonby, he would have become the leader of the opposition. But for an honour so great as this, providence had not destined him. Constant application to business and the increasing weight and multiplicity of his engagements, at last overpowered a constitution which never was very strong. Indications of pulmonary consumption soon appeared, and immediate removal to a warmer climate was deemed necessary by his physi- cians. Crossing, therefore, to the continent, he passed through France and entered Italy ; but the seeds of mortal disease had begun to spring before he took farewell of his own country, and he expired at Pisa, on the 8th of Febru- ary, 1817, in the 38th year of his age. His remains were interred in the Pro- testant burying-ground at Leghorn, which also contains the ashes of Smollett. On the occasion of a new writ being moved for the borough of St Mawes, which Mr Horner had represented, the character of the deceased member was elegantly sketched by lord Morpeth, and eloquent and affecting tributes of respect paid to his memory by several of the most distinguished members of the house. A contemporary, who was acquainted with Mr Horner, both at school and at the university, thus expresses his opinion of him : " The characteristics of Mr Horner's mind, if I apprehend them rightly, were clearness of perception, calmness of judgment, and patience of investigation : producing as their conse- quences, firmness of conduct and independence of principles. Carrying these qualities into public life, he evinced greater moderation and forbearance than are often found in the narrow and comparatively unambitious strifes of a less extended scene. He entered parliament at rather an early age, and soon became not only a useful and conspicuous man of business, but drew more respect to his personal character, and was regarded by both orders of the House of Commons with greater confidence and interest, than any young member had attracted, perhaps, since the early days of Mr Pitt This will appear higher praise when it is added, with truth, that no man coming into that house under the patronage of a whig nobleman could have acted with greater liberality j j uumm nf nnmilir ri°-ht —with more fairness and firmness to towards extended ideas rfMr*^g ^ t latitude of individual the persons of hi. W^^To^S^S all those scenes that have X b e for the popular graces and attractions. If eloquence consists in "Zna the ^*» by 'tronj metaphors -in awakening the sympathies by TStiC orin arresting attention by the sallies of a mind rich in SSL^SSSTlS Hornerlas not eloquent. But if eloquence be the art o perTuadT. by accurate reasoning, and a right adjustment of all the parts of a dCurse by the powers of a tact which is rather intellectually right han prac tiXnne,' Mr HoLr was eloquent. He spoke with the steady calmness of re who aw his way on principle, while he felt it simply and immediately, Lgh sobriety of judgment and good conduct ; and never seemed to be more excited by his subject, or more carried away in the vehemence ot debate than to make such exertions as left one uniform impression on the minds ot his hearers that he spoke from an honest internal conviction and from a real desire to be useful. In private life, he was distinguished by an impressive graveness which would have appeared heavy, had it not been observed in permanent con- junction with an easy steadiness of conversation, and a simplicity ot manners very far from any thing cold, affected, or inelegant His sense of honour was high and decided. His taste for literature, like his taste for conduct, was correct. As his acta of friendship or of duty were done without effort or finesse, so did he enjoy with quietness and relish those tender and deeply felt domestic aftec- tions which can sweeten or even adorn almost any condition of life. He was not fitted to win popularity, but his habitual moderation,— his unaffected respect for every thing respectable that was opposed to him,— and the successful pains which he took to inform himself well on the grounds and nature of every busi- ness in which he bore a part, gained him an influence more valuable to a man of judgment, than popularity." Mr Horner sat to the celebrated Raeburn for his picture some years before his demise. The painter has produced a faithful likeness, but no engraving of it has yet been executed, HORSLEY, John, an eminent antiquary, historian, and divine, was born at Pinkie House in Mid-Lothian, in the year 1685. His parents were English non-conformists, who are supposed to have fled into Scotland on account ot the persecution in the reign of Charles II. How it happened that they resided at Pinkie House, then the property of the earl of Dunfermline, as successor to the estates of the abbey of Dunfermline, is not known. It is clearly ascertained that his progenitors belonged to Northumberland, and were of no mean standing. His parent, returned to Northumberland immediately after the Revolution, and it is understood that the subject of this notice received the initiatory part of his edu- cation at the Newcastle grammar school. He was thereafter sent to pursue his academical studies at Edinburgh ; and it would appear, that at a very early age, as we find by the laureation book of the college, he was admitted master of arts in 1701, being then just sixteen years of age. After finishing his theological course, he returned to England, and preached for several years merely as a licentiate ; but in 1721, he was ordained minister of a congregation of Protestant dissenters at Morpeth. His mind, however, was directed to other pursuits be- sides his profession, and his great attainments in geology, mathematics, and most of the other abstruse sciences, of which he gave unquestionable proofs, would probably have gained him a wider and more permanent fame in the present day, than at a time when their principles were in general little understood, and less attended to. In 1722 he invented a simple and ingenious mode of JOHN HORSLEY. 01 determining the average quantity of rain which fell, by means of a funnel, the wider cylinder of which was thirty inches in diameter, and terminated in a pipe three inches in diameter, and ten in length ; the latter being graduated in inches and tenths. Ten measures of the pipe being equal to one inch of the cylinder, one measure to one-tenth of an inch, one inch of the measure te one-hundred, and one-tenth to one-thousand part, — the depth of any parti- cular quantity of rain which fell might be set down in decimals with ease and exactness ; and the whole, at the end of each month or year, summed up without any trouble. Shortly after, and probably in consequence of this inven- tion, he was elected a fellow of the Royal Society, and commenced giving public lectures on hydrostatics, mechanics, and various branches of natural philosophy, at Morpeth, Alnwick, and Newcastle. His valuable apparatus for illustrating and explaining his lectures, after passing through various hands after his death, were, in 1821, deposited in the library belonging to the dissenters in Red Cross Street, London, being bequeathed to the public by Dr Daniel Williams. By manu- scripts afterwards found among Mr Horsley's papers, it appears that about the year 1728, he conceived the idea of writing a history of Northumberland, and from the extensive design of the work which he had sketched out, embracing its antiquities, traditions, geological structure, &c, and his ability for the task, it is much to be regretted that he did not live to complete it. A map of the same county, commenced by him, was afterwards completed by Mr Mark, the sur- veyor employed by him, and published at Edinburgh in 1753. Mr Horsley also published a small book on experimental philosophy, in connexion with the course of lectures above noticed. His great work, however, by which his name will most probably be transmitted to posterity, and to which he dedicated the greater part of his short but busy career, is his " Britannia Romana," or the Roman affairs of Britain, in three books. This work is in folio, and consists of five hundred and twenty pages, with plates exhibiting maps of the Roman posi- tions, copies of ancient coins, sculptures, inscriptions, &c. It is dedicated to Sir Richard Ellys, Bart, contains a lengthy preface, a chronological table of occur- rences during the Roman domination, a copious index of the Roman names ot people and places in Britain, &c. It was printed at London for John Os- borne and Thomas Longman, &c., in 1732 ; but Mr Horsley lived not to see the fate of a work which had unceasingly engrossed his time, thoughts, and means for several years. His death took place at Morpeth, on the 1 5th Janu- ary, 1732, exactly thirteen days after the date of his dedication to Sir Richard Ellys, and while yet in his 46 th year. The enthusiastic ardour with which he devoted himself to this work, may be gleaned from the following passage in the preface : — " It is now four years since I was prevailed with to complete this work, for which time I have pursued it with the greatest care and application. Several thousand miles were travelled to visit ancient monuments, and re-ex- amine them where there was any doubt or difficulty." He also went to London to superintend the progress of his work through the press, and engaged in an extensive correspondence on the subject with many of the most learned writers and antiquaries of the day. The " Britannia" is now a very rare work, and it would appear that the plates engraved for it are entirely lost. Mr Horsley was married early in life to a daughter of a professor Hamilton, who, according to Wood, in his Ancient and Modern State of Cramond, was at one time minister of that parish. By her he had two daught«rs, one of whom was married to a Mr Randall, clerk in the Old South Sea House, London ; the other to Samuel Halliday, esq., an eminent surgeon at Newcastle. From a passage in his manu- script history of Northumberland, it would also appear that he had a son, but we find no other mention made of him, either in his own writings or elsewhere. 92 ALEXANDER HUME. The greater part of Mr Horsley's various unfinished works, correspondence, and other manuscripts, fell after his death into the hands of the late John Cay, Esq. of Edinburgh, great-grandson of Mr Robert Cay, an eminent printer and publisher' at Newcastle, to whose judgment in the compiling, correcting, and getting up of the Britannia Romana, Mr Horsley appears to have been much indebted. From these papers, as printed in a small biographical work by the Rev. John Hodgson, vicar of Whelpington in Northumberland, published at Newcastle in 1831, the most of the facts contained in this brief memoir were taken. HUME, Alexander, a vernacular poet of the reign of James VI., was the second son of Patrick Hume, fifth baron of Polwarth. Until revived by the tasteful researches of Dr Leyden, the works of this, one of the most elegant of our early poets, lay neglected, and his name was unknown except to the antiquary. He had the merit of superseding those " godlie and spiritual sangis and ballads," which, however sacred they may have once been held, are pro- nounced by the present age to be ludicrous and blasphemous, with strains where piety and taste combine, and in which the feelings of those who wish to peruse writings on sacred subjects, are not outraged. The neglect which has long obscured the works of this poet, has impeded inquiries as to his life and charac- ter. He is supposed to have been born in the year 1560, or within a year or two prior to that date. Late investigators have found that he studied at St Andrews, and that he may be identified with an Alexander Hume, who took the dogree of Bachelor of Arts at St Leonard's college of that university in the year 1574. The outline of his farther passage through life is expressed in his own words, in his epistle to Mr Gilbert Moncrieff, the king's physician. He there mentions, that, after spending four years in France, he was seized with a desire to become a lawyer in his own country, and he there draws a pathetic picture of the miseries of a briefless barrister, sufficient to extract tears from half the faculty. " To that effect, three years or near that space, 1 haunted maist our highest pleading place And senate, where great causes reason'd war; My breast was bruisit with leaning on the bar; My buttons brist, I partly spitted blood, My gown was trail'd and trampid quhair I stood ; My ears were deif d with maissars cryes and din Quhilk procuratoris and parties callit in." Nor did the moral aspect of the spot convey a more soothing feeling than the physical. He found & " The puir abusit ane hundredth divers wayes ; Postpon'd, deffer'd with shifts and mere delayes, Consumit in gudes, ourset with grief and paine." From the corrupt atmosphere of the law, he turned towards the pure precincts of the court; but here he finds that V * " From the rocks of Cyclades fra hand, 1 struck into Charybdis sinking sand." ^reTaltt!ryth^^"^reVerenCe0f ki^he *" not sland<* «*"*,» dLcrip on of aU ZT* V" ^^^ l° ^ earS' in his some»^ ^ descrlptlon of all that the calm poet experienced during his apprenticeship at In courts, Montcrief, is pride, envie, contention, Uissimulance, despite, disceat, dissention, Fear, whisperings, reports, and new suspition, Fraud, treason, lies, dread, guile, and sedition ; ALEXANDER HUME. 93 Groat greadines, and prodigalitie ; Lusts sensual, and partialitie," with a continued list of similar qualifications, whose applicability is likely to be perceived only by a disappointed courtier, or a statesman out of place. During the days of his following the bar and the court, it is supposed that Hume joined in one of those elegant poetical amusements called " Flytings," and that he is the person who, under the designation of " Pol wart,'" answered in fitting style to the abuse of Montgomery. That Alexander Hume was the person who so officiated, is, however, matter of great doubt : Dempster, a contemporary, men- tions that the person who answered Montgomery was Patrick Hume, a name which answers to that of the elder brother ; and though Leyden and Sibbald justly pay little attention to such authority, knowing that Dempster is, in general, as likely to be wrong as to be right, every Scotsman knows that the patrimo- nial designation " Pol wart," is more appropi'iately the title of the elder than of the younger brother ; while Patrick Hume of Polwarth, a more fortunate cour- tier, and less seriously disposed than his brother, has left behind him no mean specimen of his genius, in a poem addressed to James VI., entitled " The Pro- mise." Whichever of the brothers has assumed Polwart's share in the contro- versy, it is among the most curious specimens of the employments of the elegant minds of the age. If the sacred poet, Alexander Hume, was really the person who so spent his youthful genius, as life advanced he turned his attention to more serious matters ; tiiat his youth was spent more unprofitably than his riper years approved, is displayed in some of his writings, in terms more bitter than those which are generally used by persons to whom expressions of repentance seem a becoming language. He entered into holy orders, and at some period was appointed minister of Logie, a pastoral charge of which he performed with vigour the humble duties, until his death in 1609. Before entering on the works which he produced in his clerical retirement, it may be right to observe that much obscurity involves his literary career, from the circumstance that three other individuals of the same name, existing at the same period, passed lives extremely similar, both in their education, and in their subsequent progress. Three out of the four attended St Mary's college at St Andrews in company ; — presuming that the subject of our memoir took his degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1 574, one of his companions must have passed in 1571, the other in 1572. It is supposed that one of these was minister of Dunbar in 1582 ; the other is known to have been appointed master of the High school of Edinburgh in 1596, and to have been author of a few theological tracts, and of a Latin grammar, appointed by act of parliament, and by the privy council, to be used in all grammar schools in the kingdom : this individual has been discovered by Dr M'Crie, to have afterwards successively officiated as rector of the grammar schools of Salt-Preston and of Dunbar. The fourth Alex- ander Hume, was a student at St Leonard's college, St Andrews, where he entered in 1578 : he too was a poet, but the only existing specimen of his com- position is the following simple tribute to the labours of Bellenden, inscribed on a blank leaf of the manuscript of the translation of Livy, " Fjve buikes ar here by Ballantyne translated, Restis yet ane hundred threttie f\ ve behind ; Quilkis if the samyn war als weill compleated, Wuld be ane volume of ane monstrous kind.1 1 The ingenious poet probably overlooks the fact of so many of Livy's books being lost, with the delibera'-e purpose of increasing the eliect of his verses. 94 ALEXANDER HUME. Ilk man perfytes not quhat they once intend, So frail and brittle ar our wretched dayes ; Let sume man then begine quhair he doeth end, Give him the first, tak thame the secund praise : No, no ! to Titus Liviu9 give all, That peerles prince for feattis historicall." M. A. Home, St Leonardes. A small manuscript volume bearing the name of Alexander Hume, and entitled " Rerum Scotiearum Compendium," is probably from the pen of one of these four, but of which, it may now be impossible to determine. Alexander Hume, minister of Logie, is, however, the undoubted author of " Hyinnes or Sacred Songs, wherein the right use of poesie may be espied : whereunto are added, the experience of the author's youth, and certain precepts serving to the practice of sanctification." This volume, printed by Waldegrave in 1599, was dedicated to Elizabeth Melvill, by courtesy styled lady Culross, a woman of talent and literary habits, the authoress of '* Ane godlie dream, com- pylit in Scottish meter," printed at Aberdeen in 1644. The Hymns and Sacred Songs have been several times partially reprinted, and the original having fallen into extreme rarity, the whole has lately been reprinted by the Bannatyne club. In the prose introduction, the author addressing the youth of Scotland, exhorts them to avoid " profane sonnets and vain ballads of love, the fabulous feats of Falmerine, and such like reveries." — " Some time," he adds, " I delighted in such fantasies myself, after the manner of riotous young men : and had not the Lord in his mercy pulled me aback, and wrought a great repentance in me, I had doubtless run forward and employed my time and study in that profane and unprofitable exercise, to my own perdition." The first of his hymns he styles his " Recantation :" it commences in the following solemn terms : Alace, how long have I delayed To leave the laits* of youth ! Alace how oft have I essayed To daunt my lascive mouth, And make my vayne polluted thought, My pen and speech prophaine, Extoll the Lord quhilk made of nocht The heaven, the earth, and maine. Skarce nature yet my face about, Hir virile net had spun, Quhen als oft as Phoebea stout Was set agains the Sun : Yea, als oft as the fierie flames A rise and shine abroad, I minded was with sangsand psalms To glorifie my God. But ay the cancred carnall kind, Quhilk lurked me within, Seduced my heart, withdrew my mind, And made me sclave to sin. My senses and my saull I saw Debait a deadlie strife, Into my flesh I felt a law Gainstand the Law of life. * Habits or manners. ALEXANDER HUME. 95 Even as the falcon high, and halt Furth fleeing in the skye, With wanton wing hir game to gaif, Disdaines her caller's cry ; So led away with liberty, And drowned in delight, I wand red after vanitie— My vice I give the wight. Rut by far the most beautiful composition in the collection, is that entitled the " Day Estival," the one which Leyden has thought worthy of revival. This poem presents a description of the progress and effects of a summer day in Scotland, accompanied by the reflections of a mind full of natural piety, and a delicate perception of the beauties of the physical world. The easy flow of the numbers, distinguishing it from the harsher productions of the same age, and the arrangement of the terms and ideas, prove an acquaintance with Eng- glish poetry ; but the subject and the poetical thoughts are entirely the author's own. They speak strongly of the elegant and fastidious mind, tired of the bar, and disgusted with the court, finding a balm to the wounded spirit, in being alone with nature, and watching her progress. The style has an unrestrained freedom which may please the present age, and the contemplative feeling thrown over the whole, mingled with the artless vividness of the descriptions, bringing the objects immediately before the eye, belong to a species of poetry at which some of the highest minds have lately made it their study to aim. We shall quote the commencing stanza, and a few others scattered in different parts of the Poem : O perfect light! which shed away The darkness from the light, And left one ruler o'er the day, Another o'er the night. Thy glory, when the day forth flies, More vively does appear ■ Nor at mid-day unto our eyes The shining sun is clear. The shadow of the earth anone Removes and drawis by; Syne in the east, when it is gone, Appears a clearer sky : Which soon perceives the little larks, The lapwing, and the snipe; And tunes their songs, like nature's clerks, Our meadow, moor, and stripe. The time so tranquil is and still, That no where shall ye find, Save on a high and barren hill, An air of passing wind. All trees and simples, great and small, That balmy leaf do bear, Nor they were painted on a wall No more they move or stir. Calm is the deep and purpour sea, Yea smoother nor the sand j 9(J ALEXANDER HUME. The wallis that weltering wont to be Are stable like the land. * * * * What pleasure 'twere to walk and see, Endlong a river clear, The perfect form of every tree Within the deep appear ; The salmon out of crooves and creels Up hauled into skouts, The bells and circles on the weills Through louping of the trouts, O then it were a seemly thing, While all is still and calme, The praise of God to play and sing With cornet and with shalme. Rowe, in his manuscript History of the Church of Scotland, has told us that Hume "'was one of those godlie and faithful servants, who had witnessed against the hierarchy of prelates in this kirk." He proceeds to remark, " as to Mr Alexander Hoome, minister at Logie beside Stirlin, I nixt mention him : he has left ane admonition behind him in write to the kirk of Scotland, wherein lie affirmes that the bishops, who were then fast rising up, had left the sincere ministers, who wold gladlie have keeped still the good old government of the kirk, if these corrupt ministers had not left them and it; earnestlie entreating the bishops to leave and forsake that course wherin they were, els their defection from their honest brethren, (with whom they had taken the covenant,) and from the cause of God, would be registrate afterwards to their eternale shame." The person who has reprinted Hume's Hymns and Sacred Songs for the Bannatyne club, has discovered among the elaborate collections of Wodrow, in the Advocate's Library, a small tract entitled, " Ane afold Admonition to the Ministerie of Scotland, be ane deing brother," which he, not without reason, presumes to be that mentioned by Rowe ; founding the supposition on the similarity of the title, the applica- bility of the matter, and a minute circumstance of internal evidence, which shows that the admonition was written very soon after the year 1607, and very probably at such a period as might have enabled Hume (who died in 1609) to have denominated himself " ane deing brother." The whole of this curious production is conceived in a style of assumption, which cannot have been very acceptable to the spiritual pride of the Scottish clergy. It commences in the following terms of apostolical reprimand : — " Grace, mercy, and peace from God the Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ. It is certainlie knawin, bre- theren, to the greiffof monie godlie heartes and slander of the Gospell, that thair ar dissentionis among you : not concerning the covenant of God, or the seales of the covenant, but chieflie concerning twa poyntis of discipline or kirk govern- ment, wharanent you are divydit in twa factionis or opinionis." From this as- sumed superiority, the admonitionist stalks forth, bearing himself in lofty terms, never condescending to argue, but directing like a superior sph'it ; and under the Christian term of humility, " bretheren," concealing an assumption of spiri- tual superiority, which the word "sons" would hardly have sufficiently ex- pressed. HUME, David, of Godscroft. The scantiness of the materials for lives of liter- ary Scotsmen has, with us, often been a subject of remark and regret ; and we are sure that every one who has had occasion to make investigations into this de- partment of our national history will at once acquiesce in its truth. Our states- men have been applauded or condemned — at all events they have been immor- talized— by contemporary writers ; the deeds of our soldiers have been celebrated ALEXANDER HUME. 97 in works relative to our martial achievements ; and our divines have always, and more especially in the darker ages, preserved a knowledge of themselves and their transactions, — but literary men are nearly forgotten, and for what is known of them we are principally indebted to the labours of continental biographers. It would be difficult to point out a more striking illustration of this than the well known individual whose name appears at the head of this article. His name is familiar to every one who is in the least degree conversant with Scottish history or poetry ; — he was descended from an honourable family — he acted a prominent part in some of the earlier transactions of his own time, and still almost nothing is known of his history. The indefatigable Wodrow has preserved many scattered hints regarding him in his Biographical Collections in the library of Glasgow col- lege, and except this we are not aware of any attempt at a lengthened biographi- cal sketch of him. In drawing up the following, we shall take many of our facts from that biography, referring also to the excellent works of Dr M'Crie, and occasionally supplying deficiencies from the few incidental notices of himself in Hume's works. David Hume, it is probable, was born about, or a few years prior to, the period of the Reformation. His father was Sir David Hume, or Home, of YVed- derburn, the representative of an old and distinguished family in the south 01 Scotland. His mother was Mary Johnston, a daughter of Johnston of EJphin- stone. This lady died early, and her husband, after having married a second wife, who seems to have treated his family in a harsh and ungenerous manner, died of consumption while the subject of this memoir was a very young man. The family thus left consisted of four 6ons — George, David, James, and John ; and four daughters — Isabell, Margaret, Julian, and Joan. Of the early education of David Hume, we have not been able to learn almost any thing. His elder brother and he were sent to the public school of Dunbar, then conducted by 31r Andrew Simson, and there is abundant evidence that he made very considerable progress in the acquisition of classical knowledge. He has left a poem, entitled Daphn-Amaryllis, written at the age of fourteen, and he incidentally mentions the expectations George Euchanan formed of his future eminence from his early productions. After receiving, it may be conjectured, the best education that a Scottish university then afforded, Hume set out for France, accompanied by his relation, John Haldane of Gleneagles. His intention was to have also made the tour of Italy, and for that purpose he had gone to Geneva, when his brother's health became so bad as to make his return desirable. On receiving the letters containing this information, he returned to Scotland without delay, "and arrived," to use his own words in his History of the Family of Wed- derburn, " much about the time that Esme, lord Aubigny, (who was afterwards made duke of Lennox,) was brought into Scotland — and that Morton began to decline in his credit, he being soon after first imprisoned, and then put to death ;" that is about the beginning of 1581. Sir George Home seems to have recovered his health soon afterwards, and David was generally left at his castle to manage his affairs, while he was engaged in transactions of a more difficult or hazardous nature. This probably did not continue long, for the earliest public transaction in which we have found him engaged took place in 1583. When king James VI. withdrew from the party commonly known by the name of the Ruthven lords, and re-admitted the earl of Arran to his councils, Archibald, " the good earl " of Angus, a relation of Hume's family, was ordered to confine himself to the north of Scotland, and accordingly resided for some time at the castle of Brechin, the property of his brother-in-law the earl of Mar. At this period Hume seems to have lived in Angus's house, in the capacity of a " familiar servitour," or confidential secretary. 08 ALEXANDER HUME. When the Ruthven party were driven into England, Hume accompanied his master and relation ; and while the lords remained inactive at Newcastle, request- ed leave to go to London, where he intended pursuing his studies. To this Angus consented, with the ultimate intention of employing him as his agent at the English court. During the whole period of his residence at the English capital, he maintained a regular correspondence with the earl, but only two of his letters (which he has printed in the History of the Houses of Douglas and Angus) have come down to us. The Ruthven lords returned to Scotland in 1585, but soon offended the. clergy by their want of zeal in providing for the security of the church. Their wrath was still farther kindled, by a sermon preached at this time before the king at Linlithgow, by .John Craig, in which the offensive doctrine of obedience to princes was enforced. A letter was accordingly prepared, insisting upon the claims of the church, and transmitted to Mr Hume, to be presented to Angus. A very long conference took place betwixt the earl and Hume, which he has set down at great length in the above-mentioned work. He begins his own discourse by refuting the arguments of Craig, and shows, that although it is said in his text, " I said ye are gods," it is also said, "Nevertheless ye shall die ;" " which two," Hume continues, " being put together, the one shows princes their duty — Do justice as God doth ; the other threateneth punishment — Ye shall die if you do it not." He then proceeds to show, that the opinions of Bodinus in his work De Republica, and of his own countryman Blackwood [see Blackwood], are absurd; and having established the doctrine that tyrants may be resisted, he applies it to the case of the Ruthven lords, and justifies the conduct of Angus as one of that party. He then concludes in the following strain of remonstrance: — " Your declaration which ye published speaks much of the public cause and common weal, but you may perceive what men think your actions since they do not answer thereto by this letter, for they are begun to think that howsoever you pretend to the public, yet your intention was fixed only on your own particular, because you have done nothing for the church or country, and have settled your own particular. And it is observed, that of all the parliaments that were ever held in tins country, this last, held since you came home, is it in which alone there is no mention of the church, either in the beginning thereof, (as in all others there is,) or elsewhere throughout. This neglect of the state of the church and coun- try, as it is a blemish of your fact obscuring the lustre of it, so is it accounted an error in policy by so doing, to separate your particular from the common • ause of the church and country, which, as it hath been the mean of your parti- cular restitution so is it the only mean to maintain you in this estate, and to make it sure and firm." During the subsequent short period of this earl's life, Hume seems to have re- IT, A*™" 5 T' Jand t0 have acted the Part of a faithM and judicious ad- Z„' in T SUSa eath' Which took P,ace in 1588' * is ProbabIe tHat >'« he annpnrenlrement' ^T^*'* W do not filld any ^ther notice of him till lie appeared as an author in 1G05. En^Hn^niT! JareSi8 m°S,t favourite P«>Je<*» «as the union of the kingdoms of mis! on! \ ' &f S°°n aftCr his aCCession to the Engluh throne, com- be «?rf! J? re»PPO.nted to consider the grounds upon which this object could were weto t ^ " g^U yaUfied- * W°uld altoSether exceed our h»'it8 Id it7s LgZ S amt °?line °f the P™*e«i»g« of these commissioners, suit 'Phi !,!• r6?""7 ^ theiF deliberati°™ did not lead to the desired re^ r0untrlen C £T!2 met WUh tHe aUenti0n 0f the most l"med of our Pont Te of thl ? WWk Tten °" thi8 SubJect was from th« Pen «f Robert Pont, one of the most respectable clergymen of his day, and a senator of the col- ALEXANDER HUME. 09 lege of justice, while ecclesiastics were permitted to hold that office. His work, which was published in 1604, is in the form of a dialogue between three imagi- nary personages — Irenaeus, Polyhistor, and Hospes, and is now chiefly interesting as containing some striking remarks on the state of the country, and the obstacles to the administration of justice. Pont was followed by David Hume, our author, who published next year his treatise, DeUnione Insulae Britannias, of which bishop Nicholson only says that " it is written in a clear Latin style, such as the author was eminent for, and is dedicated to the king : it shows how great an advantage such a union would bring to the island in general, and in particular to the se- veral nations and people of England and Scotland, and answers the objections against the change of the two names into that of Britain — the alteration of the regal style in writs and processes of law — the removal of the parliament and other courts into England," &c. The first part only of this work of Hume's was pub- lished. Bishop Nicholson mentions that a MS. of the second part was in Sir Robert Sibbald's collection, and Wodrow also possessed what he considered a very valuable copy of it. It would be improper to pass from this part of our subject, without referring to Sir Thomas Craig's work on the same subject, which still remains unprinted ; although in the opinion of his accomplished biographer, Mr Tytler, " in point of matter and style, in the importance of the subject to which it relates, the variety of historical illustrations, the sagacity of the political remarks, and the insight into the mutual interests of the two coun- tries which it exhibits, it deserves to rank the highest of all his works." In the year 1608, Hume commenced a correspondence on the subject of epis- copacy and presbytery with James Law, then bishop of Orkney, and afterwards promoted to the archiepiscopal see of Glasgow. Ibis epistolary warfare took its rise in a private conversation between Mr Hume and the bishop, when he came to visit the presbytery of Jedburgh in that year. The subject presented by much too large a field to be exhausted at a private meeting, and accordingly supplied materials for their communications for about three years. But here again we are left to lament that so little of it has been preserved. Calderwood has collected a few of the letters, but the gaps are so frequent, and consequently so little connexion is kept up, that they would be entirely uninteresting to a general reader. In 1613, Hume began a correspondence of the same nature with bishop Cowper on his accepting the diocese of Galloway. The bishop set forth an apology for himself, and to this Hume wrote a reply, which, however, was not printed, as it was unfavourable to the views of the court. Cowper answered his siatements in his Dicaiology, but printed only such parts of Hume's argument as could be most easily refuted. To this Hume once more replied at great length. Shortly before this period he undertook the " History of the House of Wedderburn, (written) by a son of the family, in the year 1611," — a work which has hitherto remained in manuscript. " It has sometimes grieved me," he remarks, in a dedication to the earl of Home, and to his own brother, " when 1 have been glancing over the histories of our country, to have mention made so seldom of our ancestors, — scarce above once or twice, — and that too very shortly and superficially ; whereas they were always remarkable for bravery, magnanimity, clemency, liberality, munificence, hospitality, fidelity, piety in religion, and obedience to their prince ; and, indeed, there never was a family who had a greater love and regard for their country, or more earnestly devoted themselves to, or more frequently risked their lives for, its service. It ought, in a more particular manner, to grieve you that they have been so long buried in oblivion, and do you take care that they be so no more. I give you, as it were, the prelude, or by the ground-work of the history ; perhaps a pen more equal to the task, or at least, who can do it with more decency, will give it the finishing stroke." 100 ALEXANDER HUME. He does not enter into a minute inquiry into the origin of the family, a species of antiquarianism of which it must be confessed our Scottish historians are suffi- ciently fond: "My intention," he says, " does not extend farther than to write those things that are peculiar to the House of Wedderburn." The work begins with ** David, first laird of Wedderburn," who appears to have lived about the end of the fourteenth century, and concludes with an account of the earlier part of his brother's life. During the latter period of his life, Hume appears to have devoted himself almost entirely to literary pursuits. He had appeared before the world as a poet in iiis " Lusus Poetici," published in. 1605, and afterwards incorporated into the excellent collection entitled " Delieiae Poetarum Scotorum," edited by Dr Arthur Johnston. He seems to have added to his poetical works when years and habits of study might be supposed to have cooled his imaginative powers. When prince Henry died, he gave vent to his grief in a poem entitled " Henrici Principis Justa," which, Wodrow conjectures, was probably sent to Sir James Semple of Beltrees, then a favourite at court, and by whom it is not improbable that it was shown to his majesty. A few years afterwards (1617) he wrote his " Regi Suo Graticulatio," — a congratulatory poem on the king's revisiting his native country. In the same year he prepared (but did not publish) a prose work under the following title, "Cambdenia; id est, Examen nonnullorumaGulielmo Cambdeno in 'Britannia' sua positorum, praecipue quae ad irrisionem Scoticas gentis, et eorum et Pictorum falsam originem." " In a very short preface to his readers," says Wodrow, " Mr Hume observes that nothing more useful to this island was ever proposed, than the union of the two islands, and scarce ever any proposal was more op- posed ; witness the insults in the House of Commons, and Paget's fury, rather than speech, against it, for which he was very justly fined. After some other things to the same purpose, he adds, that Mr Cambden hath now in his Britannia appeared on the same side, and is at no small labour to extol to the skies England and his Britons, and to depress and expose Scotland,_how unjustly he does so is Mr Hume's design in this work." Cambden's assertions were also noticed by William Drummond in his Nuntius Scoto-Britannus, and in another of his works more professedly levelled against him, entitled " A Pair of Spectacles for Cambden." The last work in which we are aware of Hume's having been engaged, is his largest, and that by which he is best known. The History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus, seems to have been first printed at Edinburgh, by Evan Tyler in 1644, but this edition has several discrepancies in the title-page. Some copies bear the date 1648, « to be sold by T. W. in London," and others have a title altogether different, « A Generall History of Scotland, together with a particu- lar history of the houses of Douglas and Angus," but are without date. After mentioning ,n the preface that, in writing such a work it is impossible to please ail parties,— that some may say that it is an unnecessary work— others, that it is ZZL £ :rt/;tetemen>-anid a third complain of « the style, the phrase, the pa icul tot?"; a"dthe an^e" Humego* on to lay, « in all these ZrZ7l» ^f^ ^u m°re tha" We Can h°Pe for5 ?et thu* "inch ihis sulieet T a T t0 8"Ch "H WiU giVG Car t0 reas°": that l -ite, and of SArdirBmto-d0i^0tby any Vi0le"ce or c*"Wion, but not refuel thou^' " iff V f°l **** desired t0 do 5t b? those l ^>uld kL nT' . g my8eLf b°Und t0 honour that name> ™d ^ it and by it our ackl . V° ^ * ' • T°UCning l-***' l de"y * not, but am content to pap « ™ZtZTre? ,Neit,er do * think that ever -»y — ™ ™£ o paper wi hout some particular relation of kindred, countrey or such like The Komans |» writing the Homane, the Grecians £ ^ th'eir Greek his'torSl ALEXANDER HUME. 101 friends writing to, of, or for friends, may be thought partiall, as countreymen and friends. The vertuous may be deemed to be partiall towards the vertuous, and the godly towards the godly and religious: all writers have some such respect, which is a kind of partiality. I do not refuse to be thought to have some, or all of these respects, and I hope none wil think I do amisse in having them. Pleas- ing of men, I am so farre from shunning of it, that it is my chief end and scope : but let it please them to be pleased with vertue, otherwise they shal find nothing here to please them. If thou findest any thing here besides, blame me boldly ; and why should any be displeased that wil be pleased with it? would to God I could so please the world, I should never displease any. But if either of these (partiality or desire to please) carry me besides the truth, then shal I confesse my self guilty, and esteem these as great faults, as it is faultie and blame-worthy to forsake the truth. But, otherwise, so the truth be stuck unto, there is no hurt in partiality and labouring to please. And as for truth, clip not, nor champ not my words (as some have done elsewhere), and I beleeve the worst affected will not charge mee with lying. I have ever sought the truth in all things carefully, and even here also, and that painfully in every point : where I find it assured, I have set it down confidently ; where I thought there was some reason to doubt, I tell my authour : so that if I deceive, it is my self I deceive, and not thee ; for I hide nothing from thee that I myself know, and as I know it, leaving place to thee, if thou knowest more or better, which, if thou doest, impart and communicate it ; for so thou shouldest do, and so is truth brought to light, which else would lye hid and buried. My paines and travel in it have been greater than every one would think, in correcting my errours ; thine will not bee so much, and both of us may furnish matter for a third man to finde out the truth more exactly, than either of us hath yet done. Help, therefore, but carp not For the language, it is my mother-tongue, that is, Scottish : and why not, to Scottish men ? why should I contemne it ? I never thought the difference so great, as that by seeking to speak English, I would hazard the imputation of affectation. Every tongue hath its own vertue and grace. Some are more substantiall, others more ornate and succinct They have also their own defects and faultinesses, some are harsh, some are effeminate, some are rude, some aft'ectate and swelling. The Romanes spake from their heart, the Grecians with their lips only, and their ordinary speech was complements ; especially the Asiatick Greeks did use a loose and blown kind of phrase. And who is there that keeps that golden mean ? For my own part, I like our own, and he that writes well in it, writes well enough to me. Yet I have yeelded somewhat to the tyrannie of custome and the times, not seeking curiously for words, but taking them as they come to hand. I acknowledge also my fault (if it be a fault), that I ever accounted it a mean study, and of no great commendation to learn to write, or to speak English, and have loved better to bestow my pains and time on forreign languages, esteeming it but a dialect of our own, and that, (perhaps) more corrupt." The work commences with a preface concerning " the Douglases in general, that is, their antiquity, to which is joined their original, nobility and descent, greatness and valour of tbe family of the name of Douglas." The history begins with Sholto Douglas, the first that bore the name, and the vanquisher of Donald Bane, in the reign of king Salvathius, — and concludes with the death of Archibald, ninth earl of Angus, who has been already noticed in the course of this memoir. With this work closes every trace of David Hume. It is supposed to have been written about 1625, or between that period and 1630, and it is not probable that he survived that period long. Supposing him to have been born about 1560, he must then have attained to the age of three score years and ten. 102 DAVID HUME. Respecting Hume's merits as a poet, different opinions exist, \\ hile in the opinion of Dr Irving he never rises above mediocrity, Dr M Outplaces him in a somewhat higher rank : " The easy structure of his verse reminds us continually of the ancient models on which it has been formed ; and if de- ficient in vigour his fancy has a liveliness and buoyancy which prevents the reader from wearying of his longest descriptions." These opinions are, after all, not irreconcilable ; the poetry of Hume possesses little originality, but the reader is charmed with the readiness and the frequency of his imitations 01 the Roman poets. . As an historian, Hume can never become popular. He is by much too prolix —nor will this be wondered at when we consider the age at which he wrote his principal historical work. To the reader, however, who is disposed to follow him through his windings, he will be a most valuable, and in many cases, a most amusing author. As the kinsman of the earls of Angus, he had access to many important family papers, from which he has compiled the history prior to his own time. But when he writes of transactions within his own re- collection, and more especially those in which he was personally engaged, there is so much judicious remark and honesty of intention, that it cannot fail to in- terest even a careless reader. Besides the works which we have mentioned, Hume wrote " Apologia Basi- lica, Seu 31achiavelli Ingenium Examinatum, in libro quern inscripsit Princeps, 4to,' Paris, 1626." " De Episcopatu, May 1, 1609, Patricio Simsono." "A treatise on things indifferent" " Of obedience to superiors." In the Bio- graphic Universale there is a memoir of him, in which it is mentioned that " Jaques Iier l'empioye a concilier les differends qui s'estaient eleve entre Du- nioulin et Tilenus au sujet de la justification," and he is also there mentioned as having written " Le Contr' Assassin, ou Reponse a l'Apologie des Jesuites," Geneva, 1612, 8vo, and " L'Assassinat du Roi, ou Maximes Pratiquees en la personne du defaut Henrie le Grand," 1617, 8vo. HUME, David, the celebrated metaphysician, historian, and political economist, was the second son of Joseph Hume of Ninewells, near Dunse, and was born in the Tron church parish, Edinburgh, on the 26th of April, 1711, O. S. His mother was daughter to Sir David Falconer, a judge of the court of session under the designation of lord Newton, and for some years president of the college of justice. The family of Hume of Ninewells was ancient and respectable, and the great philosopher has himself inforaied us, that on the side both of father and mother, he was the descendant of nobility, a cir- cumstance from which he seems to have derived a quiet satisfaction, probably owing more to his respect for the manners and feelings of the country and age in which he lived, than to his conviction of the advantages of noble birth. It is to be regretted that little is known about the early life of Hume, and the habits of his boyish years. There are indeed very few instances, in which the information which can be derived about the early habits and inclinations of a man who has afterwards distinguished himself, repjiys the labour of research, or even that of reading the statements brought forward; while many who have busied themselves in such tasks have only shown that tiie objects of their atten- tion were by no means distinguished from other men, in the manner in which they have spent their childhood ; but it must be allowed that in the case of Hume, a narrative of the gradual rise and development of that stoical contempt towards the objects which distract the minds of most men, that industry without enthusiasm, that independence without assumption, and strict morality founded only on reason, which distinguished his conduct through life, might have taught us a lesson of the world, and would at least have gratified a well grounded DAVID HUME. 103 curiosity. The absence of such information allows us, however, to make a general inference, that no part of the conduct of the schoolboy was sufficiently remarkable to be commemorated by his friends, and that, as he was in advanced life (independent of the celebrity produced by his works) a man of unobserva- ble and unassuming conduct ; he was as a boy docile, well behaved, and attentive, without being remarkable either for precocity of talent, or that carelessness and insubordination which some biographers have taken pains to bring home to the subjects of their memoirs. In early infancy Hume was deprived of his father, and left to the guidance of his mother and an elder brother and sister ; with the brother who succeeded by birthright to the family property, he ever lived on terms of fraternal intimacy and affection, and towards his two female relatives he displayed, through all the stages of his life, an unvarying kindness and un- remitted attention, which have gone far, along with his other social virtues, in causing him to be respected as a man, by those who were his most bitter oppon- ents as a philosopher. The property of the respectable family of Ninewells was not large, and the limited share which fell to the younger brother precluded the idea of his sup- porting himself without labour. Having finished the course of study which such an institution was capable of providing, he attended for some time the university of Edinburgh, then rising in reputation; of his progress in study he gives us the following account : " I passed through the ordinary course of education with success, and was seized very early with a passion for literature, which has been the ruling passion of my life, and the great source of my enjoyments ; my studious disposition, my sobriety, and my industry, gave my family a notion that the law was a proper profession for me : but I found an insurmountable aver- sion to every thing but the pursuits of philosophy and general learning ; and while they fancied I was poring upon Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring-1 " Of this aversion not only to the practice, but to the abstract study of the law, in a mind constituted like that of Hume, guided by reason, acute in the perception of differences and connexions, naturally prone to industry, and given up to the indulgence neither of passion nor sentiment, it is difficult to account We are ignorant of the method by 1 It is almost unnecessary to mention, that when we use the words of Hume about himself, we quote from that curious little memoir called " My Own Life," written by Hume on his death- bed, and published in 1777, by Mr Strahan, (to whom the manuscript was consigned) previously to its publication in the ensuing edition of the History of England. In a work which ought to contain a quantity of original matter proportioned to the importance of the subjects treated, some apology or explanation may be due, for quoting from a production which has been brought so frequently before the public; but in the life of a person so well known, and into whose conduct there has been so much investigation, while we try to bring together as much original matter as it is possible to obtain, we must frequently be contented with statements modeled according to our own views, and in our own language, of facts which have already been frequently recorded. Independent of this necessity, the memoir of the author written by himself, is so characteristic of his mind and feelings, both in the method of the narrative, and in the circumstances detailed, that any life of Hume which might neglect re- ference to it, must lose a very striking chain of connexion betwixt the mind of the author and the character of his works. Let us here remark, that while fin the words of Hume himself) "it is difficult for a man to speak long of himself without vanity," this little memoir seems to have defied criticism to discover anjthing injudicious or assuming, either in the de- tails or reflections. It is true, he has been slightly accused of speaking with too much com- placency of his own good qualities: but be it remarked, those qualities of disposition to study, sobriety, and industry, are such as a man of genius is seldom disposed to arrogate to himself, at least without some hints of the existence of others more brilliant and distinguishing. We cannot help being of opinion, that the author's philosophical command over his feelings has prompted him to avoid the extremes which the natural egotism and vanity of most men would have caused them to fall into on similar occasions, of either alluding to very high qualities which the suffrages of others had allowed that they possessed, or gaining credit for iuimiiit y, by not recognizing the existence of qualities which they know their partial friends would be ready to admit. 104 DAVID HL'ME. which lie pursued his legal studies, and this early acquired disgust would at least liint, that like his friend lord Karnes, he commenced his career with the repul- sive drudgery of a writer's office, in which his natural taste for retirement and reflection was invaded by a vulgar routine of commercial business and petty squabbling, and his acuteness and good taste offended by the tiresome formali- ties with which it was necessary he should occupy much valuable time, previous- ly to exercising his ingenuity in the higher walks of the profession. But to those who are acquainted with the philosophical, and more especially with the con- stitutional writings of Mr Hume, the contemptuous rejection of the works of the civilians, and the exorbitant preference for the Roman poets, will appear at least a singular confession. To him any poet offered a mere subject of criticism, to be tried by the standard of taste, and not to gratify his sentiment ; while in the works of the civilians he would have found (and certainly did find) the acute philosophical disquisitions of minds which were kindred to his own, both in pro- fundity and elegance, and in the clear and accurate Vinnius, whom he has sen- tenced with such unbrotherly contempt, he must have found much which as a philosopher he respected, whatever distaste arbitrary circumstances might have given him towards the subject which that great man treated. In 1731, the persuasions of his friends induced Mr Hume to attempt the bettering of his income by entering into business, and he established himself in the office of a respectable merchant in Bristol ; but the man who had rejected the study of the law, was not likely to be fascinated by the bustle of commerce, and probably in opposition to the best hopes and wishes of his friends, in a few months he relinquished his situation, and spent some years in literary retire- ment in France, living first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Fleche in Anjeau. " I there," he says, " laid that plan of life which I have steadily and success- fully pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every ob- ject as contemptible, except the improvement of my talents in literature ;" and with the consistency of a calm and firm mind, he kept his resolution. For some time previous to this period, Hume must have been gradually collecting that vast mass of observation and reflection which he employed himself during his retirement in digesting into the celebrated Treatise on Human Nature. In 1737, he had finished the first two volumes of this work, and he then returned to London to superintend their publication. From this date commenced the earliest traces of that literary and social correspondence which furnishes many of the most characteristic commentaries on the mental habits of the philosopher. With Henry Home, afterwards lord Karnes, a near neighbour of the family of Ninewells, and probably a connexion of the philosopher (for lie was the first member of the family who adopted the name of Hume, in preference to the family name Home,) he contracted an early friendship, and a similarity of pur- suits continued the intercourse. To that gentleman we find the subject of our memoir writing in the following terms, in December, 1737 : " I have been here near three months, always within a week of agreeing with my printers : and you may imagine I did not forget the work itself during that time, when I be- gan to feel some passages weaker for the style and diction than I could have wished. The nearness and greatness of the event roused up my attention, and made me more difficult to please than when I was alone in perfect tranquillity in France." The remaining portion of this communication, though given in the usual placid and playful manner of the author, tells a painful tale of the difficulties he had to encounter, and of hope deferred. " But here," he says, " I must tell you one of my foibles. I have a great inclination to go down to Scotland this spring to see my friends, and have your advice concerning my DAVID HUME. 105 ptdlosophical discoveries : but cannot overcome a certain shame-facedness I have to appear among you at my years without having got a settlement, or so much as attempted any. How happens it, that we philosophers cannot as heartily despise the world as it despises us ? I think in my conscience the contempt were as well founded on our side as on the other." With this letter 3Ir Hume transmitted to his friend a manuscript of his Essay on Miracles, a work which he at that period declined publishing along with his other produc- tions, looking on it as more likely to give offence, from the greater reference of its reasonings to revealed religion. Towards the termination of the year 1738, Hume published his " Treatise of Human Nature ; being an attempt to introduce the experimental method of reasoning into moral subjects." The fundamental principles on which the whole philosophy of this work is reared, discover themselves on reading the first page, in the division of all perceptions — in other words, of all the materials of knowledge which come within the comprehension of the human mind, — into impressions and ideas. Differing from almost all men who, using other terms, had discussed the same subject, he considered these two methods of acquiring knowledge, to differ, not in quality, but merely in degree ; because by an ob- servation of the qualities of the mind, on the principle of granting nothing which could not be demonstrated, he could find no real ground of distinction, excepting that the one set of perceptions was always of a more vivid description than the other. The existence of impressions he looked on as prior in the mind to the existence of ideas, the latter being merely dependent on, or re- flected from the former, which were the first inlets of all knowledge. Among perceptions he considered the various methods by which the senses make the mind acquainted with the external world, and along with these, by a classifica- tion which might have admitted a better arrangement, he ranked the passions, which he had afterwards to divide into those which were the direct consequents of the operations of the senses, as pain and pleasure, and those which the repe- tition of impressions, or some other means, had converted into concomitants, or qualifications of the mind, as hatred, joy, pride, &c. By ideas, 31 r Hume understood those arrangements of the perceptions formed in the mind by reasonings or imagination ; and although he has maintained the distinction between these and the impressions of the senses to be merely in degree, all that has been either blamed or praised in his philosophy is founded on the use he makes of this distinction. He has been accused, and not without justice, of confusion in his general arrangement, and disconnexion in the subjects he has discussed as allied to each other ; but a careful peruser of his works will find the division of subject we have just attempted to explain, to pervade the whole of his extraordinary investigations, and never to be de- parted from, where language allows him to adhere to it. The ideas, or more faint perceptions, are made by the author to be completely dependent on the impressions, showing that there can be no given idea at any time in the mind, to which there has not been a corresponding impression conveyed through the organs of sense. These ideas once existing in the mind, are subjected to the operation of the memory, and form the substance of our thoughts, and a por- tion of the motives of our actions. Thus, at any given moment, there are in the mind two distinct sources of knowledge, (or of what is generally called knowledge,) — the impressions which the mind is receiving from surrounding objects through the senses, and tlie thoughts, which pass through the mind, modi- fied and arranged from such impressions, pieviously experienced and stored up. Locke, in his arguments against the existence of innate ideas, and Dr Berkeley, when he tried to 6ho\v that the mind could contain no abstract ideas, (or ideas 106 DAVID HUME. not connected with anything which the mind had experienced,) had formed the Outline of a similar division of knowledge ; but neither of them founded on such a distinction, a system of philosophy, nor were they, it may be well conceived, aware of the extent to which the principles they suggested might be logically carried. The division we have endeavoured to define, is the foundation of the sceptical philosophy. The knowledge immediately derived from impressions is that which truly admits the term " knowledge " to be strictly applied to it ; that which is founded on experience, derived from previous impressions, is something which always admits of doubt While the former are always certain, the mind being unable to conceive their uncertainty, the latter may not only be conceived to be false, but are so much the mere subjects of probability, that there are distinc- tions in the force which the mind attributes to them — sometimes admitting them to be doubtful, and making no more distinction, except in the greater amount ot probabilities betwixt that which it pronounces doubtful, and that which it pronounces certain. As an instance — when a man looks upon another man, and hears him speak, he receives through the senses of hearing and sight, certain impressions, the existence of which he cannot doubt; on that man, however, being no longer the object of his senses, the impressions are arranged in his mind in a reflex form, constituting what Mr Hume has called ideas ; and although he may at first be con- vinced in a manner sufficiently strong for all practical purposes, that he has actually seen and heard such a man, the knowledge he has is only a mass of probabili- ties, which not only admit him to conceive it a possibility that he may not have met such a man, but actually decay by degrees, so as probably after a consider- able period to lapse into uncertainty, while no better line of distinction can be drawn betwixt the certainty and the uncertainty, than that the one is produced by a greater mass of probabilities than the other. The author would have been inconsistent, had he admitted the reception of knowledge of an external world, even through the medium of the senses : he maintained all that the mind had really cognizance of, to be the perceptions themselves ; there was no method of ascertaining with certainty what caused them. The human mind, then, is thus discovered to be nothing but a series of perceptions, of which some sets have such a resemblance to each other, that we always naturally arrange them together in our thoughts. Our consciousness of the identity of any given individual, is merely a series of perceptions so similar, that the mind glides along them without observation. A man's consciousness of his own identity, is a similar series of impressions. " The mind," says the author, " is a kind of theatre, where se- veral perceptions successively make their appearance — pass, repass, glide away, and mingle in an infinite variety of postures and situations. There is properiy no simplicity in it at one time, nor identity in different, whatever natural pro- pension we may have to imagine that simplicity and identity. The comparison of the theatre must not mislead us. They are the successive perceptions only that constitute the mind ; nor have we the most distant notion of the place where these scenes are represented, or of the materials of which it is composed."1 From such a conclusion, the passage to scepticism on the immateriality of the soul was a natural and easy step : but on such a subject we must be cautious as to the man- ner in which we make remarks on the observations made by Hume— we neither appear as among his vindicators, nor for the purpose of disputing his conclusions —our purpose is, as faithful biographers, to give, as far as our limits and our knowledge ot the subject may admit, a sketch of his leading doctrines, and if we have any thing to vindicate, it will be the author's real meaning, which cer- tain zealous defenders of Christianity, have shown an anxiety to turn as batteries against it. In his reasonings on the immateriality of the soul he is truly scepti- 1 Works (1826), i. 3-22. DAVID HUME. 107 cal ; that is, while he does not deny the immateriality of the soul, he endeavours to show that the mind can form no certain conception of the immaterial soul. Refining on the argument of a reasoning poet, who probahly was not aware of the full meaning of his own words when he said — " Of God above, or man bdow, What can we reason, but from what we know, the author of the treatise on Human Nature maintained that the mere succession of impressions, of which the mind was composed, admitted of no such impres- sion as that of the immateriality of the soul, and consequently did not admit of the mind comprehending in what that immateriality consisted. Let it bo remembered, that this conclusion is come to in the same manner as that against the consciousness of the mind to the existence of matter ; and that in neither case does the author maintain certain opinions which men believe to be less certain than they are generally conceived to be, but gives to them a name different from that which language generally bestows on them — that of masses of probabilities, in- stead of certainties, — the latter being a term he reserves solely for the impressions of the senses. " Should it here be asked me," says the author, " whether 1 sin- cerely assent to this argument, which 1 seem to take such pains to inculcate, and whether 1 be really one of those sceptics, who hold that all is uncertain, and that our judgment is not in any thing, possessed of any measures of truth and false- hood ; 1 should reply, that this question is entirely superfluous, and that neither I, nor any other person, was ever sincerely and constantly of that opinion. Na- ture, by an absolute and uncontrollable necessity, has determined us to judge as well as to breathe and feel ; nor can we any more forbear viewing certain objects in a stronger and fuller light, upon account of their customary connexion with a pre- sent impression, than we can hinder ourselves from thinking, as long as we are awake, or seeing the surrounding bodies, when we turn our eyes towards them in broad sunshine. Whoever has taken the pains to refute the cavils of this total scepticism, has really disputed without an antagonist, and endeavoured by arguments to establish a faculty which nature has antecedently implanted in the mind, and rendered unavoidable."2 With this extremely clear statement, which shows us, that while Hume had a method of accounting for the sources of our knowledge differing from the theories of other philosophers, in the abstract cer- tainty which he admitted to pertain to any knowledge beyond the existence of an impression, his belief in the ordinary admitted sources of human knowledge was not less practically strong than that of other people, — let us connect the conclud- ing words on the chapter on the immortality of the soul : " There is no foundation for any conclusion a priori, either concerning the operations or duration of any object, of which 'tis possible for the human mind to form a conception. Any object may be imagined to become entirely inactive, or to be annihilated in a moment: and 'tis an evident principle, that whatever we can imagine is pos- sible. Now this is no more true of matter than of spirit — of an extended com- pounded substance, than of a simple and unextended. In both cases the meta- physical arguments for the immortality of the soul are equally inconclusive : and in both cases the moral arguments, and those derived from the analogy of nature, are equally strong and convincing. If my philosophy, therefore, makes no addition to the arguments for religion, I have at least the satisfaction to think it takes nothing from them, but that every thing remains precisely as before."1 Without pretending to calculate the ultimate direction of the philosophy of Hume, as it regards revealed religion, let us repeat the remark, that many persons * Works, vol. i. p 240. « Works i p. 319. 108 DAVID HUME. busied themselves in increasing its terrors as an engine against the Christian faith, that they might have the merit of displaying a chivalrous resistance. The presumptions thus formed and fostered, caused a vigorous investigation into the grounds of all belief, and many good and able men were startled to find that it was necessary to admit many of the positions assumed by their subtle antagonist, and that they must employ the vigorous logic they had brought to the field, in stoutly fortifying a position he did not attack. They found '* the metaphysical arguments inconclusive," and " the moral arguments, and those derived from the analogy of nature, equally strong and convincing:" and that useful and beautiful system of natural theology, which has been enriched by the investigations of Derham, Tucker,4 and Paley, gave place to obscure investigations into first causes, and idle theories on the grounds of belief, which generally landed the philosophers in a circle of confusion, and amazed the reader with incomprehen- sibilities. One of the most clear and original of the chapters of the Treatise on Human Nature, has provided us with a curious practical instance of the pliability of the sceptical philosophy of Hume. In treating the subject of cause and eftect, Mr Hume, with fidelity to his previous division of perceptions, found nothing in the effect produced on the mind by any two phenomena, of which the one received the name of cause, the other that of eftect, but two impressions, and no connexion betwixt them, but the sequence of the latter to the former ; attribut- ing our natural belief that the one is a cause, and the other its effect, to the habit of the mind in running from the one impression to that which is its immediate sequent, or precedent ; denying that we can have any conception of cause and eftect beyond those instances of which the mind has had experience, and which habit has taught it ; and, finally, denying that mankind can penetrate farther into the mystery, than the simple knowledge that the one phenomenon is experienced to follow the other. Men of undoubtedly pure religious faith have maintained the justness of this system as a metaphysical one, and it has found its way into physical science, as a check to vague theories, and the assumption of conjectural causes : in a memorable instance, it was however attacked as metaphysically subversive of a proper belief in the Deity as a first cause. The persons who maintained this argument, were answered, that an op- posite supposition was morally subversive of a necessity for the constant exis- tence and presence of the Deity ; because, if" a cause had the innate power within it of producing its common effect, the whole fabric of the universe had an innate power of existence and progression in its various changes, which dispensed with the existence of a supreme regulator." The second volume of the Treatise on Human Nature, discusses the passions on the principles laid down at the commencement of the previous volume. The subjects here treated, while they are not of so strikingly original a description as to prompt us to enlarge on their contents, may be a more acceptable morsel to most readers, and certainly may be perused with more of what is termed satisfaction, than the obscure and somewhat disheartening investigations of the pure metaphysician. Of the usual subtilty and acuteness of the author they are of course not destitute ; but the theatre of investigation does not admit of much abstraction, and these qualities exercise themselves on subjects more tangible and comprehensible, than those of the author's prior labours. The production of the Treatise on Human Nature, stands almost alone in the history of the human mind ; let it be remembered that the author had just reached that period of existence when the animal spirits exercise their strongest • Not Jodnh, , but Abraham Tucker, who, under the assumed name of "Search," wrote a book on the light of nature, in 9 vols., 8vo. An unobtrusive and profound work, not very in- viting, and little read, which later philosophers have pillaged without compunction. DAVID HUME. 109 sway, and those whom nature has gifted with talents and observation, are exult- ing in a brilliant world before them, of which they are enjoying the prospective felicity, without tasting much of the bitterness ; and that this extensive treatise, so varied in the subjects embraced, so patiently collected by a lengthened labour of investigation and reflection, and entering on views so adverse to all that rea- son had previously taught men to believe, and so repulsive to the common feel- ings of the world, was the first literary attempt which the author deigned to place before the public. Perhaps a very close examination of the early habits and conduct of the author, could the materials of sucli be obtained, would scarcely furnish us with a clue to so singular a riddle ; but in a general sense, we may not diverge far from the truth in supposing, that the circumstances of his earlier intercourse with the world, had not prompted the author to entertain a very charitable view of mankind, and that the bitterness thus engendered com- ing under the cognizance of his reflective mind, instead of turning him into a stoic and practical enemy of his species, produced that singular system which, holding out nothing but doubt as the end of all mortal investigations, struck a silent blow at the dignity of human nature, and at much of its happiness. In a very singular passage, he thus speaks of his comfortless philosophy, and of the feelings it produces in the mind of its Cain-like fabricator. " I am first affrighted and confounded with that forlorn solitude in which I am placed in my philosophy, and fancy myself some sti'ange uncouth monster, who, not being able to mingle and unite in society, lias been expelled all human commerce, and left utterly abandoned and disconsolate. Fain would I run into the crowd for shelter and warmth, but cannot prevail with myself to mix with such de- formity. I call upon others to join me, in order to make a company apart, but no one will hearken to me. Every one keeps at a distance, and dreads that storm which beats upon me from every side. I have exposed myself to the enmity of all metaphysicians, logicians, mathematicians, and even theologians ; and can I wonder at the insults I must suffer ? I have declared my disapprobation of their systems ; and can I be surprised if they should express a hatred of mine and of my person ? When I look abroad, I foresee on every side dispute, contradiction, anger, calumny, and detraction. When I turn my eye inward, I find nothing but doubt and ignorance. All the world conspires to oppose and contradict me : though such is my weakness, that I feel all my opinions loosen and fall of them- selves, when unsupported by the approbation of others. Every step I take is with hesitation, and every new reflection makes me dread an error and absurdity in my reasoning.""" In the same spirit he writes to his friend, 3Ir Henry Home, immediately after the publication of the treatise : *' Those," he says, '* who are accustomed to reflect on such abstract subjects, are commonly full of prejudices ; and those who are unprejudiced, are unacquainted with metaphysical reasonings. My principles are also so remote from all the vulgar sentiments on the subject, that were they to take place, they would produce almost a total alteration in philosophy ; and you know revolutions of this kind are not easily brought about. "* Hume, when the reflection of more advanced life, and his habits of unceasing thought had made a more clear arrangement in his mind, of the principles of his philosophy, found many things to blame and alter in his treatise, not so much in the fundamental arguments, as in their want of arrangement, and the obscure garb of words in which he had clothed them. On the feelings he entertained on this subject, we find him afterwards writing to Dr John Stewart, and we shall here quote a rather mutilated fragment of this epistle, which has 5 Works, i. p. S33. * Ty tier's Life of Kamea 110 DAVID HUME. hitherto heen imprinted, and is interesting as containing an illustration of his arguments on belief : — " Allow me to tell you that I never asserted so absurd a proposition, as that any thing might arise without a cause. I only maintained that our certainty of the falsehood of that proposition proceeded neither from intuition nor demonstration, but from another source. That Cesar existed, that there is such an island as Sicily ; for these propositions, I affirm, we have no demonstration nor intuitive proof. Would you infer that I deny their truth, or even their certainty? and some of them as satisfactory to the mind, though, perhaps, not so regular as the demonstrative kind. Where a man of sense mis- takes my meaning, I own 1 am angry, but it is only with myself, for having expressed my meaning so ill as to have given occasion to the mistake. That you may see I would no way scruple of owning my mistakes in argument, I shall acknowledge (what is infinitely more material) a very great mistake in conduct ; viz. my publishing at all the Treatise of Human Nature, a book which pretended to innovate in all the sublimest parts of philosophy, and which I composed before I was five and twenty. Above all, the positive air which pervades that book, and which may be imputed to the ardour of youth, so much displeases me, that I have not patience to review it. I am willing to be unheeded by the public, though human life is so short that I despair of ever seeing the decision. I wish I had always confined myself to the more easy paths of erudition ; but you will excuse me from submitting to proverbial decision, let it even be in Greek." The effect produced on the literary world by the appearance of the Treatise on Human Nature, was not flattering to a young author. " Never literary attempt," says Mr Hume, " was more unfortunate than my Treatise on Human Nature. It fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such distinction, as even to excite a murmur among the zealots. But being naturally of a cheerful and sanguine temper, I very soon recovered the blow, and prosecuted with great ardour my studies in the country." The equanimity, and contempt for public opinion which Hume has here arrogated to himself, seems to have been con- sidered as somewhat doubtful, on the ground of the following curious state- ment in Dr Kenrick's London Review : — ** His disappointment at the public reception of his Essay on Human Nature, had indeed a violent effect on his passions in a particular instance ; it not having dropped so dead-horn from the press but that it was severely handled by the reviewers of those times, in a publication entitled, The Works of the Learned ; a circumstance which so highly provoked our young philosopher, that he flew in a violent rage to demand satisfaction of Jacob Robinson, the publisher, whom he kept, during the par- oxysm of his anger, at his sword's point, trembling behind the counter, lest a period should be put to the life of a sober critic by a raving philosopher." Mr John Hill Burton, in his life of Hume, observes — " There is nothing in the story to make it in itself incredible; for Hume was far from being that docile mass of imperturbability which so large a portiou of the world have taken him for. But the anecdote requires authentication, and has it not. Moreover, there are circumstances strongly against its truth. Hume was in Scotland at the time when the criticism on his work was published ; he did not visit London for some years afterwards ; and to believe the story, we must look upon it not as a mo- mentary ebullition of passion, but as a manifestation of long-treasured resent- ment ; a circumstance inconsistent with his character, inconsistent with human nature in general, and not in keeping with the modified tone of dissatisfaction with the criticism, evinced in his correspondence." We have perused with much interest the article in « The Works of the Learned " above alluded to, and it was certainly not likely to engender calm feelings in the mind of the author reviewed. It is of some length, attempting no philosophical confutation, but from the in- DAVID HUME. Ill genuity with which the most objectionable passages of the Treatise are brought forward to stand in naked grotesqueness without connexion, it must have come from some one who had carefully perused the book, and from no ordinary writer. The vulgar raillery with which it is filled might point out Warburton, but then the critic does not call the author a liar, a knave, or a fool, and the following almost prophetic passage with which the critic concludes (differing considerably in tone from the other parts), could not possibly have emanated from the head and heart of the great defender of the church : " It bears, indeed, incontestable marks of a great capacity, of a soaring genius, but young, and not yet thoroughly practised. The subject is vast and noble, as any that can exercise the understand- ing ; but it requires a very mature judgment to handle it as becomes its dignity and importance ; the utmost prudence, tenderness, and delicacy, are requisite to this desirable issue. Time and use may ripen these qualities in our author ; and we shall probably have reason to consider this, compared with his later produc- tions, in the same light as we view the juvenile works of Milton or the first manner of a Raphael." The third part of Mr Hume's Treatise of Human Nature was published in 1740 : it treated the subject of morals, and was divided into two parts, the first discussing " Virtue and Vice in general," the second treating of " Justice and Injustice." The scope of this essay is to show that there is no abstract and certain distinction betwixt moral good and evil, and while it admits a sense of virtue to have a practical existence in the mind of every human being, (however it may have established itself,) it draws a distinction betwixt those virtues of which every man's sense of right is capable of taking cognizance ; and justice, which it maintains to be an artificial virtue, erected certainly on the general wish of mankind to act rightly, but a virtue which men do not naturally follow, until a system is invented by human means, and based on reasonable principles of general utility to the species, which shows men what is just, and what is unjust, and can best be followed by the man who has best studied its general artificial form, in conjunction with its application to utility, and who brings the most acute perception and judgment to assist him in the task.3 Before publishing this part of the work, Hume submitted the manuscript to Francis Hutcheson, professor of moral philosophy in the university of Glasgow, whose opinions he was more disposed to reeeive with deference than those of any other man. Nevertheless, it was only in matters of detail that he would consent to be guided by that eminent person. The fundamental principles of the system he firmly defended. The correspondence which passed betwixt them shows how far Hume saw into the depths of the utilitarian system, and proves that it was more com- pletely formed in his mind than it appeared in his book. " To every virtuous action (says he) there must be a motive or impelling passion distinct from the virtue, and virtue can never be the sole motive to any action." The greater plainness of the subject, and its particular reference to the hourly duties of life, made this essay more interesting to moral philosophers, and laid it more widely open to criticism, than the Treatise on the Understanding, and even that on the Passions. The extensive reference to principles of utility, produced discussions to which it were an idle and endless work here to refer ; but without any disre- spect to those celebrated men who have directly combated the principles of this work, and supported totally different theories of the formation of morals, those 8 Thus this portion of the system bore a considerable resemblance to the theory so elabo- rately expounded in the Leviathan of Hobbes, with this grand distinction, that Hume, while maintaining the necessity that a sxstem of justice should be framed, does not maintain that it had its origin in the natural injustice of mankind, and their hatred of each other, nor does he attribute the formation of the ssstem to a complicated social contract, like that which occurred to the mind of the Malmesbury philosopher. 112 DAVID HUME. who have twisted the principles of the author into excuses for vice and immo- rality and the destruction of all inducements to the practice of virtue, deserve only* the fame of being themselves the fabricators of the crooked morality of which they have endeavoured to cast the odium upon another. When Mr Hume says, - The necessity of justice to the support of society is the sole foundation of that virtue: and since no moral excellence is more highly esteemed, we may con- dude, that this circumstance of usefulness has, in general, the strongest energy, and most entire command over our sentiments. It must, therefore, be the source of a considerable part of the merit ascribed to humanity, benevolence, friendship, public spirit, and other social virtues of that stamp ; as it is the sole source of the moral approbation paid to fidelity, justice, veracity, integrity, and those other estimable and useful qualities and principles:" — it was not difficult for those benevolent guardians of the public mind, who sat in watch to intercept such declarations, to hold such an opinion up to public indignation, and to maintain that it admitted every man to examine his actions by his own sense of their utility, and to commit vice by the application of a theory of expediency appro- priated to the act. It is not necessary to be either a vindicator or assailant of Mr Hume's theory, to perceive that what he has traced back to the original foundation of expediency, is not by him made different in its practice and effects, from those which good men of all persuasions in religion and philosophy admit. While he told men that he had traced the whole system of the morality they practised, to certain principles different from those generally admitted, he did not tell men to alter their natural reverence for virtue or abhorrence towards vice ; the division betwixt good and evil had been foimed, and while giving his opinion how it had been formed, he did not dictate a new method of regulating human actions, and except in the hands of those who applied his theories of the origin of virtue and vice, to the totally different purpose of an application to their practice in individual cases, he did no more to break down the barriers of distinction betwixt them, than he who first suggested that the organs of sight merely presented to the mind the reflections of visible objects, may be supposed to have done to render the mind less certain of the existence of external objects. " There is no spectacle," says the author, " so fair and beautiful as a noble and generous action ; nor any which gives us more abhorrence than one which is cruel and treacherous. No enjoyment equals the satisfaction we receive from the company of those we love and esteem ; as the greatest of all punishments is to be obliged to pass our lives with those we hate or contemn. A very play or romance may afford us instances of this pleasure which virtue conveys to us, and the pain which arises from vice ;"9 and it would be difficult to find in this ela- borate essay, any remark to contradict the impression of the author's views, which every candid mind must receive from such a declaration. The neglect with which his first production was received by the public, while it did not abate the steady industry of its author, turned his attention for a time to subjects which might be more acceptable to general readers, and in the calm retirement of his brother's house at Ninewells, where he pursued his studies with solitary zeal, he prepared two volumes of unconnected disserta- tions, entitled " Essays Moral and Philosophical," which he published in 1742. These essays he had intended to have published in weekly papers, after the method pursued by the authors of the Spectator ; " but," he observes, in an ad- vertisement prefixed to the first edition, " having dropped that undertaking, partly from laziness, partly from want, of leisure, and being willing to make trial of my talents for writing before I ventured upon any more serious composi- tions, 1 was induced to commit these trifles to the judgment of the public." A • Works, ii. 237. DAVID HUME. 113 few of the subjects of these essays are the following : " Of the Delicacy of Taste and Passion," " That Politics may be reduced to a Science," " Of the Independ- ency of Parliament, " " Of the Parties in Great Britain," " Of Superstition and Enthusiasm," " Of Liberty and Despotism," " Of Eloquence," " Of Simplicity and Refinement," " A character of Sir Robert Walpole," &c. Of these miscellaneous productions we cannot venture the most passing analysis, in a memoir which must necessarily be brief: of their general character it may be sufficient to say, that his style of writing, which in his Treatise was far from approaching the purity and elegance of composition which he afterwards displayed, had made a rapid advance to excellence, and that the reading world quickly discovered from the justness and accuracy of his views, the elegance of his sentiments, and the clear precision with which he stated his arguments, that the subtile calculator of the origin of all human knowledge could direct an acute eye to the proceedings of the world around him, and that he was capable of making less abstract calcu- lations on the motives which affected mankind. A few of these essays, which lie seems to have denounced as of too light a nature to accompany his other works, were not republished during his life ; among the subjects of these are " Impu- dence and Modesty," " Love and Marriage," " Avarice," &c. Although these have been negatively stigmatized by their author, a general reader will find much gratification in their perusal : the subjects are handled with the careless touch of a satirist, and in drawing so lightly and almost playfully pictures of what is contemptible and ridiculous, one can scarcely avoid the conviction that such is the aspect in which the author wishes to appear ; but on the other hand there is such a complete absence of all grotesqueness, of exaggeration, or at- tempt at ridicule, that it is apparent he is drawing a picture of what he knows to be unchangeably rooted in human nature, and that knowing raillery to be useless, he is content as a philosopher merely to depict the deformity which can- not be altered. Among the essays he did not re-publish, is the " Character of Sir Robert Walpole," a singular specimen of the author's ability to abstract him- self from the political feelings of the time, calmly describing the character of a living statesman, whose conduct was perhaps more feverishly debated by his friends and enemies than that of almost any minister in any nation, as if he were a person of a distant age, with which the author had no sympathy, or of a land with which he was only acquainted through the pages of the traveller. It was after the publication of this work that Hume first enjoyed the gratifica- tion of something like public applause. " The work," he says, " was favour- ably received, and soon made me entirely forget my former disappointment." He still rigidly adhered to his plans of economy and retirement, and continued to reside at Ninewells, applying himself to the study of Greek, which he had previously neglected. In 1745, he was invited to become tutor to the marquis of Annandale, a young nobleman whose state of mind at that period rendered a superintendent necessary ; and though the situation must have been one not conducive to study, or pleasing to such a mind as that of Hume, he found that his circumstances would not justify a refusal of the invitation, and he continued for the period of a year in the family of the marquis. During his residence in this family, the death of Mr Cleghorn, professor of moral philosophy in the university of Edinburgh, caused a vacancy, which Mr Hume very naturally considered he might be capable of filling. The patrons of the university, however, and their advisers, took a different view of the mat- ter, and judged that they would be at least more safe, in considering a person of his reputed principles of philosophy, as by no means a proper instructor of youth: nor were virulence and party feeling unmixed with cool judgment in fixing their choice. " I am informed," says Hume, in one of his playful letters 114 DAVID HUME. addressed to his friend Mr Sharp of Hoddam, " that such a popular clamour has been raised against me in Edinburgh, on account of scepticism, heterodoxy, and other hard names which confound the ignorant, that my friends find some dif- ficulty in working out the point of my professorship, which once appeared so easy. Did I need a testimonial for my orthodoxy, I should certainly appeal to you ; for you know that I always imitated Job's friends, and defended the cause of providence when you attacked it, on account of the headaches you felt after a debauch, but as a more particular explication of that particular seems super- fluous, I shall only apply to you for a renewal of your good offices, with your friend lord Tinwald, whose interest with Yetts and Allan may be of service to me. There is no time to lose ; so that I must beg you to be speedy in writing to him, or speaking to him on that head." The successful candidate was Mr James Balfour, advocate, a gentleman who afterwards became slightly known to the literary world as the author of " A Delineation of the Nature and Obligations of Morality, with reflections on Mr Hume's Inquiry concerning the principles of Morals," a work which has died out of remembrance, but the candid spirit of which prompted Hume to write a complimentary letter to the (then) anonymous author. The disappointment of not being able to obtain a situation so desir- able as affording a respectable and permanent salary, and so suited to his studies, seems to have preyed more heavily than any other event in his life, on the spirits of Mr Hume ; and with the desire of being independent of the world, he seems for a short time to have hesitated whether he should continue his studies, or at once relinquish the pursuit of philosophical fame, by joining the army. During the ensuing year, his desire to be placed in a situation of respectabil- ity was to a certain extent gratified, by his being appointed secretary to lieu- tenant-general St Clair, who had been chosen to command an expedition avow, edly against Canada, but which terminated in a useless incursion on the coast of France. In the year 1747, general St Clair was appointed to superintend an embassy to the courts of Vienna and Turin, and declining to accept a secretary from government, Hume, for whom he seems to have entertained a partiality, ac- companied him in his former capacity. He here enjoyed the society of Sir Henry Erskine and captain (afterwards general) Grant, and mixing a little with the world, and joining in the fashionable society of the places which he visited, he seems to have enjoyed a partial relaxation from his philosophical labours. Although he mentions that these two years were almost the only interruptions which his studies had received during the course of his life, he does not seem to have entirely neglected his pursuits as an author ; in a letter to his friend Henry Home, he hints at the probability of his devoting his time to historical subjects, and continues, " I have here two things going on, a new edition of my Essays, all of which you have seen except one of the Protestant succession, where I treat that subject as coolly and indifferently as I would the dispute betwixt Cesar and Pompey. The conclusion shows me a whig, but a very sceptical one." 10 Lord Charlemont, who at this period met with Mr Hume at Turin, has given the following account of his habits and appearance, penned apparently with a greater aim at effect than at truth, yet somewhat characteristic of the philoso- pher : " Nature I believe never formed any man more unlike his real character than David Hume. The powers of physiognomy were baffled by his counte- nance ; neither could the most skilful in that science pretend to discover the smallest trace of the faculties of his mind, in the unmeaning features of his visage. His face was broad and fat, his mouth wide, and without any other ex- pression than that of imbecility. His eyes vacant and spiritless ; and the cor- pulence of his whole person was far better fitted to communicate the idea of a 10 Tj tier's Life of Kames. DAVID HUME. 115 turtle-eating alderman than of a refined philosopher. His speech in English was rendered ridiculous by the broadest Scottish accent, and his French, was, if possible, still more laughable ; so that wisdom, most certainly, never disguised herself before in so uncouth a garb. Though now near fifty years old,11 he was healthy and strong ; but his health and strength, far from being advantageous to his figure, instead of manly comeliness, had only the appearance of rusticity. His wearing a uniform added greatly to his natural awkwardness, for he wore it like a grocer of the train-bands. Sinclair was a lieutenant-general, and was sent to the courts of Vienna and Turin as a military envoy, to see that their quota of troops was furnished by the Austrians and Piedmontese. It was there- fore thought necessary that his secretary should appear to be an officer; and Hume was accordingly disguis?d in scarlet."12 The letter to Mr Home we have quoted above, gives an idea of the literary employments of the author during the intervals of his official engagements at Turin, and on his return to Britain he exhibited the fruit of his labour in a second edition of his " Essays, Moral and Political," which was published in 1748, with four additional essays, and in a re-construction of the first part of his Treatise of Human Nature, which he published immediately after, under the title " Philosophical Essays concerning the Human Understanding," and formed the first part of the well-known corrected digest of the Treatise of Human Nature, into the " Inquiry concerning Human Nature." In the advertisement the author informs the»public that "most of the principles and reasonings in this volume were published in a work in three volumes, called A Treatise of Human Nature, a work which the author had projected before he left college, and which he wrote and published not long after. The philosophy of this work is essentially the same as that of which he had previously sketched a more rude and complicated draught The object, (or more properly speaking, the con- clusion arrived at, for the person who sets out without admissions, and inquires whether any thing can be ascertained in philosophy, can scarcely be said to have an object in view,) is the same system of doubt which he previously ex- pounded ; a scepticism, not like that of Boyle and others, which merely went to show the uncertainty of the conclusions attending particular species of argument, but a sweeping argument to show that by the structure of 'the understanding, the result of all investigations, on all subjects, must ever be doubt." The Inquiry must be to every reader a work far more pleasing, and we may even say, in- structive, than the Treatise. While many of the more startling argumenis, as- suming the appearance of paradoxes, sometimes indistinctly connected with the subject, are omitted, others are laid down in a clearer form ; the whole is subjected to a more compact arrangement, and the early style of the writer, which to many natural beauties, united a considerable feebleness and occasional harshness, makes in this work a very near approach to the elegance and classic accuracy, which much perseverance, and a refined taste enabled the au- thor to acquire in the more advanced period of his life. Passing over, as our limits must compel us, any attempt at an analytical comparison of the two works, and a narrative of the changes in the author's opinions, we must not omit the circumstance, that the Essay on Miracles, which it will be remembered the au- thor withheld from his Treatise, was attached to the Inquiry, probably after a careful revision and correction. Locke had hinted in a few desultory observa- tions the grounds of a disbelief in the miracles attributed to the early Christian church, and Dr Conyers Middleton, in his Free Inquiry into the miraculous powers supposed to hav« subsisted in the Christian church from the earliest ages, " His lordship must have made a mis-calculation. Humewas then oidv in his 3Sth year. 18 Hardy's Lite of lord Charlemont, p . 8. 11G DAVID HUME. published very nearly at the same period with the Essay of Hume, struck a more decided blow at all supernatural agency beyond what was justified by the sacred Scriptures, and approached by his arguments a dangerous neighbourhood to an interference with what he did not avowedly attack. Hume considered the subject as a general point in the human understanding to which he admitted no exceptions. The argument of-this remarkable essay is too well known to require an explanation ; but the impartiality too often infringed when the works of this philosopher are the subject of consideration, requires that it should be kept in mind, that he treats the proof of miracles, as he does that of the existence of matter, in a manner purely sceptical, with this practical distinction, — that suppos- ing a person is convinced of, or chooses to say he believes in the abstract exist- ence of matter, independent of the mere impressions conveyed by the senses, there is still room to doubt that miracles have been worked. It would have been entirely at variance with the principles of scepticism to have maintained that miracles were not, and could not have been performed, according to the laws of nature ; but the argument of Mr Hume certainly leans to the practical con- clusion, that our uncertainty as to what we are said to have experienced, ex- pands into a greater uncertainty of the existence of miracles, which are contrary to the course of our experience ; because belief in evidence is founded entirely on our belief in experience, and on the circumstance, that what we hear from the testimony of others coincides with the current of that experience ; and when- ever testimony is contradictory to the current of our experience, the latter is the more probable, and should we be inclined to believe in it, we must at least doubt the former. Thus the author concludes " That no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavours to establish : and even in that case there is a mutual destruction of arguments, and the superior only gives us an assurance suitable to that degree of force which remains after deducting the inferior." The application of his argument to the doctrines of Christianity he conceives to be, that " it may serve to confound those dangerous friends, or disguised enemies to the Christian religion, who have undertaken to defend it by the principles of human reason ; our most holy religion is founded on faith, not on reason ; and it is a sure method of exposing it to put it to such a trial as it is by no meaus fitted to endure."13 Hume is repeatedly at pains to protest against his being supposed to be arguing in the essay against the Chris- tian faith. These protests, however, as his biographer, Mr Burton, is constrained to admit, were uttered briefly and coldly, and "in such a manner as made people feel, that if Hume believed in the doctrines of the Bible, he certainly had not his heart in them. A want of proper deference for religious feeling (adds this writer) is a defect that runs through all his works. There is no ribaldry, but at the same time there are no expressions of decent reverence. It is to be observed, also, that the argument of Hume against miracles is still a favourite weapon of the enemies of revealed religion. At the same time, it must be admitted that under proper regulation, the argument is of use in defining the boundaries of inductive reasoning, and in this way has proved undoubtedly serviceable to the progress of science. The work by Dr Campbell in confutation of this essay, at first produced in the form of a sermon, and afterwards expanded into a treatise, whieh was published in 1762, is well known and appreciated. This admirable and conclusive production, while yet in manuscript, was shown to Hume by Dr Blair. Hume was much pleased with the candour of the transaction; he re- marked a few passages hardly in accordance with the calm feelings of the other a Works, iv. 135, 163 DAVID HUME. 117 portions of the work, which at his suggestion the author amended ; and he per- sonally wrote to Dr Campbell, with his usual calm politeness, thanking him for treatment so unexpected from a clergyman of the church of Scotland; and, with the statement that he had made an early resolution not to answer attacks on his opinions, acknowledged that he never felt so violent an inclination to de- fend himself. The respect which Campbell admitted himself to entertain for the sceptic is thus expressed : " The Essay on Miracles deserves to be considered as one of the most dan- gerous attacks that have been made on our religion. The danger results not solely from the merit of the piece : it results much more from that of the an. tlior. The piece itself, like every other work of Mr Hume, is ingenious ; but its merit is more of the oratorical kind than of the philosophical. The merit of the author, I acknowledge, is great. The many useful volumes he has published of history, as well as on criticism, politics, and trade, have justly procured him, with all persons of taste and discernment, the highest reputation as a writer. * * In such analysis and exposition, which I own, I have at- tempted without ceremony or reserve, an air of ridicule is unavoidable ; but this ridicule, I am well aware, if founded on misrepresentation, will at last rebound upon myself." 14 Dr Campbell was a man of strong good sense, and knew well the description of argument which the world would best appreciate, approve, and comprehend, in answer to the perplexing subtilties of his opponent He struck at the root of the system of perceptions merging into experience, and experience regulat- ing the value of testimony, which had been erected by his adversary, — and ap- pealing, not to the passions and feelings in favour of religion, but to the com^ mon convictions which we deem to be founded on reason, and cannot separate from our minds, maintained that ** testimony has a natural and original influence on belief, antecedent to experience," from which position he proceeded to show, that the miracles of the gospel had received attestation sufficient to satisfy the reason. With his usual soundness and good sense, though scarcely with the profundity which the subject required, Dr Paley joined the band of confutors, while he left Hume to triumph in the retention of the effects attributed to ex- perience, maintaining that the principle so established was counteracted by our natural expectation that the Deity should manifest his existence, by doing such acts contrary to the established order of the universe, as would plainly show that order to be of his own fabrication, and at his own command. Before leaving the subject of the Inquiry concerning Human Understanding, we may mention that Mr Coleridge in his Biographia Literaria, has accused Hume of plagiarizing the exposition of the Principles of Association in that work, from the unexpected source of the Commentary of St Thomas Aquinas, on the Parva Naturalia of "Aristotle, and the charge, with however much futility it may be supported, demands, when coming from so celebrated a man, the consi- deration of the biographer. Mr Coleridge's words are, " In consulting the excellent Commentary of St Thomas Aquinas, on the Parva Naturalia of Aris- totle, I was struck at once with its close resemblance to Hume's Essay on Asso- ciation. The main thoughts were the same in both, the order of the thoughts was the same, and even the illustrations differed only by Hume's occasional sub- stitution'of modern examples. I mentioned the circumstance to several of my literary acquaintances, who admitted the closeness of the resemblance, and that it seemed too great to be explained by mere coincidence ; but they thought it improbable that Hume should have held the pages of the angelic doctor worth turning over. But some time after, Mr Payne, of the King's Mews, showed Sir i* Edit. 1797, Advert, p. viii. 118 DAVID HUME. James Mackintosh some odd volumes of St Thomas Aquinas, partly, perhaps, from having heard that Sir James (then Mr) Mackintosh, had, in his lectures, passed a high encomium on this canonized philosopher, but chiefly from the facts, that the volumes had belonged to Mr Hume, and had here and there marginal marks and notes of reference in his own hand- writing. Among these volumes was that which contains the Parva Naturalia, in the old Latin version, swathed and swaddled in the commentary afore mentioned." When a person has spent much time in the perusal of works so unlikely to be productive, as those of Aquinas, the discovery of any little coincidence, or of any idea that may attract attention, is a fortunate incident, of which the discoverer cannot avoid informing the world, that it may see what he has been doing, and the coincidence in question is such as might have excused an allusion to the subject, as a curiosity. But it was certainly a piece of (no doubt heedless) disingeuuousness on the part of 3Ir Coleridge, to make so broad and conclusive a statement, without accompanying it with a comparison. " We have read," says a periodical paper alluding to this subject, " the whole commentary of St Thomas Aquinas, and we challenge Mr Coleridge to produce from it a single illustration, or expression of any kind, to be found in Hume's essay. The whole scope and end of Hume's essay is not only different from that of St Thomas Aquinas, but there is not in the commen- tary of the 'angelic doctor' one idea which in any way resembles, or can be made to resemble, the beautiful illustration of the prince of sceptics."15 The theory of Hume on the subject as corrected in his Inquiry, is thus expressed : " To me, there appear to be only three principles of connexion among ideas, namely, resemblance, contiguity, in time or place, and cause or effect. That these principles serve to connect ideas, will not, I believe, be much doubted. A picture naturally leads our thoughts to the original. The mention of one apartment in a building naturally introduces an inquiry or discourse concerning the others ; and if we think of a wound, we can scarcely forbear reflecting on the pain which follows it."18 From a comparison of this, with what Mr Coleridge must have presumed to be the corresponding passage in Aquinas,17 it will be perceived that a natural wish to make the most of his reading had prompted him to propound the discovery. Had no other person besides Aquinas endeavoured to point out the regulating principles of association, and had Hume with such a passage before him pretended to have been the first to have discovered them, there might have been grounds for the accusation ; but the methods of connexion discovered by philosophers in different ages, have been numerous, and almost always correct, as secondary principles. It was the object of Hume to gather these into a thread, and going back to principles as limited and ulti- mate as he could reach, to state as nearly as possible, not all the methods by which ideas were associated, but to set bounds to the abstract principles under which these methods might be classed. Aquinas, on the other hand, by no means sets bounds to the principles of association ; he gives three methods of association, and in the matter of number resembles Hume ; but had he given twenty methods, he might have more nearly embraced what Hume has embraced witlun his three principles. The method of association by resemblance is the 11 Blarkwood's Magazine, v. iii. 656. '• Works, iv. p. 25. a]imJlr!PP^feiSaSf0UrS! "dmi,taretlamquandoque reminiscitur aliquis incipiens ab r!ln/t;' c;.yu*mem.ora,ur a qua procedit ad aliam tri,,l,ci ratione. Quandoque'qui.lem au fe £S5^ i'inCZ ST""0 aHqUiS memoratur d* derate, et per ho? occurSt e? Plato, tar hL£h It ZTZ ^ ! W™.^™™0 ™tione c-urarietatit, sicut si aliquis memorel tur Hecton*, et per hoc occurnt el Achillea. Quandoque v,ro ratione ttromnauUatu cuius- cunque, (fart cum _ aliquis memor est patris, et per hoc occurrit ei finus? 'e Xrato t de quaciinque aha propinquitate vel societatis, vel loci, vel temporis, et « £ fi remimscentia, quia motus horum se invicem consequuntur " lemP°r,s» et Papier noc ni DAVID HUME. 119 only one 'stated by both : with regard to the second principle by Aquinas, contra- riety, from the illustration with which he has accompanied it, he appears to mean local or physical opposition, such as the opposition of two combatants in a battle, and not the interpretation now generally bestowed on the term by philosophers. But supposing him to have understood it in the latter sense, Hume has taken pains to show that contrariety cannot easily be admitted as a fourth ultimate principle : thus in a note he says, " For instance, contrast or contrariety is also a connexion among ideas, but it may perhaps be considered as a mixture of causation and resemblance. Where two objects are contrary, the one destroys the other; that is, is the cause of its annihilation, and the idea of the annihila- tion of an object, implies the idea of its former existence." Aquinas, it will be remarked, entirely omits "cause and effect," and his "contiguity" is of a totally different nature from that of Hume, since it embraces an illustration which Hume would have referred to the principle of " cause and effect." " I had always," says Hume, in reference to the work we have just been noticing, " entertained a notion that my want of success in publishing the Treatise of Human Nature, had proceeded more from the manner than the mat- ter, and that I had been guilty of a very usual indiscretion, in going to the press too early. I, therefore, cast the first part of the work anew, in the Inquiry concerning Human Understanding, which was published while I was at Turin. But this piece was at first little more successful than the Treatise of Human Nature. On my return from Italy, I had the mortification to find all England in a ferment, on account of Dr Middleton's Free Inquiry, while my performance was entirely overlooked and neglected." About this period, Hume suffered the loss of a mother, who, according to his own account, when speaking of his earlier days, was " a woman of singular merit, who, though young and handsome, devoted herself entirely to the rearing of her children ;" and the philosopher seems to have regarded her with a strong and devoted affection. He was a man whose disposition led him to unite him- self to the world by few of the ordinary ties, but the few which imperceptibly held him, were not broken without pain ; on these occasions the philosopher yielded to the man, and the cold sceptic discovered the feelings with which nature had gifted him, which at other moments lay chained by the bonds of his powerful reason. A very different account of the effect of this event, from what we have just now stated, is given in the passage we are about to quote (as copied in the Quarterly Review,) from the travels of the American Sill i man. Without arguing as to the probability or improbability of its containing a true statement, let us remark that it is destitute of proof, a quality it amply requires, being given by the traveller forty years after the death of the philosopher, from the report of an individual, while the circumstance is not one which would have probably escaped the religious zeal of some of Mr Hume's commentators. " It seems that Hume received a religious education from his mother, and early in life was the subject of strong and hopeful religious impressions ; but as he approached manhood they were effaced, and confirmed infidelity succeeded. Maternal partiality, however, alarmed at first, came at length to look with less and less pain upon this declension, and filial love and reverence seem to have been absorbed in the pride of philosophical scepticism ; for Hume now applied him- self with unwearied and unhappily with successful efforts, to sap the foundation of his mother's faith. Having succeeded in this dreadful work, he went abroad into foreign countries; and as he was returning, an express met him in London, with a letter from his mother, informing him that she was in a deep decline, and could not long survive : she said she found herself without any support in her distress : that he had taken away that source of comfort upon which, in all cases 120 DAVID HUME. of affliction, she used to rely, and that she now found her mind sinking into despair. She did not doubt but her son would afford her some substitute for her religion, and she conjured him to hasten to her, or at least to send her a letter, containing such consolations as philosophy can afford to a dying mortal. Hume was overwhelmed with anguish on receiving this letter, and hastened to Scot- land, travelling day and night ; but before he arrived, his mother expired. No permanent impression seems, however, to have been made on his mind by this most trying event ; and whatever remorse he might have felt at the moment, he soon relapsed into his wonted obduracy of heart." On the appearance of this anecdote, Baron Hume, the philosopher's nephew, communicated to the editor of the Quarterly Review the following anec- dote, of a more pleasing nature, connected with the same circumstance; and while it is apparent that it stands on better ground, we may mention that it is acknowledged by the reviewer as an authenticated contradiction to the statement of Silliman. " David and he (the hon. Mr Boyle, brother of the earl of Glasgow) were both in London, at the period when David's mother died. Mr Boyle, hearing of it, soon after went into his apartment, for they lodged in the same house, where he found him in the deepest affliction, and in a flood of tears. After the usual topics of condolence, Mr Boyle said to hiin, ' My friend, you owe this uncommon grief to your having thrown off the principles of religion ; for if you had not, you would have been consoled with the firm belief, that the good lady, who was not only the best of mothex's, but the most pious of Christians, was completely happy in the realms of the just' To which David replied, ' Though I throw out my speculations to entertain the learned and metaphysical world, yet, in other things, I do not think so differently from the rest of mankind as you imagine.' " Hume returned, in 1749, to the retirement of his brother's house at Nine- wells, and during a residence there for two years, continued his remodeling of his Treatise of Human Nature, and pi-epared for the press his celebrated Political Discourses. The former production appeared in 1751, under the title of an " Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals," published by Millar, the celebrated bookseller. Hume considered this the most perfect of his works, and it is impossible to resist admiration of the clearness of the arguments, and the beautiful precision of the theories ; the world, however, did not extend to it the balmy influence of popularity, and it appeared to the author, that all his literary efforts were doomed to the unhappy fate of being little regarded at first, and of gradually decaying into oblivion. " In my opinion," he says, " (who ought not to judge on that subject,) [it] is, of all my writings, historical, philo- sophical, or literary, incomparably the best It came unnoticed and unobserved into the world." ^ In 1752, and during the author's residence in Edinburgh, appeared his " Political Discourses." The subjects of these admirable essays were of interest to every one, the method of treating them was comprehensible to persons of common discernment ; above all, they treated subjects on which the prejudices of few absolutely refused conviction by argument, and the author had the oppor- tunity of being appreciated and admired, even when telling truths. The book in these circumstances, was, in the author's words, « the only work of mine that was successful on the first publication. It was well received abroad and at home. The chief subjects were, " Commerce, money, interest, the balance of trade, the populousness of ancient nations, the idea of a perfect common- wealth." Sir Josiah Child, Sir William Petty, Hobbes, and Locke, had pre- viously given the glimmerings of more liberal principles on trade and manufac- ture than those which they saw practised, and hinted at the common prejudices DAVID HUME. 121 on the use of money and the value of labour ; but Hume was the first to sketch an outline of some branches of the benevolent system of political economy framed by his illustrious friend, Adam Smith. He laid down labour as the only criterion of all value, made a near approach to an ascertainment of the true value of the precious metals, a point not yet fully fixed among economists ; dis- covered the baneful effects of commercial limitations as obliging the nation to trade in a less profitable manner than it would choose to do if unconstrained, and pi'edicted the dangerous consequences of the funding system. The essay on the populousness of ancient nations, was a sceptical analysis of the authorities on that subject, doubting their accuracy, on the principle of political economy that the number of the inhabitants of a nation must have a ratio to its fruitfulness and their industry. The essay was elaborately answered by Dr Wallace, in a Disser- tation of the Numbers of Mankind, but that gentleman only produced a host of those " authorities," the efficacy of which Mr Hume has doubted on principle. This essay is an extremely useful practical application of the doctrines in the Essay on Miracles. Mr Hume's ' idea of a perfect commonwealth,' has been objected to as an impracticable system. The author probably had the wisdom to make this discovery himself, and might have as soon expected it to be appli- cable to practice, as a geometrician might dream of his angles, straight lines, and points, being literally accomplished in the measurement of an estate, or the building of a house. The wbole represents men without passions or prejudices working like machines ; and Hume no doubt admitted, that while passion, pre- judice, and habit, forbade the safe attempt of such projects, such abstract struc- tures ought to be held up to the view of the legislator, as the forms into which, so far as he can do it with safety, he ought to stretch the systems under his administration. Plato, More, Harrington, Hobbes, and (according to some accounts,) Berkeley18 had employed their ingenuity in a similar manner, and Hume seems to have considered it worthy of his attention. In February, 1752, David Hume succeeded the celebrated Ruddiman, as librarian to the Faculty of Advocates. The salary was at that time very trifling, somewhere we believe about £40, but the duties were probably little more than nominal, and the situation was considered an acquisition to a man of literary habits. It was, with this ample field of authority at his command, that he seems to have finally determined to write a portion of the History of England. In 1757, he relinquished this appointment on his removing to London, when prepar- ing for publication the History of the House of Tudor. In 1752, appeared the first (published) volume of the History of England, embracing the period from the accession of the house of Stuart, to the death of Charles the First ; and passing over intermediate events, we may mention that the next volume, containing a continuation of the series of events to the period of the Revolution, appeared in 1756, and the third, containing the History of the house of Tudor, was published in 1759. " I was, I own," says the author with reference to the first volume, " sanguine in my expectations of the success of this work. I thought that I was the only historian that had at once neglected present power, interest, and authority, and the cry of popular prejudices ; and as the subject was suited to every capacity, I expected proportional applause. But miserable was my disappointment ; I was assailed by one cry of reproach, disapprobation, and even detestation ; English, Scottish, and Irish, whig and tory, churchman and sectary, freethinker and religionist, patriot and courtier, united in their rage against the man, who had presumed to shed a generous tear for the fate of Charles I. and the earl of Strafford ; and after the first ebullitions of their fury were over, what was still more mortifying, the book seemed to sink »8 In the anonymous adventures of Giovanni de Lucca. 122 DAVID HUME. into oblivion." Of the second he says, " This performance happened to give less displeasure to the whigs, and was better received. It not only rose itself, but helped to buoy up its unfortunate brother." Of the History of England it is extremely difficult to give a fair and unbiased opinion, because, while the author is, in general, one of the most impartial writers on this subject, it is scarcely a paradox to say, that the few partialities in which he has indulged, have done more to warp the mind than the violent prejudices of others. Pre- vious to his history, those who wrote on political subjects ranged themselves in parties, and each man proclaimed with open mouth the side for which he was about to argue, and men heard him as a special pleader. Hume looked over events with the eye of a philosopher; he seemed to be careless of the extent ot the good or bad of either party. On neither side did he abuse, on neither did he laud or even justify. The side which he adopted seldom enjoyed approba- tion or even vindication, and only in apology did he distinguish it from that to which he was inimical. From this peculiarity, the opinions to which he leaned acquired strength from the suffrage of one so apparently impartial and uncon- cerned. Notwithstanding the prejudices generally attributed however to Hume as an historian, we cannot set him down as an enemy to liberty. No man had grander views of the power of the human mind, and of the higher majesty of intellect, when compared with the external attributes of rank ; and the writings of a republican could not exceed in depicting this feeling, the picture he has drawn of the parliament of Charles the First, and of the striking circumstances of the king's condemnation. The instances in which he has shown himself to be inconsistent, may, perhaps, be more attributed to his habits, than to his opinions. His indolent benevolence prompted a sympathy with the oppressed, and he felt a reluctance to justify those who assumed the aspect of active assailants, from whatever cause ; while in matters of religion, viewing all persuasions in much the same aspect, unprejudiced himself, he felt a contempt for those who indulged in prejudice, and was more inclined to censure than to vindicate those who acted from religious impulse. With all his partialities, how- ever, let those who study the character of the author while they read his history recollect, that he never made literature bow to rank, that he never flattered a great man to obtain a favour, and that, though long poor, he was always inde- pendent. Of the seeming contradiction between his life and opinions, we quote the following applicable remarks from the Edinburgh Review : " Few things seem more unaccountable, and indeed absurd, than that Hun-e should have taken part with high church and high monarchy men. The perse- cutions which he suffered in his youth from the presbyterians, may, perhaps, have influenced his ecclesiastical partialities. But that he should have sided with the Tudors and the Stuarts against the people, seems quite inconsistent with all the great traits of his character. His unrivaled sagacity must have looked with contempt on the preposterous arguments by which the jus divinum was main- tained. His natural benevolence must have suggested the cruelty of subjecting the enjoyments of thousands to the caprice of one unfeeling individual : and his own practical independence in private life, might have taught him the value of those feelings which he has so mischievously derided. Mr Fox seems to have been struck with some surprise at this strange trait in the character of our philo- sopher. In a letter to Mr Laing he says, • He was an excellent man, and of great powers of mind ; but his partiality to kings and princes is intolerable. Nay, it is, in my opinion, quite ridiculous : and is more like the foolish admira- tion which women and children sometimes have for kings, than the opinion, right or wrong, of a philosopher."' It would be a vain task to enumerate the controversial attacks on Hume's DAVID HUME. 123 History of England. Dr Hurd in his Dialogues on the English Constitution stoutly combated his opinions. Miller brought the force of his strongly thinking mind to a consideration of the subject at great length, but he assumed too much the aspect of a special pleader. Dr Birch and Dr Towers entered on minute examinations of particular portions of the narrative, and the late major Cart- wright, with more fancy than reason, almost caricatured the opinions of those who considered that Hume had designedly painted the government of the Tudors in arbitrary colours, to relieve that of the Stuarts. Mr Laing appeared as the champion of the Scottish patriots, and Dr M'Crie as the vindicator of the pi'es- byterians ; and within these few past years, two elaborate works have fully examined the statements and representations of Hume, — the British Empire of Mr Brodie, and the extremely impartial Constitutional History of Hallam. In the interval betwixt the publication of the first and second volumes of the History, Hume produced the ** Natural History of Religion." This production is one of those which Warburton delighted to honour. In a pamphlet which Hume attributed to Hurd, he thus politely notices it : " The few excepted out of the whole race of mankind are, we see, our philosopher and his gang, with their pedlars' ware of matter and motion, who penetrate by their disquisitions into the secret structure of vegetable and animal bodies, to extract, like the naturalists in Gulliver, sunbeams out of cucumbers ; just as wise a project as this of raising religion out of the intrigues of matter and motion. We see what the man would be at, through all his disguises, and no doubt, he would be much mortified if we did not ; though the discovery we make, is only this, that, of all the slanders against revelation, this before us is the tritest, the dirtiest, and the most worn in the drudgery of free-thinking, not but it may pass with his friends, and they have my free leave to make their best of it. What I quote it for, is only to show the rancour of heart which possesses this unhappy man, and which could induce him to employ an insinuation against the Christian and the Jewish religions ; not only of no weight in itself, but of none, I will venture to say, even in his own opinion." 19 Hume says, he ** found by Warburton's railing" that his " books were beginning to be esteemed in good company ;" and of the particular attention which the prelate bestowed on the sceptic, such specimens as the following are to be found in the correspondence of the former : " I am strongly tempted too, to have a stroke at Hume in parting. He is the author of a little book, called Philosophical Essays : in one of which he argues against the hope of a God, and in another (very needlessly you will say,) against the possibility of miracles. He has crowned the liberty of the press, and yet he has a considerable post under government. I have a great mind to do justice on his arguments against miracles, which I think might be done in few words. But does he deserve notice ? Is he known among you ? Pray answer me these questions ; for if his own weight keeps him down, I should be sorry to contri- bute to his advancement to any place but the pillory."20 Of the very different manner in which he esteemed a calm, and a scurrilous critic, we have happily been able to obtain an instance, in a copy of a curious letter of Hume, which, although the envelope is unfortunately lost, and the whole is somewhat mutilated, we can perceive from the circumstances, to have been addressed to Dr John Stewart, author of an Essay on the Laws of Motion. It affords a singular instance of the calm and forgiving spirit of the philosopher : " I am so great a lover of peace, that I am resolved to drop this matter alto- gether, and not to insert a syllable in the preface, which can have a reference to jour essay. The truth is, 1 could take no revenge but such a one as would have w Warburton's works, vii. 851, 868. £° Letters from a late Rev. Prelate, to one of his Friends, 1808, p. 11. 124 " DAVID HUME. been a great deal too cruel, and much exceeding the offence ; for though most authors think, that a contemptuous manner of treating their writings is but slightly revenged by hurting the personal character and the honour ot then- antagonists, I am very far from being of that opinion. Besides, as I am as certain as I can be of any thing, (and I am not such a sceptic as you may perhaps imagine,) that your inserting such remarkable alterations in the printed copy proceeded entirely from precipitancy and passion, not from any formed inten- tion of deceiving the society, I would not take advantage of such an incident, to throw a slur on a man of merit, whom I esteem though I might have reason to complain of him. When I am abused by such a fellow as Warburton, whom I neither know nor care for, I can laugh at him. But if Dr Stewart approaches any way towards the same style of writing, I own it vexes me ; because I con- clude that some unguarded circumstances of my conduct, though contrary to my intention had given occasion to it As to your situation with regard to lord Kames, I am not so good a judge. I only know, that you had so much the better of the argument that you ought upon that account to have been more reserved in your expressions. All raillery ought to be avoided in philosophical argument, both because (it is) unphilosophical, and because it cannot but be offensive, let it be ever so gentle. What then must we think with regard to so many insinuations of irreligion, to which lord Karnes's paper gave not the least occasion ? This spirit of the inquisitor is, in you, the effect of passion, and what a cool moment would easily correct But when it predominates in the charac- ter, what ravages has it committed on reason, virtue, truth, sobriety, and every thing that is valuable among mankind ! " — We may at this period of his life con- sider Hume as having reached the age when the mind has entirely ceased to bend to circumstances, and cannot be made to alter its habits. Speaking of him in this advanced period of his life, an author signing himself G. N. and detailing some anecdotes of Hume, with whom he says he was acquainted, states (in the Scots Magazine), that " his great views of being singular, and a vanity to show himself superior to most people, led him to advance many axioms that were dis- sonant to the opinions of others, and led him into sceptical doctrines, only to show how minute and puzzling they were to other folk ; in so far, that 1 have often seen him (in various companies, according as he saw some enthusiastic person there), combat either their religious or political principles ; nay, after he had struck them dumb, take up the argument on their side, with equal good humour, wit, and jocoseness, all to show his pre-eminency." The same person mentions his social feelings, and the natural disposition of his temper to flow with the current of whatever society he was in ; and that while he never gam- bled he had a natural liking to whist playing, and was so accomplished a player as to be the subject of a shameless proposal on the part of a needy man of rank, for bettering their mutual fortunes, which it need not be said was repelled. But the late lamented Henry M'Kenzie, who has attempted to embody the character of the sceptic in the beautiful fiction of La Roche, has drawn, from his intimate knowledge of character, and his great acquaintance with the philoso- pher, a more pleasing picture. His words are, " The unfortunate nature of his opinions with regard to the theoretical principles of moral and religious truth, never influenced his regard for men who held very opposite sentiments on those subjects, which he never, like some vain shallow sceptics, introduced into social discourse ; on the contrary, when at any time the conversation tended that way, he was desirous rather of avoiding any serious discussion on matters which he wished to confine to the graver and less dangerous consideration of cool philo- sophy. He had, it might be said, in the language which the Grecian historian applies to an illustrious Roman, two minds ; one which indulged in the meta- DAVID HUME. 125 physical scepticism which his genius could invent, but which it could not always disentangle ; another, simple, natural, and playful, which made his conversation delightful to his friends, and even frequently conciliated men whose principles of belief his philosophical doubts, if they had not power to shake, had grieved and offended. During the latter period of his life I was frequently in his company amidst persons of genuine piety, and I never heard him venture a remark at which such men, or ladies — still more susceptible than men — could take offence. His good nature and benevolence prevented such an injury to his hearers ; it was unfortunate that he often forgot what injury some of his writings might do to his readers."21 Hume was now a man of a very full habit, and somewhat given to indolence in all occupations but that of literature. An account of himself, in a letter to his relation Mrs Dysart may amuse from its calm pleasantry, and good humour : " My compliments to his solicitorship. Unfortunately I have not a horse at present to carry my fat carcase, to pay its respects to his superior obesity. But if he finds travelling requisite either for his health or the captain's, we shall be glad to entertain him here as long as we can do it at another's expense, in hopes that we shall soon be able to do it at our own. Pray, tell the solicitor that I have been reading lately, in an old author called Strabo, that in some cities of ancient Gaul, there was a fixed legal standard established for corpulency, and that the senate kept a measure, beyond which, if any belly presumed to increase, the proprietor of that belly was obliged to pay a fine to the public, proportion- able to its rotundity. Ill would it fare with his worship and I (me), if such a law should pass our parliament, for I am afraid we are already got beyond the statute. I wonder, indeed, no harpy of the treasury has ever thought of this method of raising money. Taxes on luxury are always most approved of, and no one will say that the carrying about a portly belly is of any use or necessity, 'lis a mere superfluous ornament, and is a proof too, that its proprietor enjoys greater plenty than he puts to a good use ; and, therefoi'e, 'tis fit to reduce him to a level with his fellow subjects, by taxes and impositions. As the lean people are the most active, unquiet, and ambitious, they every where govern the world, and may certainly oppress their antagonists whenever they please. Heaven forbid that whig and tory should ever be abolished, for then the nation might be split into fat and lean, and our faction I am afraid would be in a piteous taking. The only comfort is, if they oppress us very much we should at last change sides with them. Besides, who knows if a tax were imposed on fatness, but some jealous divine might pretend that the church was in danger. I cannot but bless the memory of Julius Ga2sar, for the great esteem he expressed for fat men, and his aversion to lean ones. All the world allows that the emperor was the greatest genius that ever was, and the greatest judge of mankind." In the year 1756, the philosophical calm of Hume appeared in danger of being disturbed by the fulminations of the church. The outcry against his doubting philosophy became loud, scepticism began to be looked on as synoni- mous with infidelity, and some of the fiercer spirits endeavoured to Urge on the church to invade the sacred precincts of freedom of opinion. The discussion of the subject commenced before the committee of overtures on the 27th of May, and a long debate ensued, in which some were pleased to maintain, that Hume, not being a Christian, was not a fit person to be judged by the venerable court. For a more full narrative of those proceedings, we refer to the life of Henry Home of Karnes, who was subjected to the same attempt at persecution. In an analysis of the works of the two authors, published during the session of the assembly, and circulated among the members, the respectable author, with a 21 M'Kenzie's Life of Home, p. 20. 126 DAVID HUME. laudable anxiety to find an enemy to the religion he professed, laid down the following, as propositions which he would be enabled to prove were the avowed opinions of Mr Hume : — " 1st, All distinction between virtue and vice is merely imaginary 2nd, Justice has no foundation farther than it contributes to public advantage 3d, Adultery is very lawful, but sometimes not expedient — 4th, Religion and its ministers are prejudicial to mankind, and will always be found either to run into the heights of superstition or enthusiasm — 5th, Christianity has no evidence of its being a divine revelation — uth, Of all the modes of Chris- tianity, popery is the best, and the reformation from thence was only the work of madmen and enthusiasts." The overture was rejected by the committee, and the indefatigable vindicators of religion brought the matter under a different shape before the presbytery of Edinburgh, but that body very properly decided on several grounds, among which, not the least applicable was, " to prevent their entering further into so abstruse and metaphysical a subject," that it " would be more for the purposes of edification to dismiss the process." In 1759, appeared Dr Robertson's History of Scotland, and the similarity of the subjects in which he and Hume were engaged, produced an interchange of information, and a lasting friendship, honourable to both these great men. Hume was singularly destitute of literary jealousy ; and of the unaffected welcome which he gave to a work treading on his own peculiar path, we could give many instances, did our limits permit. He never withheld a helping hand to any author who might be considered his rival, and, excepting in one instance, never peevishly mentioned a living literary author in his works. The instance we allude to, is a remark on Mr Tytler's vindication of queen Mary, and referring the reader to a copy of it below," it is right to remark, that it seems more dictated by contempt of the arguments, than spleen towards the person of the author. Any account of the literary society in which Hume spent his hours of leisure and conviviality, would involve us in a complete literary history of Scotland during that period, unsuitable to a biographical dictionary. With all the emi- nent men of that illustrious period of Scottish literature, he was eminently acquainted ; as a philosopher, and as a man of dignified and respected intellect, he stood at the head of the list of great names ; but in the less calm employments in which literary men of all periods occupy themselves, he was somewhat shunned, as a person too lukewarm, indolent, and good-humoured, to support literary war- fare. An amusing specimen of his character in this respect, is mentioned by M'Kenzie in his life of Home. When two numbers of a periodical work, entitled " The Edinburgh Review," were published in 1755, the bosom friends of Hume, who were the conductors, concealed it from him, because, " I have heard," says M'Kenzie, u that they were afraid both of his extreme good nature, and his extreme artlessness ; that, from the one, their criticisms would have been weak- ened, or suppressed, and, from the other, their secret discovered ;" and it was not till Hume had repeated his astonishment that persons in Scotland beyond the " " But there is a person that has written an Inquiry, historical and critical, into the evidence against Mar)-, queen of Scots ; and has attempted to refute the foregoing narrative. He quotes a single passage of the narrative, in which Mary i9 said simply to refuse answering ; and then a single passage from Goodall, in which she boasts simply that she will answer; and lie very civilly, and almost directly, calls the author a liar, on account of this pretended contradiction. That whole Inquiry, from beginning to end, is composed of such scandalous articles; and from this instance, the reader may judge of the candour, fair dealing, veracit), and good manners of the inquirer. There are, indeed, three events in our history, which may be regarded as touch- stones of party- men. An English whig, who asserts the renlity of the popish plot; an Irish Catholic, who denies the massacre in 1641 ; and a Scottish Jacobite, who maintains the inno- cence of queen Mary, must be considered as men beyond the reach of argument or reason; and must be left to their prejudices. '* DAVID HUME. 127 sphere of the literary circle of Edinburgh, could have produced so able a work, that he was made acquainted with the secret In whimsical revenge of the want of confidence displayed by his friends, Hume gravely maintained himself to be the author of a humorous work of Adam Ferguson, " The History of Sister Peg," and penned a letter to the publisher, which any person who might peruse it without knowing the circumstances, could not fail to consider a sincere acknow- ledgment Hume was a member of the Philosophical Society, which afterwards merged into the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and acted as joint secretary along with Dr Munro junior. He was also a member of the illustrious Poker Club, and not an uncongenial one, so long as the members held their unobtrusive dis- cussion in a tavern, over a small quantity of claret ; but when this method of managing matters was abolished, and the institution merged into the more conse- quential denomination of " The Select Society," amidst the exertions of many eloquent and distinguished men, he was only remarkable, along with his friend Adam Smith, for having never opened his mouth. In 1761, Mr Hume published the two remaining volumes of the History of England, treating of the period previous to the accession of the house of Tudor : he tells us that it was received with " tolerable, and but tolerable success." A\ hi taker, Hallam, Turner, and others, have examined their respective portions of this period of history with care, and pointed out the inaccuracies of Hume ; but the subject did not possess so much political interest as the later periods, and general readers have not been much disposed to discuss the question of his general accuracy. Men such as the first name we have mentioned have attacked him with peevishness on local and obscure matters of antiquarian research, which a historian can hardly be blamed for neglecting : others, however, who seem well-informed, have found serious objections to his accuracy. In an article on the Saxon Chronicle, which appeared in the Retrospective Review, by an apparently well-informed writer, he is charged in these terms: "It would be pei-fectly startling to popular credulity, should all the instances be quoted in which the text of Hume, in the remoter periods more especially, is at the most positive variance with the authorities he pretends to rest upon. In a series of historical inquiries which the writer of this article had some years since particu- lar occasion to superintend, aberrations of this kind were so frequently detected, that it became necessary to lay it down as a rule never to admit a quotation from that popular historian, when the authorities he pretends to refer to were not accessible for the purpose of pi-evious comparison and confirmation." Hume, now pretty far advanced in life, had formed the resolution of ending his days in literary retirement in his own country, when in 1763, he was solicited by the earl of Hertford to attend him on his embassy to Paris, and after having declined, on a second invitation he accepted the situation. In the full blaze of a wide-spread reputation, the philosopher was now surrounded by a new world of literary rivals, imitators, and admirers, and he received from a circle of society ever searching for what was new, brilliant, and striking, num- berless marks of distinction highly flattering to his literary pride, though not unmixed with affectation. In some very amusing letters to his friends written during this period, he shows, that if he was weak enough to feel vain of these distinctions, he had sincerity enough to say so. The fashionable people of Paris, and especially the ladies, practised on the patient and good-humoured philosopher every torture which their extreme desire to render him and themselves distinguished could dictate. " From what has been already said of him," says lord Charlemont, " it is apparent that his conversation to strangers, and particularly to Frenchmen, could be little de- lightful, and still more particularly one would suppose, to French women ; and 128 DAVID HUME. yet no lady's toilette was complete without Hume's attendance. At the opera, his broad unmeaning face was usually seen entre deux jo/is minois. The ladies in France gave the ton, and the ton was deism." Madame D'Epinay, who terms him " Grand et gros historiographe d'Angleterre," mentions that it was the will of one of his entertainers that he should act the part of a sultan, en- deavouring to secure by his eloquence the affection of two beautiful female slaves. The philosopher was accordingly whiskered, turbaned, and blackened, and placed on a sofa betwixt two of the most celebrated beauties of Paris. Accord- ing to the instructions he had received, he bent his knees, and struckhis breast, (or as Madame has it, " le ventre,") but his tongue could not be brought to as- sist his actions further than by uttering " Eh bien ! mes demoiselles — Eh bien ! voii8 voila done Eh bien ! vous voila — vous voila ici ?" exclamations which he repeated until he had exhausted the patience of those he was expected to entertain.83 In 1765, lord Hertford being appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland, Mr Hume, according to his expectation, was appointed secretary to the embassy, and he officiated as charge d'affaires, until the arrival of the duke of Richmond. Hume, who had a singular antipathy to England, and who had previously en- joyed himself only in the midst of his social literary circle at Edinburgh, in- sensibly acquired a relish for the good-humoured politeness and the gayety of the French, and on his return home in 1766, he left behind him a number of regretted friends, among whom were two celebrated females, the marchioness De Barbantane and the countess De Boufflers, who conducted a friendly, and even extremely intimate correspondence with the philosopher to the day of his death.84 In the order of time we come now to the discussion of an incident connected with his residence on the continent, which forms a very remarkable epoch in the life of Hume, — we mean his controversy with Rousseau. Before making »ny statements, however, it is right to warn our readers, that an account of this memorable transaction, sufficient to give him an acquaintance with all its peculiarities, would exceed our limits, which permit of but a slight glance at the incidents, and that indeed it is quite impossible to form a conception of the grotesqueness of some of the incidents, and the peculiarities of character so vividly displayed, without a perusal of the original documents, which are easily accessible, and will well repay the trouble of perusal. When in 1762, the parliament of Paris issued an arret against Rousseau, on account of his opinions, Hume was applied to by a friend in Paris to discover for him a retreat in England ; Hume willingly undertook a task so congenial, but it did not suit the celebrated exile at that time to take advantage of his of- fer. Rousseau, taking every opportunity to complain of the misfortunes he suf- fered, the transaction with Hume was again set on foot at the instigation of the marchioness De Verdlin ; Hume wrote to Rousseau, offering his services, and the latter returned him an answer overflowing with extravagant gratitude. Rousseau had, it appeared, discovered an ingenious method of making himself interesting : he pretended extreme poverty, and had offers of assistance repeated- ly made him, which he publicly and disdainfully refused, while he had in reality as Hume afterwards discovered, resources sufficient to provide for his support. In pure simplicity, Hume formed several designs for imposing on Rousseau's ig- norance of the world, and establishing him comfortably in life, without allowing him to know that he was assisted by others ; and the plan finally concluded and acted on was, that he should be comfortably boarded in the mansion of Mr « Memoirs et Correspondance.de Madame D'Epinay, iii. 2S4 ** General Correspondence of David Hume, 4to, 1828, passim. PAVII) HUME. 129 Davenport, at Wooton, in the county of Derby, a gentleman who kindly under- took to lull the suspicions of the irritable philosopher by accepting of a remun- eration amounting to £30 a year. Rousseau arrived in London, and appearing in public in his Armenian dress, excited much notice, both from the public in general, and from literary men. Hume, by his interest with the government obtained for him a pension of £100 a year, which it suited those in authority to wish should be kept secret. Rousseau expressed much satisfaction at this condition, but he afterwards declined the grant, hinting at the secrecy as an impediment to his acceptance of it ; his zealous friend procured the removal ot this impediment, and the pension was again offered, but its publicity afforded a far more gratifying opportunity of refusal. Immediately after he had re- tired to Wooton, with his housekeeper and his dog, nothing occurred appar- ently to infringe his amicable intercourse with Hume; but that individual was little aware of the storm in preparation. The foreign philosopher began to dis- cover the interest of his first appearance in Britain subsiding. He was not in a place where he could be followed by crowds of wondering admirers, the press was lukewarm and regardless, and sometimes ventured to bestow on him a sneer, and above all no one sought to persecute him. The feelings which these un- pleasing circumstances occasioned, appear to have been roused to sudden action by a sarcastic letter in the name of the king of Prussia, of which Rousseau pre- sumed D'Alembert to have been the author, but which was claimed by Horace Walpole, and which made the circle of the European journals ; and by an anony- mous critique of a somewhat slighting nature, which had issued from a British magazine, but which appears not to have been remarked or much known at the period. Of these two productions it pleased Rousseau to presume David Hume the instigator, and he immediately framed in his mind the idea of a black pro- ject for his ruin, countenanced and devised by his benefactor under the mask of friendship. Rousseau then wrote a fierce letter to Hume, charging him in somewhat vague terms with a number of horrible designs, and in the general manner of those who bring accusations of unutterable things, referring him to his own guilty breast for a more full explanation. Hume naturally requested a farther explanation of the meaning of this ominous epistle, and he received in answer a narrative which occupies forty printed pages. It were vain to enum- erate the subjects of complaint in this celebrated document. There was an ac- cusation of terrible affectation on the part of Hume, in getting a portrait of the unfortunate exile engraved ; he had insulted him by procuring dinners to be sent to his lodgings in London, (a circumstance which Hume accounted for on the ground of there having been no convenient chop house in the neighbour- hood.) He had also flattered him (an attention which Hume maintains was not unacceptable at the period,) with a deep laid malignity. Hume had also formed a plan of opening all his letters, and examining his correspondence, (an accusation which Hume denied.) Hume was intimate with the son of an in- dividual who entertained towards Rousseau a mortal hatred. A narrative of the treatment which Rousseau had met with at Neufchatel, and which he wished to have published in England, was delayed at the press ; but we shall give in Rousseau's own words (as translated) the most deadly article of the charge, pre- mising, that the circumstances were occasioned by Hume's having attempted to impose on him a coach hired and payed for, as a retour vehicle : — " As we were sitting one evening, after supper, silently by the fire-side, I caught his eye intently fixed on mine, as indeed happened very often ; and that in a manner of which it is very difficult to give an idea. At that time he gave me a stead- fast, piercing look, mixed with a sneer, which greatly disturbed me. To get rid of the embarrassment I lay under, I endeavoured to look full at him in my 130 DAVID HUME. turn ; but in fixing my eyes against his, I felt the most inexpressible terror, and was obliged soon to turn them away. The speech and physiognomy of the good David is that of an honest man ; but where, great God ! did this good man borrow those eyes he fixes so sternly and unaccountably on those of his friends ? The impression of this look remained with me, and gave me much uneasiness. My trouble increased even to a degree of fainting ; and if I had not been re- lieved by an effusion of tears I had been suffocated. Presently after this I was seized with the most violent remorse ; I even despised myself; till at length, in a transport, which I still remember with delight, I sprang on his neck, embraced him eagerly, while almost choked with sobbing, and bathed in tears, I cried out in broken accents, No, no, David Hume cannot be treacherous. If he be not the best of men, he must be the basest of mankind. David Hume politely returned my embraces, and, gently tapping me on the back, repeated several times, in a good-natured and easy tone, Why, what, my dear sir! nay, my dear sir! Oh, my dear sir! He said nothing more. I felt my heart yearn within me. We went to bed ; and I set out the next day for the country." The charge terminates with accusing Hume of wilful blindness, in not being aware, from the neglect with which Rousseau treated him, that the blackness of his heart had been discovered. Soon after the controversy was terminated, a ludicrous account of its amusing circumstances was given to the public ; the ex- treme wit, and humorous pungency of which will excuse our insertion of it, while we may also mention, that with its air of raillery, it gives an extremely correct abstract of the charge of Rousseau. It is worthy of remark, that the terms made use of show the author to have been colloquially acquainted with the technicalities of Scottish law, although it is not likely that a professional person would have introduced terms applicable only to civil transactions, into the model of a criminal indictment. We have found this production in the Scots Maga- zine. Mr Ritchie says it .appeared in the St James's Chronicle : in which it may have been first published. HEADS OF AN INDICTMENT LAID BY J. J. ROUSSEAU, PHILOSOPHER, AGAINST D. HUME, Esq. 1. That the said David Hume, to the great scandal of philosophy, and not having the fitness of things before his eyes, did concert a plan with Messrs Froachin, Voltaire, and D'Alembert, to ruin the said J. J. Rousseau for ever by bringing him over to England, and there settling him to his heart's content. 2. That the said David Hume did, with a malicious and traitorous intent, procure, or cause to.be procured, by himself or somebody else, one pension of the yearly value of £100, or thereabouts, to be paid to the said J. J. Rousseau, on account of his being a philosopher, either privately or publicly, as to him the said J. J. Rousseau should seem meet 3. That the said David Hume did, one night after he left Paris, put the said J. J. Rousseau in bodily fear, by talking in his sleep ; although the said J. J. Rousseau doth not know whether the said David Hume was really asleep, or whether he shammed Abraham, or what he meant 1. That at another time, as the said David Hume and the said J. J. Rousseau were sitting opposite each other by the fire-side in London, he the said David Hume did look at him, the said J. J. Rousseau, in a manner of which it is dif- ficult to give any idea ; that he the said J. J. Rousseau, to get rid of the embar- rassment he was under, endeavoured to look full at him, the said David Hume, in return, to try if he could not stare him out of countenance ; but in fixing his eyes against his, the said David Hume's, he felt the most inexpressible terror, and was obliged to turn them away, insomuch that the said J. J. Rousseau doth DAVID HUME. 131 in his heart think and believe, as much as he believes anything, that he the said David Hume is a certain composition of a white-witch and a rattle-snake. 5. That the said David Hume on the same evening, after politely returning the embraces of him, the said J. J. Rousseau, and gently tapping him on the back, did repeat several times, in a good-natured, easy tone, the words, " Why, what, my dear sir! Nay, my dear sir! Oh my dear sir!" — From whence the said J. J. Rousseau doth conclude, as he thinks upon solid and sufficient grounds, that he the said David Hume is a traitor ; albeit he, the said J. J. Rousseau doth acknowledge, that the physiognomy of the good David is that of an honest man, all but those terrible eyes of his, which he must have borrowed ; but he the said J. J. Rousseau vows to God he cannot conceive from whom or what. 6. That the said David Hume hath more inquisitiveness about him than be- cometh a philosopher, and did never let slip an opportunity of being alone with the governante of him the said J. J. Rousseau. 7. That the said David Hume did most atrociously and flagitiously put him the said J. J. Rousseau, philosopher, into a passion ; as knowing that then he would be guilty of a number of absurdities. 8. That the said David Hume must have published Mr Walpole's letter in the newspapers, because, at that time, there was neither man, woman, nor child in the island of Great Britain, but the said David Hume, the said J. J. Rousseau, and the printers of the several newspapers aforesaid. 9. That somebody in a certain magazine, and somebody else in a certain newspaper, said something against him the said John James Rousseau, which he, the said J.J. Rousseau, is persuaded, for the reason above mentioned, could be nobody but the said David Hume. 1 0. That the said J. J. Rousseau knows, that he, the said David Hume, did open and peruse the letters of him the said J. J. Rousseau, because he one day saw the said David Hume go out of the room after his own servant, who had at that time a letter of the said J. J. Rousseau's in his hands ; which must have been in order to take it from the servant, open it, and read the contents. 11. That the said David Hume did, at the instigation of the devil, in a most wicked and unnatural manner, send, or cause to be sent, to the lodgings of him, the said J. J. Rousseau, one dish of beef steaks, thereby meaning to insinuate, that he the said J. J. Rousseau was a beggar, and came over to England to ask alms : whereas, be it known to all men by these presents, that he, the said John James Rousseau, brought with him the means of sustenance, and did not come with an empty»purse ; as he doubts not but he can live upon his labours, with the assistance of his friends; and in short can do better without the said David Hume than with him. 12. That besides all these facts put together, the said J. J. Rousseau did not like a certain appearance of things on the whole. Rousseau, with his accustomed activity on such occasions, loudly repeated his complaints to the world, and filled the ears of his friends with the villany of his seeming benefactor. The method which Hume felt himself compelled to adopt for his own justification was one which proved a severe punishment to his op- ponent ; he published the correspondence, with a few explanatory observations, and was ever afterwards silent on the subject. Some have thought that he ought to have remained silent from the commencement, and that such was his wish we have ample proof from his correspondence at that period, but to have con- tinued so in the face of the declarations of his enemy, he must have been more than human ; and the danger which his fame incurred from the acts of a man who had the means of making what he said respected, will at least justify him. 132 DAVID HUME. Hume had returned to Edinburgh with the renewed intention of there spending his days in retirement, and in the affluence which his frugality, perse- verance, genius, and good conduct had acquired for him; but in 1765, at the solicitation of general Conway, he acted for that gentleman as an under- secretary of state. It is probable that he did not make a better under-secretary than most men of equally diligent habits might have done, and nothing occurs worthy of notice during his tenure of that office, which he resigned in January, 1768, when general Conway resigned his secretaryship. We have nothing to record from this period till we come to the closing scene of the philosopher's life. In the spring of 1775, he was struck with a disorder of the bowels, which he soon became aware brought with it the sure prognosti- cation of a speedy end. " I now," he says " reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very little pain from my disorder ; and what is more strange, have, notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a moment's abatement of my spirits, insomuch, that were I to name the period of my life, which I should most choose to pass over again, I might be tempted to point to this latter period. I possess the same ardour as ever in study, and the same gayety in company. I consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off only a few years of infirmities, and though I see many symptoms of my literary reputation breaking out at last with additional lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it It is difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present." The entreaties of his friends prevailed on Hume to make a last effort to re- gain his health, by drinking the Bath waters, and he left Edinburgh for tli.it purpose in the month of April, after having prepared his will, and written the memoir of himself, so often referred to. As he passed through Morpeth, he met his affectionate friends John Home the poet and Adam Smith, who had come from London for the purpose of attending him on his journey, and who would have passed him had they not seen his servant standing at the inn door. The meeting of these friends must have been melancholy, for they were strongly- attached to each other, and the intimacy betwixt the philosopher and the enthusiastic poet Home, seemed to have been strengthened by the striking con- trast of their temperaments. The intercourse of the friends on their journey was supported by Hume with cheerfulness, and even with gayety ; and he never morosely alluded to his prospects of dissolution. On one occasion, when Home was officiously preparing his pistols, (for he was usually inspired with a mili- tary enthusiasm,) Hume said to him, " you shall have your humour, John, and igfct with as many highwaymen as you please, for I have too little of life left to be an object worth saving." Of this journey a journal was found among the papers of Home, in the handwriting of the poet, which has been fortunately given to the world by Mr M'Kenzie. Regretting tliat we cannot quote the whole of this interesting document, we give a characteristic extract. " Newcastle, Wednesday, 24>th Aprile. M Mr Hume not quite so well in the morning ; says, that he had set out merely to please his friends ; that he would go on to please them ; that Ferguson and Andrew Stuart, (about whom we had been talking) were answerable for short- ening his life one week a piece ; for, says he, you will allow Xenophon to be good authority ; and he lays it down, that suppose a man is dying, nobody has a right to kill him. He set out in this vein, and continued all the stage in this cheerful and talking humour. It was a fine day, and we went on to Durham— from that to Darlington, where we passed the Mffct. " In the evening Mr Hume thinks himself more easy and light than he has PATRICK HUME. 133 beer: any time for three months. In the course of our conversation we touched upon the national affairs. He still maintains, that the national debt must be the ruin of Britain, and laments that the two most civilized nations, the British and French, should be on the decline ; and the barbarians, the Goths and Vandals of Germany and Russia, should be rising in power and renown. The French king, he says, has ruined the state by recalling the parliaments. Mr Hume thinks that there is only one man in France fit to be minister, (the arch- bishop of Toulouse,) of the family of Brienne. He told me some curious anec- dotes with regard to this prelate, that he composed and corrected without writing ; that Mr Hume had heard him repeat an elegant oration of an hour and a quarter in length, which he had never written. Mr Hume talking with the princess Beauvais about French policy, said that he knew but one man in France capable of restoring its greatness ; the lady said she knew one too, and wished to hear if it was the same ; they accordingly named each their man, and it was this prelate." The journey had the effect of partly alleviating Mr Hume's disorder, but it returned with renewed virulence. While his strength permitted such an at- tempt, he called a meeting of his literary friends to partake with him of a fare- well dinner. The invitation sent to Dr Blair is extant, and is in these terms : " Mr John Hume, alia? Home, alias the late lord conservator, alias the late minister of the gospel at Athelstaneford, has calculated matters so as to arrive infallibly with his friend in St David's Street, on Wednesday evening. He has asked several of Dr Blair's friends to dine with him there on Thursday, being the 4th of July, and begs the favour of the doctor to make one of the number." Subjoined to the card there is this note, in Dr Blair's hand writing, " Mem. This the last note received from David Hume. He died on the 25th of Au- gust, 1776." This mournful festival, in honour as it were of the departure of the most esteemed and illustrious member of their brilliant circle, was attended by lord Elibank, Adam Smith, Dr Blair, Dr Black, professor Ferguson, and John Home. On Sunday the 26th August, 1776, Mr Hume expired. Of the manner of his death, after the beautiful picture which has been drawn of the event by his friend Adam Smith, we need not enlarge. The calmness of his last moments, unexpected by many, was in every one's mouth at the period, and it is still well known. He was buried on a point of rock overhanging the old town of Edinburgh, now surrounded by buildings, but then bare and wild — the spot he had hinfeelf chosen for the purpose. A conflict betwixt a vague horror at his imputed opinions, and respect for the individual who had passed among them a life so irreproachable, created a sensation among the populace of Edin- burgh, and a crowd of people attended the body to its grave, which for some time was an object of curiosity. According to his request, Hume's Dialogues on Natural Religion were published after his death, a beautifully classic piece of composition, bringing us back to the days of Cicei*o. It treats of many of the speculations propounded in his other works. HUME, Patrick, first earl of Marchmont, a distinguished patriot and states- man, was born, January 13th, 1641. His original place in society was that of the laird of Polwarth, in Berwickshire, being the eldest son of Sir Patrick Hume of Polwarth, the representative of an old baronial family, by Christian Hamil- ton, daughter of Sir Alexander Hamilton of Innerwick. The subject of our memoir succeeded his father in 1648, while as yet a mere child; and was accordingly indebted to his excellent mother for the better part of his early education. He appears to have been, by her, brought up in the strictest tenets of the presbyterian religion, which flourished, without any constraint upon its private exercise, daring all his early years, till it was discountenanced by govern- 134 PATRICK HUME. ment after the Restoration. Sir Patrick, however, was not only an admirer of the form of worship enjoined by that religious system, but a zealous maintainor of its pretensions to a divine right, as the only true church of Christ ; and this, it is said, was what first inspired him with the feelings of a patriot. Having been sent to parliament in 1663, as representative of the county of Berwick, he soon distinguished himself by the opposition which he gave, along with the duke of Hamilton and others, to the headlong measures of the government. In 1673, the king sent a letter to parliament desiring a levy of soldiers and money to support them, and the duke of Lauderdale moved that it be referred to the lords of the articles, who were always at the beck of government. This proposal, though strictly in accordance with the custom of the Scottish parliament, was opposed by the duke of Hamilton, who asserted that the royal wishes ought to be considered by the whole assembled representatives of the nation. On Sir Patrick Hume expressing his concurrence with the duke, he was openly pointed out to parliament by Lauderdale, as a dangerous person. Hereupon, Sir Patrick said, " he hoped this was a free parliament, and it concerned all the members to be free in what concerned the nation." In the ensuing year, he was one of those who went with the duke of Hamilton to lay the grievances of the nation before the king, whose delusive answer to their application is well known. It was not possible that a person who maintained so free a spirit in such an age could long escape trouble. In 1675, having remonstrated against the measure for establish- ing garrisons to keep down the people, he was committed by the privy council to the tolbooth of Edinburgh, as " a factious person, and one who had done that which might usher in confusion." After suffering confinement for six months in Stirling castle, he was liberated through the intercession of friends, but not long after was again confined, and altogether suffered imprisonment for about two years. The order for his liberation, dated 17th April, 1679, states that " he had been imprisoned for reasons known to his majesty, and tending to secure the public peace ;" and adds, " the occasions of suspicion and public jealousy being over, he is ordered to be liberate." To continue our memoir in the words of Mr George Crawford,1 who had received information from Sir Patrick's own mouth, " Finding after this that the ministers of state were most earnestly set on his destruction, and that he could not live in security at home, he went to England, and entered into a strict friendship with the duke of Monmouth, the earl of Shaftesbury, and the lord Russel, who was his near rela- tion. With them he often met, and had many conferences on the state of Scot- land, and what might be done there to secure the kingdom from popery and arbitrary power, in the event of a popish successor. But, as his lordship pro- tested to me, there never passed among them the least intimation of any design against the king's life, or the duke of York's ; that was what they all had an abhorrence of. But he said, he thought it was lawful for subjects, being under such pressures, to try how they might be relieved from them; and their design never went further." Notwithstanding the pure intentions of this little band of patriots, the govern- ment, as is well known, was able to fasten upon them the charge of having conspired the deaths of the king and his brother ; and to this infamous accusa- tion lord Russell fell a victim in England, and Mr Baillie of Jerviswood, in Scotland. It was on the 24th of December, 1684, that the latter individual suffered; before that time, Sir Patrick Hume, though conscious of innocence, had gone into hiding, being justified in that step by a degree of personal infirmity, which unfitted him for enduring imprisonment The place selected for his concealment Mas the sepulchral vault of his family, underneath the parish • Lives and Characters of the Officers of the Crow,., and of the State in Scotland. PATRICK HUME. 135 church of Polwarth, about two miles from Redbraes castle, the house in which he generally resided. Here he lived for many weeks of the autumn of 1 6 84, without fire and hardly any light, and surrounded by the ghastly objects which usually furnish forth such a scene. He was enabled, however, by the firmness of his own mind, and the affections of his amiable family, to suffer this dreary self-imprisonment without shrinking. No one knew of his concealment but his family, and one " Jamie Winter," a carpenter, of whose fidelity they had good reason to be assured. Having been provided with a bed through the aid of this humble friend, Sir Patrick depended for food and other necessaries upon the heroic devotedness of his daughter Grizel, who, though only twelve years of age, nightly visited this dismal scene, without manifesting the least agitation either on account of real or imaginary dangers. Supported by such means, Sir Patrick never lost his cheerfulness of temper, but, on the contrary, could laugh heartily at any little incident detailed to him by his daughter. The noble child had no other means of obtaining his food, except by secreting part of what she had upon her own plate at the family meals. Her having one day secured an entire sheep's- head, which her younger brother Alexander thought she had swallowed in a moment, supplied one of those domestic jests with which the fugitive father was entertained. While in this lonely place, Sir Patrick had no other reading than Buchanan's psalms, which he conned so thoroughly, that he ever after had the most of them by heart. As the winter advanced, lady Polwarth contrived a retreat underneath the floor of a low apartment at Redbraes, and thinking that this might serve to conceal her husband in the event of any search taking place, had him removed to his own house, where he accordingly lived for some time, till it was found one morning, that the place designed for concealment, had become half filled with water. Warned by this incident, and by the execution of his friend Mr Baillie, he resolved to remain no longer in his native country. It was projected that he should leave the house next morning in disguise, attended by his grieve or farm- overseer, John Allan, who was instructed to give out that he was going to attend a horse-market at Morpeth. The party stole away by night, and had proceeded a considerable distance on their way, when Sir Patrick, falling into a reverie, parted company with his attendant, and did not discover the mistake till he found himself on the banks of the Tweed. This, however, was a most fortunate misad- venture, for, soon after his parting with Allan, a company of soldiers that had been in search of him at Redbraes, and followed in the expectation of overtaking him, came up, and would have inevitably discovered and seized him, if he had not been upon another track. On learning what had happened, he dismissed his servant, and, leaving the main-road, reached London through bye-ways. On this journey he represented himself as a surgeon, a character which he could have supported effectually, if called upon, as he carried a case of lancets, and was acquainted with their use. From London he found his way to France, and thence after a short stay, walked on foot to Brussels, intending to converse with the duke of Monmouth. Finding the duke had gone .to the Hague, he pro- ceeded to Holland, but did not immediately obtain a conference with that ill- fated nobleman. He had an audience, however, of the prince of Orange, who, " looking on him (to use the words of Crawfurd,) as a confessor for the protes- tant religion, and the liberties of his country, treated him with a very particular respect." On the death of Charles II., in February, 1685, and the accession of the duke of York, whose attachment to the catholic faith rendered him, in their eyes, unfit to reign, the British refugees in Holland concerted two distinct but relative expeditions, for the salvation of the protestant religion, and to maintain " the 13G PATRICK HUME. natural and native rights and liberties of the free people ot Britain and Ireland, and all the legal fences of society and property there established. One of these expeditions was to land in England, under the duke of Monmouth, whose prose, cution of his own views upon the crown, under the favour of the protestant interest is well known. The other was to be under the conduct of the earl of Argyle 'and was to land in Scotland, where it was expected that an army would be formed in the first place from his lordship's Highland retainers, and speedily enforced by the malcontents of Ayrshire, and other parts of the Lowlands. Sir Patrick Hume has left a memoir respecting the latter enterprise, from which it clearly appears that Monmouth gave distinct pledges (afterwards lamentably broken,) as to the deference of his own personal views to the sense of the party in general'— and also that Argyle acted throughout the whole preparations, and in the expedition itself, with a wilfulness, self-seeking, and want of energy, which were but poorly compensated by the general excellence of his motives, and the many worthier points in his character. Sir Patrick Hume and Sir John Coch- rane of Ochiltree, alike admirable for the purity and steadiness of their political views, were next in command, or at least in the actual conduct of affairs, to the earl. The sword of the former gentleman is still preserved, and bears upon both sides of its blade, the following inscription in German : " Got bewarr die aufrechte Schotten," that is, God preserve the righteous Scots. It was not destined, however, that fortune should smile on this enterprise. The patriots sailed on the 2nd of May, in three small vessels, and on the 6th arrived near Kirkwall in the Orkney islands. The imprudent landing of two gentlemen, who were detained by the bishop, served to alarm the government, so that when the expedition reached the country of Argyle, he found that all his friends, upon whom he depended, had been placed under arrest at the capital. After trifling away several weeks in his own district, and affording time to the government to collect its forces, he formed the resolution of descending upon Glasgow. Meanwhile, Sir Patrick Hume and others were forfaulted, their estates confiscated, and a high reward offered for their apprehension. While Argyle was lingering at Rothesay, Sir Patrick conducted the descent of a foraging party upon Greenock, and, though opposed by a party of militia, succeeded in his object. Allowing as largely as could be demanded for the personal feelings of this gentleman, it would really appear from his memoir that the only judgment or vigour displayed in the whole enterprise, resided in himself and Sir John Cochrane. When the earl finally resolved at Kilpatrick to give up the appearance of an army, and let each man shift for himself, these two gentlemen conducted a party of less than a hundred men across the Clyde, in the face of a superior force of the enemy, and were able to protect themselves till they reached Muirdykes. Here they were assailed by a large troop of cavalry, and were compelled each man to fight a number of personal contests in order to save his own life. Yet, by a judicious disposition of their little force, and the most unflinching bravery and perseverance, Hume and Cochrane kept their ground till night, when, apprehending the approach of larger body of foot, they stole away to an unfrequented part of the country, where they deliberately dispersed. Sir Patrick Hume found protection for three weeks, in the house of Mont- gomery of Lainshaw, where, or at Kilwinning, it would appear that he wrote the memoir above alluded to, which was first printed in Mr Hose's observations on Fox's historical work, and latterly in the Marchmont papers, (1831.) The better to confound the search made for him, a report of his death was circulated by his friends. Having escaped by a vessel from the west coast, he proceeded PATRICK HUME. 137 by Dublin to Bourdeaux, where we find he was on the 1 5th of November. He now resumed his surgical character, and passed under the name of Dr Peter Wallace. Early in 1686, lie appears to have proceeded by Geneva to Holland, where his family joined him, and they resided together at Utrecht for three years. The picture of this distressed, but pious and cheerful family, is very affectingly given by lady Murray, in the well-known memoirs of her mother, lady Grizel Baillie. They were reduced to such straits through the absence of all regular income, that lady Hume could not keep a servant, and Sir Patrick was obliged — but this must have been a labour of love — to teach his own children. They were frequently compelled to pawn their plate, to provide the necessaries of life until a fresh supply reached them. Yet, even in this distress, their house was ever open to the numerous refugees who shared in their unhappy fate. Not forgetting political objects, Sir Patrick, in 1688, wrote a letter powerful in style and arguments, to put the presbyterian clergy in Scotland on their guard against the insidious toleration which king James proposed for the purpose of effecting the ascendancy of popery. In this document, which has been printed among the Marchmont papers by Sir G. H. Rose, we find him giving an animated picture of the prince of Orange, whom he already contemplated as the future deliverer of his country, and no doubt wished to point in that character to the attention of Scotsmen ; " one," says he, " bred a Calvinist, who, for religious practice, excels most men so high in quality, and is equal to the most part of whatever rank of the sincere and serious in that communion ; for virtue and good morals beyond many ; those infirmities natural to poor mankind, and con- sistent with seriousness in religion, breaking out as little, either for degree or frequency, from him, as from most part of good men, and not one habitual to him : one of a mild and courteous temper ; of a plain, ingenuous, and honest nature ; of a humane, gay, and affable carriage, without any token of pride or disdain ; one educated and brought up in a republic as free as any in the world, and inured to the freedom allowed by and possessed in it His greatest enemy, if he know him, or my greatest enemy, if he read this, must find his own con- science witnessing to his face, that what I have said is truth, and that I am one of more worth than to sully my argument with a flaunting hyperbole even in favour of a prince." The modern reader, who is acquainted with the picture usually drawn of the same personage by the English historians, will probably be startled at the gayety and affability here attributed to the prince ; but, besides the unavoidable prepossession of Sir Patrick for a person who, it would appear, had treated him kindly, and stood in the most endearing relation to all his favourite objects in religion and politics, it must be allowed that, at an age which might be called youth (thirty-eight), and previous to his undertaking the heavy and ungrateful burden of royalty in Britain, William might have been better entitled to such a description than he was in the latter part of his life. Before this time, the eldest son of Sir Patrick Hume, and his future son-in-law Baillie, had obtained commissions in the horse-guards of the prince of Orange, in whose expedition to England all three soon after took a part. These gentle- men were among those who suffered in the storm by which a part of the prince's fleet was disabled ; they had to return to port with the loss of all their luggage, which, in the existing state of their affairs, was a very severe misfortune. The little party appears to have speedily refitted and accompanied the prince at his landing in Devonshire, as we find Sir Patrick writing a diary of the progress to London, in which he seems to have been near the prince all the way from Exeter. In the deliberations held at London respecting the settlement of the new govern- ment, Sir Patrick bore a conspicuous part ; but it was in Scotland that his zeal and judgment found a proper field of display. In the convention parliament. 138 PATltICK HUME. which sat down at Edinburgh, March 14, 1689, he appeared as representative of the county of Berwick; and, an objection being made on the score of his forfaulture, lie was unanimously voted a member by the house, 'lhe decision of tiiis assembly in favour of a settlement of the crown upon William and his con- sort 3Iary, soon followed. The career of public service was now opened to the subject of our memoir, at a period of life when his judgment must have been completely matured, and after he had proved, by many years of suffering under a tyrannical government, how worthy he was to obtain honours under one of a liberal complexion. In July, 1690, his attainder was rescinded by act of parliament; he was soon after sworn a member of the privy council ; and in December, 1690, he Has created a peer by the title of lord Polwarth. The preamble of the patent is a splendid testimony to the eminent virtues he had displayed in asserting the rights and religion of his country. King William at the same time vouchsafed to him an addition to his armorial bi'arings, " an orange proper ensigned, with an imperial crown, to be placed in a surtout in his coat of arms in all time coining, as a lasting mark of his majesty's royal favour to the family of Polwarth, and in commemoration of his lordship's great affection to his said majesty." From this period, the life of lord Polwarth is chiefly to be found in the his- tory of his country. He was appointed in 1692, to be principal sheriff' of Ber- wickshire, and in 1693, to be one of the four extraordinary lords of session. Though there is no trace of his having been bred to the law, his conduct in these two employments is said to have been without blemish. His reputation, indeed, for decisions conformable to the laws, for sagacity and soundness of judgment, is, perhaps, one of the most remarkable parts of the brilliant fame which he has left behind him. In 1696, he attained the highest office in Scot- land, that of lord chancellor, and in less than a year after, he was promoted in the peerage by the titles, earl of Marchmont, viscount of Blassonberry, lord Polwarth, Kedbraes, and Greenlaw, to him and to his heirs male whatsoever. He was soon after named one of the commission of the treasury and admiralty ; and in 1698 was appointed lord high commissioner to represent the king's per- son in the parliament which met at Edinburgh in July of that year. To pur- sue the words of Sir George Rose, who gives a sketch of the life of the earl in his preface to the Marchmont papers, " his correspondence with king William and his ministers, whilst he exercised these high functions, exhibits an earnest and constant desire to act, and to advise, as should best promote at once the honour of his master and benefactor, and the weal of the state ; and he had the good fortune to serve a prince, who imposed no duties upon him which brought into conflict his obligations to the sovereign and to his country." The earl of Marchmont Avas acting as commissioner at the General Assembly of 1702, when the death of his affectionate sovereign interrupted the proceedings, and plunged him into the deepest grief. He was appointed by queen Anne to continue to preside over the assembly till the conclusion of its proceedings ; but the principles of this great man were too rigid to allow of his long continuing in office under the new government. In his letter to queen Anne, written on the death of king William, he was too little of a courtier to disguise the feelings which possessed him as a man, although he must have known^that every word he used in admiration or lamentation of her predecessor must have been grating to her ears. In the firet session of the parliament after her accession he presented to it an act for the abjuration of the pretender ; and, though it WM in conformity to, and in imitation of the English act passed immediately on her ascending the throne, and was read a first time, the high commissioner adjourned the house in order to stop the measure. In a memorial to the queen of the U PATRTCK HUME. 139 of July, 1702, (Marchmont Papers) will be found a full vindication of his con- duct in this matter, and a statement of that held by his friends, and the com- missioner, the duke of Queensberry, differing essentially from Lockhart's. He was on this dismissed from his office of chancellor, the place being conferred on the earl of Seafield. Having thus sacrificed his office to his principles, he pursued the latter in the ensuing parliaments with the consistency and fervour which might have been expected from such a man. The protestant succession in the house of Hanover, and the union of the two divisions of the island under one legislature, were the two objects on which he now centered his attention and energies. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that the general temper of the Scottish people was perversely opposed to both of these measures, and that it was only the minority of such consistent whigs as lord Marchmont, who, reposing more upon great abstract principles than narrow views of immediate advantage, saw them in their proper light, and gave them the weight of their influence. An attempt of the earl to introduce an act for the Hanover succession, at a time when his fel- low statesmen were chiefly bent on asserting by the act of Security the useless independence of their country, was so ill received that there was even some talk of consigning this noble patriot to the state-prison in Edinburgh castle. After- wards, however, when the government of queen Anne was obliged to adopt the measure of a union, his lordship had the pleasure of contributing his aid — and most willingly was it rendered — towards what had been the grand object of his political life. The selection of the Scottish commissioners, upon which the whole matter hinged, was effected in obedience to a sagacious advice tendered by lord Marchmont — namely, that they should be " the most considerable men, pro- vided they were whigs, and therefore friends to the Revolution ; but such alone, with disregard to their feelings respecting an incorporating union, as hostile to it or not." The reasonings he employed to enforce this principle of selection are to be found in the Marchmont Papers ; and we learn from Lockhart to how great an extent they were acted on. Speaking of the commissioners, this gentleman says, that '* all were of the court or whig interest except himself," an ardent Jacobite, an exception only made in the hope of gaining him through his uncle, the whig lord Wharton. It is universally allowed that this principle, though the author of it has not heretofore been very distinctly known, achieved the union. We are now to advert to a circumstance of a painful nature respecting the earl of Marchmont, but which we have no doubt has taken its rise either from error or from calumny. As a leader of the independent party in the Scots par- liament— called the Squadrone Volante — it is alleged that his lordship was one of those individuals who were brought over to the government views by bribery ; and Lockhart actually places the sum of 1104/. 15*. Id. against his name, as his share of the twenty thousand pounds said to have been disbursed by the English exchequer, for the purpose of conciliating the chief opponents of the measure. Sir George H. Rose has made an accurate and laborious investigation into the foundation of these allegations, from which it would not only appear that lord Marchmont has been calumniated, but that a very incorrect notion has hitherto prevailed respecting the application of the money above referred to. We must confess that it has always appeared to us a most improbable story, that, even in the impoverished state of Scotland at that time, noblemen, some of whom were known to entertain liberal and enlightened views, and had previously maintained a pure character, were seduced by 6uch trifling sums as those placed against them in the list given by Lockhart. Sir George Rose has shown, to our entire satisfaction, that the sum given on this occasion to the earl of Marchmont £40 PATRICK HUME. wns a payment of arrears due upon offices and pensions — in other words, the payment of a just debt ; and that he is not blameable in the matter, unless it can be shown that receiving the payment of a debt can under any circumstances be disgraceful to the creditor. The best proof of his lordship's innocence is to be found in his conduct at the union, and for years before it. It is clear from his letters to the English statesmen, that the union was an object which he constantly had at heart, and that so far from being drawn over by any means whatever to their views, he had in reality urged them into it with all his strength and spirit, and all along acted with them in the negotiations by which it was effected. Money does not appear to have been so abundant on this oc- casion,, as to make it probable that any was spent, except upon opponents. The earl of Marchmont offered himself as a candidate at the election of the Scots representative peers in 1707, and again on the dissolution of parliament in 1708, but in each case without success. He could scarcely calculate on the countenance of queen Anne's government; for, if he had rendered it eminent services, he had also taught it how uncompromising was his adherence to his principles. Thus his parliamentary life ceased with the union. But his letters written subsequently to it give evidence that his mind was engaged deeply in all the events affecting the weal and honour of his country. Nor was his patriotism deadened by the insult and injury he received from the court, when, at the ac- cession of the tory ministry in 1710, he was deprived of his office of sheriff of Berwickshire, which was conferred on the earl of Home. In 1703, lord Marchmont had the misfortune to lose his amiable and affec- tionate spouse, of the family of Ker of Cavers, to whose virtues he has left a very affecting testimony. In 1709, he suffered a hardly less severe calamity in the death of his eldest son lord Polwarth, a colonel of cavalry, who, beginning his service in king William's body-guard, served through his ware and the duke of Marlborough's with reputation, and died childless, though twice married. He was treasurer depute in 1696. His amiable and honourable character fully jus- tified his father's grief. The second brother Robert, also a soldier, died many years before him. The accession of George I. gave to lord Marchmont what he called the desire of his heart, a protestant king upon the throne. He was immediately re-ap- pointed sheriff of Berwickshire. In 1715, in the seventy-fifth year of his age, acting on the feelings and principles of his youth, he forbade a meeting of the gentlemen of the county, which had been proposed in the professed view of ob- taining a redress of hardships, but which would have embarrassed the newly established government ; and his lordship took the necessary precautions to render his prohibition effectual. When he saw the protestant succession secure, he gave up all thoughts of active life, and removed to Berwick-upon-Tweed, to spend the remainder of his days in retirement. He retained his cheerful disposition to the last: A short time before his death, he was visited by his daughter, lady Onzel Bailhe, and his grand-children, who, with a number of his friends, had a lance, Being then very weak in his limbs he was unable to come down stairs, but desired to be carried down to see them ; and, as pleasingly recorded by his grand-daughter lady Murray, he was so much delighted with the happy faces eXtT iV^ h» mnarked' "th0U§h he «ould »ot dance> he could yet beat time with his foot." 1A «?S l8t-°f AT8> l?24' thi8 illustriou° Patriot breathed his last at Ber- 2tLZ thef!^Urth,rd y««of M. age, leaving one of the most irreproachable characters which have come down to us from that time, if not froniothers of tit houT 7T Ht,had beC°me S° reC°nciled * th* F«Pect of death, that, though no doubt sensible of the solemn change which it was to produce, he ALEXANDER HUME. 141 could make it the subject of a gentle mirth. Being observed to smile, he was asked the reason by his grandson, the ingenious lord Binning, to whom he an- swered, " I am diverted to tiiink what a disappointment the worms will meet with, when they come to me expecting a good meal, and find nothing but bones." Lord Marchmont, be it remarked, though at one time a handsome man, had always been of a spare habit of body, and was now much attenuated. His character has already been sufficiently displayed in his actions, and the slight commentaries we have ventured to make upon them. It is impossible, however, to refrain from adding the testimony of Fox, who, in his historical work, says of him, as Sir Patrick Hume, that " he is proved, by the whole tenor of his life and conduct, to have been uniformly zealous and sincere in the cause of his country." Hume, Alexander, second earl of Marchmont, the eldest surviving son and successor of the first earl, having maintained the historical lustre of the family, deserves a place in the present work, though only perhaps in a subordinate way. He was born in 1675, and in his boyhood shared the exile and distress of his family. Before his elder brother's death, he was distinguished as Sir Alexander Campbell of Cessnock, having married the daughter and heiress of that family. He was brought up as a lawyer, and became a judge of the court of session be- fore he was thirty years of age. He was a privy councillor and a baron of the court of Exchequer, and served in the Scottish parliament, first for Kirkwall, and then for Berwickshire, when the act of union passed. Emulating his father's feelings, he zealously promoted that measure, and took a very active share in the arduous labours that were devolved upon the sub-committee, to which the articles of the union were referred. But the principal historical transaction in which this nobleman was concerned, was the introduction of the family of Hanover to the British throne. A report having been circulated that the electoral family was indifferent to the honours opened up to them by the act of succession, lord Polwarth, (for he had now at- tained this designation,) proceeded in 1712, to Hanover, and entered into a correspondence with the august family there resident, which enabled him fully to contradict the rumour. He took a leading part in suppressing the rebellion of 1715, by which that succession was sought to be defeated, and, in 1716, was rewarded for his services, by being appointed ambassador to the court of Denmark. After acceding to the family honours in 1722, the earl of Marchmont was honoured with several important places of trust under government, till joining the opposition against the excise scheme of Sir Robert Walpole, he forfeited the favour of the court and his place as a privy councillor, which he then held. *' It appears," says Sir George Henry Rose,1 " that the distinguished members of the Scottish nobility who joined in this act of hostility to the ministers, were less induced so to do by any particular objections to that measure of finance, than by the hope, that their junction with the English who resisted it, might lead to the subversion of lord Hay's government of Scotland, a rule which they felt to be painful and humiliating. They knew it moreover to be sustained by means, many of which they could not respect, and which they believed to tend to degrade and alienate the nation. That they judged rightly in appre- hending that the system adopted by Sir Robert Walpole and his virtual viceroy, for the management of the public affairs in North Britain, was ill calculated to conciliate to the reigning family the affections of the people, was but too suf- ficiently proved by subsequent events. He sat as one of the sixteen Scots peers in the parliament of 1727 ; but at the general election in 1754, the hand of i Preface to Marchmont Papers. 142 HUGH CAMPBELL HUME. power was upon him ; and, being excluded, he, together with the dukes of Hamilton, Queensberry, and Montrose, the earl of Stair, and other Scottish noblemen, entered into a concert with the leading English members of the op- position, in order to bring the machinations unsparingly used to control the elec- tion of the peers in Scotland, to light, and their authors to punishment. Sir Robert Walpole's better fortune, however, prevailed against it, as it did against a similar project in 1739." The earl of Marchmont died in January, 1740, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son Hugh, who was destined to exhibit the extraordinary spectacle of a family, maintaining, in the third generation, the same talent, judgment, and worth which had distinguished the two preceding. Homb, Hugh Campbkll, third and last earl of Marchmont, was born at Edin- burgh on the 15th Eebruary, 1708, and soon became remarkable for the preco- city of his intellect, and the versatility of his genius. His mind was equally directed to the acquisition of scholastic erudition and political knowledge, and on all sub- jects he was supposed to be excelled by few or none of his time. In 1734, when only twenty-six years of age, he was chosen member for the county of Berwick, and entered the House of Commons as lord Polwarth, at the same time that his younger and twin brother, Mr Hume Campbell, came forward as representative for the burghs of the district The injustice and neglect which Sir Robert Walpole had shown to lord Marchmont, was speedily avenged by the trouble which these young men gave to his government The former soon attained the first place in the opposition ; and how keenly his attacks were felt by the ministry is shown in a remark made by the latter person, to the effect that " there were few things he more ardently desired than to see that young man at the head of his family," and thus deprived of a seat in the house. This wish was soon gratified, for his father dying in 1740, lord Polwarth succeeded as earl of Marchmont' nor did he again enter the walls of parliament until the year 1750, when a vacancy occurring in the representation of the Scottish peerage, he was almost unanimously elected. From his talents as a speaker, his extensive information, and active business habits, he acquired great influence in the upper house, and was constantly re-chosen at every general election, during the long period of 34 years. He was appointed first lord of police in 1747, and keeper of the great seal of Scotland, in January, 1764, the latter of which he held till his death. The estimation in which his lordship was held by his contemporaries may be judged of by the circumstance of his living on terms of the strictest intimacy with the celebrated lord Cobham, (who gave his bust a place in the Temple of Worthies at Stow,) Sir William Wyndham, lord Bolingbroke, the duchess of Marlborough, Mr Pope, and other eminent persons of that memorable era. The duchess appointed him one of her executors, and bequeathed him a legacy of £2,500 for his trouble, and as a proof of her esteem. Mr Pope like- wise appointed him one of his executors, leaving him a large-paper edition of I huanus, and a portrait of lord Bolingbroke, painted by Richardson. The poet ikew.se immortalized him, by introducing his name into the well-known inscrip- tion in the 1 wickenham grotto : ■ Then the bright flame was shot through Marchmonfs soul !" His lordship's library contained one of the most curious and valuable collections of books and manuscript* in Great Britain ; all of which he bequeathed at his death to his sole executor, the right honourable George Rose His lordship was twice married ; first, in 1731, to Miss Western of London, by whom he had four ch.ldren, a son (who died young), and three daughters the youngest of whom was afterwards married to Walter Scott, Esq. of Harden Upon the death of his wife, ,n 1747, he next year married a Miss Elizabeth HUGH CAMPBELL HUME. 143 Crompton, whose father was a linen draper in Cheapside, by whom he had one son, Alexander, lord Polwarth, who died without issue, in the 31st year of his age. Tiie circumstances attending this second marriage were very peculiar, and his lordship's conduct on the occasion, seems altogether so much at variance with his general character, as well as with one in his rank and circumstances in life, that we reckon them worthy of being recorded here ; — and in doing so, we think we cannot do better than adopt the account of them given by the celebrated David Hume, in a familiar epistle to the late Mr Oswald of Dunnikier, and pub- lished in the latter gentleman's correspondence. The letter is dated, London, January 29th, 1748 : — " Lord Marchmont has had the most extraordinary adventure in the world. About three weeks ago, he was at the play, when he espied in one of the boxes a fair virgin, whose looks, airs, and manners, had sucli a powerful and wonderful effect upon him, as was visible by every by-stander. His raptures were so undisguised, his looks so expressive of passion, his inquiries so earnest, that every person took notice of it. He soon was told that her name was Crompton, a linen draper's daughter, that had been bankrupt last year, and had not been able to pay above five shillings in the pound. The fair nymph herself was about sixteen or seventeen, and being supported by some relations, appeared in every public place, and had fatigued every eye but that of his lord- ship, which, being entirely employed in the severer studies, had never till that fatal moment opened upon her charms. Such and so powerful was their effect, as to be able to justify all the Fharamonds and Cyrusses in their utmost extrava- gancies. He wrote next morning to her father, desiring to visit his daughter on honourable terms : and in a few days she will be the countess of Marchmont. All this is certainly true. They say many small fevers prevent a great one. Heaven be praised that I have always liked the persons and company of the fair sex ! for by that means I hope to escape such ridiculous passions. But could you ever suspect the ambitious, the severe, the bustling, the impetuous, the violent Marchmont, of becoming so tender and gentle a swain — an Arta- menes — an Oroondntes ! " His lordship died at his seat, at Hemel Hempstead, in Hertfordshire, on the 10th of January, 1794, and leaving no heirs male, all the titles of the family became extinct ; but his estate descended to his three daughters. According to Sir George H. Hose, who, from his family connexion with tbeearl of Marchmont, had the best means of knowing, this nobleman " was an accomplished and scientific horseman, and a theoretical and practical husbandman and gardener. He pursued his rides and visits to his farm and garden as long as his strength would suffice for the exertion ; and some hours of the forenoon, and frequently of the evening, were dedicated to his books. His most favourite studies appear to have been in the civil law, and in the laws of England and Scotland, in the records and history of the European nations, and in ancient history ; and the traces of them are very unequivocal. 'Ihe fruits of his labours in extracts, observations, comparisons, and researches, all made in his own hand-writing, are not more to be admired than wondered at, as the result of the industry of one who was stimulated neither by poverty nor by eagerness for literary cele- brity. His Dutch education had given him method, which was the best possible auxiliary to an ardent and powerful mind, such as his was." In the publication which we have entitled the Marchmont Papers, are many of earl Hugh, of which the most important feature is a diary, which he kept during three different periods of peculiar interest in the reign of George the Second. The first extends from the latter end of July, 1744, to the end of that year, and embraces the events which led to the formation of what was called the Broad Bottom Administration, when lord Carteret, who just then became earl 144 PATRICK HUME.— DR. HENRY HUNTER, of Granville, was compelled to retire by the Pelhams, the king consenting thereto very reluctantly, and when the dukes of Devonshire, Bedford, and Dorset, and the earls of Harrington and Chesterfield, came into office. The second period begins in September, 1745, when news had just been received in London that the Pretender was near Edinburgh, and that it would probably be soon in his occupation. It closes in the February following, with the extraordinary events of that month, the resignation of the Pelham ministry, and its re-establishment after the earl of Bath's and the earl of Granville's interregnum of three days. The third period commences in July, 1747, and terminates in March, 1748, soon after the earl of Chesterfield's resignation, and the duke of Bedford's appointment to succeed him as secretary of state. HUME, Patrick, is noticed by various writers as the name of an individual who adorned the literature of his country at the close of the seventeenth cen- tury. Who or what he was, is not known : it is only probable, from the regu- larity with which certain first names occur in genealogies in connexion with sur- names, that he belonged to the Polwarth branch of the family of Home, or Hume, as in that branch there were six or seven successive barons bearing the name of Patrick. This learned man is only known to have written the notes connected with the sixth edition of Milton's Paradise Lost, which was published in folio by Tonson in 1695, and is one of the most elegant productions of the British press that have ever appeared. It has been a matter of just surprise to several writers of Scottish biography, that absolutely nothing should have been handed down respecting this person, seeing that his notes evince a high degree of taste, and most extensive erudition, and are in fact the model of almost all commentaries subsequent to his time. " His notes," says an anonymous writer,1 ** are always curious ; his observations on some of the finer passages of the poet, show a mind deeply smit with an admiration for the sublime genius of their au- thor ; and there is often a masterly nervousness in his style, which is very re- markable for this age." But the ignorance of subsequent ages respecting the learned commentator is sufficiently accounted for by the way in which his name appears on the title-page, being simply in initials, with the affix (pi'Kovoir^yi;, and by the indifference of the age to literary history. It would appear that the commentary, learned and admirable as it is, speedily fell out of public notice, as in 1750, the Messrs Foulis of Glasgow published the first book of the Paradise Lost, with notes by Mr Callender of Craigforth, which are shown to be, to a great extent, borrowed from the work of Hume, without the most dis- tant hint of acknowledgment. HUNTER, (Dr) Henkt, a divine highly distinguished in literature, Mas born at Culross, in the year 1741. His parents, though in humble life, gave him a good education, which was concluded by an attendance at the university of Edinburgh. Here his talents and application attracted the notice of the profes- sors, and at the early age of seventeen he was appointed tutor to Mr Alexander Boswell, who subsequently became a judge of the court of session, under the designation of lord Balmouto. He afterwards accepted the same office in the family of the earl of Dundonald at Culross abbey, and thus had the honour of instructing the late venerable earl, so distinguished by his scientific inquiries and inventions. In 1764, having passed the necessary trials with unusual approba- tion, he was licensed as a minister of the gospel, and soon excited attention to his pulpit talents. So highly were these in public esteem, that, in 1766, he was ordained one of the ministers of South Leith, which has always been con- « Blackwood's Magazine, iv. 662, where there is a series of extracts from Hume's Com- mentary, in contrast with similar passages from that published by Mr Callender of Craig DR. HENRY HUNTER. 145 sidered as one of the most respectable appointments in the Scottish church. He had here ingratiated himself in an uncommon degree with his congregation, when a visit to London, in 1769, opened up to his ambition a still wider field of usefulness. The sermons which he happened to deliver on this occasion in several of the Scottish meeting-houses, drew much attention, and the result was an invitation, which reached him soon after his return, to become minister ol the chapel in Swallow Street. This he declined ; but in 1771, a call from the London Wall congregation tempted him away from his Scottish flock, who manifested the sincerest sorrow at his departure. This translation not only was an advancement in his profession, but it paved the way for a series of literary exertions, upon which his fame was ultimately to rest. Several single sermons first introduced him to the world as an author. These were on the ordination of O. Nicholson, M. A., 1775, 2 Cor. iv ?, 8 ; On the study of the Sacred Scriptures, Acts xviii. 1 1 , in the work called the Scottish Preacher, vol. iv. ; at the funeral of the Rev. George Turnbull, 1783 ; On the opening of a meeting- house at Walthanistow, in 1787, Kev. xxi. 3, 4; On the Revolution, 1788; The Believer's Joy, Acts viii. 39 ; also in the fourth volume of the Scottish Preacher. These sermons, with some miscellaneous pieces, were collected and published, in two volumes, after the author's death. Dr Hunter first appeared as a general writer in 1783, when he published the first volumes of his " Sacred Biography, or the history of the Patriarchs and of Jesus Christ," which was ulti- mately extended to seven volumes, and has become a standard work, the seventh edition having appeared in 1814. Before this work was completed, the notice attracted by the system of Lavater throughout civilized Europe, tempted him to engage in an English version of the " Physiognomy" of that philosopher, whom he previously visited at his residence in Switzerland, in order to obtain from the conversation of the learned man himself, as perfect an idea as possible of his particular doctrines. It is said that Lavater at first displayed an unexpected coolness on the subject of Dr Hunter's visit, being afraid that an English translation might injure the sale of the French edition, in which he had a pecuniary interest. This, however, seems to have been got over ; for Lavater eventually treated his English visitor in a manner highly agreeable. u As their professions were alike,'' says an anonymous writer, " so their sentiments, their feelings, and their opinions, are altogether alike. A complete acquaintance with the French language enabled Dr Hunter to enjoy Lavater's conversation freely ; and he ever afterwards talked with enthusiasm of the simplicity of manners, the unaffected piety, the unbounded benevolence, and the penetrating genius, of this valued friend. The bare mention of that barbarous cruelty which massacred the virtuous Lavater, was sufficient to make him shrink back with horror." — The first number of this work was published in 1789, and it was not completed till nine years after, when it ultimately formed five volumes, in quarto, bearing the title of " Essays on Physiognomy, designed to promote the know- ledge and love of mankind, by John Caspar Lavater." Dr Hunter's abilities as a translator were of the first order, and, in this instance, drew forth the entire approbation of the original author. The work was, moreover, embellished in a style, which, at that time, might be considered as unrivaled. It contained above eight hundred engravings, executed by and under the direction of Mr Holloway, and such was altogether the elaborate elegance of the publication, that it could not be sold to the public under thirty pounds per copy. We are only left to regret that so much talent, so much taste, and such a large sum of money as this price would indicate, should have been spent upon an inquiry which the acute and precise sense of the immediately succeeding generation has pronounced to be in a great measure a delusion. 146 DR. HENRY HUNTER. At the time of the French revolution, Dr Hunter republished a treatise by Robert Fleming, whose life, with an account of the work in question, has already been given in this Biographical Dictionary. The pamphlet contained some prophetical intimations, which Dr Hunter supposed to bear a reference to the events in the neighbouring kingdom. It is needless to remark the weakness which alone could dictate such a proceeding in this generally able and enlight- ened man. Dr Hunter also published a " Sermon preached, February 3, 1793, on the execution of Louis XVI." In 1795, he attempted a translation from the German, selecting for this pur- pose Euler's celebrated " Letters to a German princess." Ihis work met with the entire approbation of the public, and has proved a very useful addition to the stock of our native scientific literature. The first edition was in quarto, and a second, in octavo, appeared in 1802. The work has since been reprinted in a smaller size, with notes by Sir David Brewster. The merit of Dr Hunter as a translator was now universally acknowledged, and work accordingly pressed upon him. While still engaged in his version of Lavater, he commenced, in 1796, the pubb'shing of a translation of St Pierre's Studies of Nature, which was completed in 1799, in five volumes octavo, afterwards republished in three. " His translation," says the anonymous writer above quoted, " of the beautiful and enthusiastic works of St Pierre, was universally read and admired : here, if in any instance, the translator entered into the spirit of the author, for the glow of benevolence which gives life to every page of ' Les Etudes de la Nature' was entirely congenial to the feelings of Dr Hunter." Saurin's Sermons, and Son- nini's Travels to Upper and Lower Egypt, complete the list of Dr Hunter's labours as a translator ; and it is but small praise to say, that few men have reached the same degree of excellence in that important branch of literature. During the progress of other labours, Dr Hunter published more than one volume of original sermons, and a volume entitled " Lectures on the Evidences of Christianity," being the completion of a plan begun by the Kev. John Fell. He also commenced the publication, in parts, of a popular " Histox-y of London and its Environs," which, however, he did not live to complete. In the year 1790, Dr Hunter was appointed secretary to the corresponding board of the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. He was likewise chaplain to the Scots corporation in Lon- don, and both these institutions were much benefited by his zealous exertions in their behalf. It must be obvious from the frequent and involved succession of his literary productions, that Dr Hunter spent a most industrious life, and was upon the whole the most busy as he approached that stage of existence when the generality of men begin to find ease not only agreeable but necessary. It is probable that this unceasing exertion, which no doubt was more occasioned by- necessity than by choice, tended to break down his constitution, which was fur- ther weakened in his latter years by the agitation and distress of mind conse- quent on the death of three beloved children. Having retired to Bristol wells for the recovery of his health, he died there, of inflammation in the lungs, Oc- tober 27, 1802, in the sixty-second year of his age. "IfDr Hunter," says his anonymous biographer,* " was conspicuous as an author, he was still more to be admired as a man. An unbounded flow of bene- volence, which made him enjoy and give enjoyment to every society, joined to a warmth of feeling, which made him take an interest in every occurrence, ren- dered him the delight of all his acquaintance. His social talents were of the highest order. An easy flow of conversation, never loud, never overbearing, and completely free from affectation ; an inexhaustible fund of pleasant anec- 2 Obituary of Gentleman's Magazine, Ixxii. 1072. WILLIAM HUNTER. 147 dotes and occasional flashes of wit and humour, made every company he joined pleased with him and with themselves. He was particularly happy in adapting his conversation to those he conversed with ; and while to a lady his discourse appeared that of a polished gentleman, the scholar was surprised by his apt quotations from the classics, and the ease with which he turned to any subject that was brought before him. * * His private charities were as numerous as the objects of compassion which occurred to him ; nor should his unbounded and cheerful hospitality be forgot among his other virtues." [He is said to have carried this virtue beyond the bounds which a regard to prudence and economy should have prescribed.] " The crowded attendance and the universal regret of his congregation are the best proofs of the effect of his pulpit eloquence. His enlightened and liberal views of religion made his meeting-house the resort of tlte leading Scotsmen in London ; and it was here that the natives of the southern part of the island had an opportunity of observing a specimen of that church which produced a Robertson and a Blair. * * Dr Hunter was of a spare habit of body, and remarkably active; and his usual cheerfulness and flow of good humour continued till within a few weeks of his death." He left a family, consisting of a wife, two sons, and a daughter. HUNTER, William and John, two eminent physicians, fall to be noticed here under one head, in order that we may, without violating alphabetical arrange- ment, give William that priority to which his seniority and precedence in public life render necessary. William Hunter was born, May 23, 1718, at Kilbride in the county of Lanark. His great-grandfather, by his father's side, was a younger son of Hunter of Hunterston. His father and mother lived on a small estate in the above county, called Calderwood, which had been some time in the possession of their family. They had ten children, of whom the subject of our present memoir was the seventh, while John was the tenth. One of his sisters married tiie reverend James Baillie, professor of divinity in the university of Glasgow, and became the mother of Matthew Baillie, the late celebrated physician, whose labours in morbid anatomy have been of such essential service in promoting the study of pathology. William Hunter was sent to the college of Glasgow at the age of fourteen, where he pursued his studies with diligence, and obtained the esteem of the professors and his fellow students. He was at this time designed for the church ; — but hesitated, from conscientious motives to subscribe all the articles of its faith. There is perhaps no position so painful as that of a man whose mind is overshadowed by doubts on doctrinal points of religion, having firmness in himself to investigate narrowly the foundation of the principles he should embrace, and rectitude enough to acknowledge with candour the difficul- ties by which he is embarrassed. Such was the state of mind of William Huntei when he became acquainted with the eminent Dr Cullen, who was then established in practice at Hamilton. After much deliberation, under his persuasion, he determined to relinquish his theological studies, and devote himself exclu- sively to the profession of medicine. Accordingly, having obtained the consent of his father, in the year 1737, he went to reside with Dr Cullen ; in whose family he lived nearly three years ; a period which afterwards, when he was engaged in the anxieties and turmoil that are ever attendant on the life of a medical man, he looked back upon with peculiar pleasure. It was the oasis on which, in after years, his memory loved to dwell. Between these two gifted individuals a partnership was now formed, and it was agreed that William Hunter should take charge of the surgical, and Dr Cullen of the medical cases that occurred in their practice. To carry their mutual wishes more efficiently into operation, it was arranged that William Hunter should proceed to Ediu« 148 WILLIAM HUNTER. burgh, and then to London, for the purpose of pursuing his medical studies in each of these cities, after which, that he should return to settle at Hamilton. In November, 1740, William Hunter went to Edinburgh, where he remained until the following spring, attending the lectures of the medical professors there, among whom he had the advantage of attending Dr Alexander Monro, who was one of the most talented and able professors, who, perhaps, ever adorned that university. In the summer of 1741, he proceeded to London, and resided with Mr afterwards DrSmellie, then an apothecary in Pall Mall. He took with him a letter of introduction from Mr Foulis, the printer at Glasgow, to Dr James Douglas. At first, Mr Hunter commenced the study of anatomy under the tuition of Dr Frank Nicholls, who was the most eminent teacher of anatomy then in London, and who had formerly professed the science at Oxford. It appears that Dr Douglas had been under some obligation to Mr Foulis, who had collected for him several editions of Horace, and he naturally, therefore, paid attention to young Hunter, whom he at once recognized to be an acute and talented observer. Dr Douglas was at that time intent on a great anatomical work on the bones, which he did not live to complete, and was looking out for a young man of industry and ability whom he might employ as his dissector. He soon perceived that his new acquaintance would be an eligible assistant to him, and after some preliminary conversation invited him into his family, for the double purpose of assisting him with his dissections, and directing ihe education of his son. The pecuniary resources of young Hunter were at this time very slender, and the situation was to him therefore highly advantageous ; but it was with difficulty that he could obtain the consent of his father for him to accept it, who being now old and infirm, awaited with impatience his return to Scot- land. Ultimately, however, he was pi'evailed on to acquiesce in the wishes of his son, which he did with reluctance; he did not, however, long survive, as he died on the 30th of the October following, aged seventy-eight. Mr Hunter's pre- vious arrangements with Dr Cullen formed no obstacle to his new views ; for he had no sooner explained his position, than Dr Cullen, anxious for his advancement, readily canceled the articles of agreement, and left his friend to pursue the path which promised to lead him to fame and to fortune. At liberty now to take advantage of all the means of instruction by which he was surrounded, he pursued his studies with assiduity. By the friendly assistance of Dr Douglas he was enabled to enter himself as a surgeon's pupil at St George's hospital, under Mr James Wilkie, and as dissecting pupil under Mr Frank Nicholls. He also attended a course of experimental philosophy, which was delivered by Desauguliers. He soon became very expert as a dissector, insomuch that Dr Douglas went to the expense of having several of his preparations engraved. But he did not enjoy his liberal patronage and aid long, for many months had not elapsed when his kind benefactor died, an event which happened April 1, 1742, in the sixty-seventh year of his age. Dr Douglas left a widow and two children ; — but his death made no alteration in respect to Mr Hunter, who continued as before to reside in his family, and perform the same duties which he had previously done. In the year 1743, the first production from the pen of Mr Hunter was com- municated to the Royal Society. It was an " Essay on the Structure and Diseases of Articulating Cartilages," a subject which had not been at that time sufficiently investigated, and on which his observations threw considerable light. His favourite scheme was now to commence as a lecturer on anatomy ; but he did not rashly enter on this undertaking, but passed some years more in acquir- ing the necessary knowledge, and in making the numerous preparations which are necessary to exhibit in a complete course of anatomy. There is, perhaps, WILLIAM HUNTER. 149 no branch of medical science which demands more patient and assiduous toil than this ; it was more especially so at that period, when there were few aids to anatomical knowledge. He communicated his project to Dr Nicholls, who had declined lecturing, in favour of Dr Lawrence, who gave him little encour- agement, and he retired, as many others similarly situated have done, to meditate on his own secret hopes, and to await a fit opportunity for commencing his designs. It thus happens in the lives of many young men, that wiser heads caution them against embarking in schemes they have long cherished, and in which, after all, they are destined to be successful. The ardour and persever- ance of youth often accomplish undertakings which appear wild and romantic to the sterner and colder judgment of the aged. To William Hunter the wished-for opportunity soon occurred, whereby he was enabled to put his plans to the test of experience. A society of navy surgeons at that time existed, which occupied rooms in Covent Garden, and to this society Mr Samuel Sharpe had been engaged as a lecturer on the operations of surgery. This course Mr Sharpe continued to repeat, until finding that it interfered too much with his other engagements ; he resigned in favour of William Hunter, who gave his first anatomical course in the winter of 1746. It is said that when he first began to speak in public he experienced much solicitude ; but the applause he met with inspired him with that confidence which is so essential an element of all good oratory. Indeed, he gradually became so fond of teaching, that some few years before his death, he acknowledged that he was never happier than when engaged in lecturing. The profits of the first two courses were considerable; but having with much generosity contributed to supply the pecuniary wants of his friends, he found himself so reduced on the return of the next season, that he was obliged to postpone his lectures, because he had not money to defray the necessary expenses of advertising. An anecdote is mentioned by his biographei Symmons, very characteristic of the early difficulties which are experienced by many men of genius. Mr Watson, one of his earliest pupils, accompanied him home after his next introductory lecture. He had just received seventy guineas for admission fees, which he carried in a bag under his cloak, and observed to his friend, "that it was a larger sum than he had ever been master of before." His previous experience now taught him more circumspection ; — he became more cautious of lending money, and by strict economy amassed that great fortune, which he afterwards so liberally devoted to the interests of science. His success as a lecturer before the society of navy surgeons was so decided, that its members requested him to extend his course to anatomy, and gave him the free use of their room for his lectures. This compliment he could not fail to have duly appreciated, and it may be regarded as the precursory sign of that brilliant career which he was soon afterwards destined to pursue. In the year 1747, he was admitted a member of the Incorporation of Sur- geons, and after the close of his lectures in the spring of the following year, he set out with his pupil, Mr James Douglas, on a tour through Holland and Paris. At Leyden, he visited the illustrious Albinus, whose admirable injections inspired him with the zeal to excel in this useful department of anatomy. Having made this tour, he returned to prepare his winter course of lectures, which he com- menced at the usual time. Mr Hunter at this time practised surgery as well as midwifery ; but the former branch of the profession he always disliked. His patron, Dr Douglas, had acquired considerable reputation as an accoucheur, and this probably in- duced him to direct his views to this line of practice. Besides this, an ad- ditional inducement presented itself, in the circumstance of his being elected one of the surgeon accoucheurs to the Middlesex hospital, and afterwards to the 150 WILLIAM HUNTER. British Lyin^-in Hospital. The introduction of male practitioners in this de- partment of the profession, according to Astruc, took place on the confine- ment of madaine U Valliere in 1663. She was anxious for concealment, and called in Julian Clement, an eminent surgeon, who was secretly conducted into the house where she lav, covering her face with a hood, and where the king is said to have been hidden behind the curtains. He attended her in her subsequent accouchments, and his success soon brought the class of male practi- tioners into fashion. Nor was this a matter of minor import, for hereby the mortality among lying-in women has been materially reduced. Mowbray is said to have been the first lecturer on obstetrics in London, and he delivered his course of lectures in the year 1725. To him succeeded the Chamberlains, after whom, Smellie gave a new air of importance and dignity to the science. It is said that the manners of Smellie were by no means prepossessing— indeed they are described to have been unpleasing and rough ; therefore, although a man of superior talent, he necessarily found a difficulty in making his way among the refined and the more polished circles of society. Herein, Hunter had a decided advantage, for while he was recognized to be a man of superior abilities, his manners and address were extremely conciliating and engaging. The most lucrative part of the practice of midwifery was at this time divided be- tween Sir Richard Manningham and Dr Sandys; — the former of whom died, and the latter retired into the country just after Mr Hunter became known as an accoucheur. The field was now in a great measure left open to him, and in proportion as his reputation increased, he became more extensively consulted. His predecessor Dr Sandys, had been formerly professor of anatomy at Cambridge, where he had formed a valuable collection of preparations, which on his death having fal- len into the hands of Dr Bloomfield, was now purchased by Mr Hunter for the sum of £200. There can be no doubt that the celebrity of Mr Hunter as an anatomist contributed to increase his practice as an accoucheur, as it was reasonably expected that his minute knowledge of anatomy would give him a correspondingly great command in difficult and dangerous cases. Acting now principally as an accoucheur, he appears to have entirely relinquished the sur- gical department of his profession ; and desirous of practising as a physician, obtained in 1750, the degree of doctor of medicine from the university of Glasgow. The degree of doctor of medicine at that and other universities of Scotland, was at this period granted, on the candidate's paying a certain sum of money and presenting a certificate from other doctors of medicine of his being qualified to practise the healing art — but so much was the facility of ob- taining these degrees abused that this method of granting them has been very properly abolished. Shortly after obtaining his diploma, Dr Hunter left the family of Mr Douglas, and went to reside in Jermyn Street, Soho Square. * The following summer he revisited his native country, for which, amidst the professional prosperity of a town life, he continued to entertain a cordial af- fection. He found on his arrival that his mother was still living at Long Cal- derwood, which was now become his own property, in consequence of the death of his brother James, who died in the 2Sth year of his age. It is worthy of notice, that this young man had been a writer to the signet in Edinburgh ; but disliking the profession of the law, he went to London, with the intention of studying anatomy under his brother William — so that it would almost appear, that in the family of the Hunters there was an hereditary love for medical science. Ill health, however, which bows down the intellectual power of the strongest of mankind, preyed upon his constitution ; so that he could not carry his plans into execution, and he therefore returned to his birth place, where WILLIAM HUNTER. 151 he died. At this period, Dr Cullen was progressing to that fame which he subsequently attained ; and was residing at Glasgow, where Dr Hunter again met him, to take a retrospect over the eventful changes which had signalized the progress of their separate lives. Such a meeting could not, under the peculiar circumstances, fail to be interesting to both ; for there scarcely can be any gratification superior to that of meeting in after life, the friend of early youth, pursuing successfully the career which at one time was commenced together, and who is still opening up the paths to new discoveries, in which both sympathize and delight, while, at the same time, the same sentiments of personal friendship remain undiminished in all their original strength and sincerity. On the return of Dr Hunter to London, he continued corresponding with Dr Cullen on a variety of interesting scientific subjects, and many of the letters have been recently published by Dr Thomson, in his life of this eminent physi- cian, a work which should be familiar to all who take any interest in the history of medical science. On the return of Dr Hunter to London, on the resignation of Dr Layard, who had officiated as one of the physicians to the British Lying-in Hospital, we find the governors of that institution voting their " thanks to Dr Hunter for the ser- vices he had done the hospital, and for his continuance in it as one of the physi- cians." Accordingly he was established in this office without the usual form of an election. He was admitted in the following year licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians, and was soon after elected a member of the Medical Society. His history of an aneurism of the aorta appears in the first volume of their " Ob- servations and Enquiries," published in 1757. In 1762, we find him in the " Medical Commentaries," supporting his claim of priority in making numerous anatomical discoveries over that of Dr Monro Secundus, at that time professor of anatomy in the university of Edinburgh. It is not easy to adjust the claims of contemporary discoverers in numerous branches of science ; and though, on this occasion, a wordy war of considerable length was waged concerning the real au- thor of the great doctrine of the absorbent action of the lymphatic system, yet the disputants seem to have left the field, each dissatisfied with the conduct of his antagonist, and each equally confident of being entitled to the honour of being regarded as the real discoverer. It is not worth while to rake up the ashes of any such controversy ; but it is no more than justice to assert, that Dr Hunter vindicated his claims in a manly and honourable tone, at the same time acknow- ledging that " the subject was an unpleasant one, and he was therefore seldom in the humour to take it up." In 1762, when the queen became pregnant, Dr William Hunter was consult- ed, and two years afterwards had the honour to be appointed physician extra- ordinary to her majesty. We may now regard him as having attained the highest rank in his profession ; and avocations necessarily increasing very consi- derably, he found himself under the necessity of taking an assistant, to relieve him from the fatigues to which he was now subjected. Accordingly he selected Mr Hewson, an industrious and accomplished young man, to be his assistant, and afterwards took him into partnership with him in his lectures. This connexion subsisted until the year 1770, when, in consequence of some misunderstanding, it was dissolved, and Cruickshank succeeded to the same situation. In the year 1767, Dr William Hunter became a fellow of the Royal Society, to which the fol- lowing year he communicated his obsei-vations on the bones, commonly supposed to be elephants' bones, which were found near the river Ohio in America. At this period the attention of men of science had been directed to the large bones, tusks, and teeth, which had been found on the banks of the above river, and the 152 WILLIAM HUNTER. French Academicians came 'to the conclusion that they were, in all probability, the bones of eleplianU. From the different character of the jaw-bone, and oilier anatomical simis, Dr William Hunter, however, came to the conclusion that they did not belong to the elephant, but to an animal incoynitum, probably the same as the mammoth of Siberia.3 Nor was this the only subject of natural history on which Dr Hunter exercised his ingenuity, for in a subsequent volume of the transactions, we find him offering his remarks on some bones found in the rock of Gibraltar, which he proves to have belonged to some quadruped. Further, we find an account published by him of the Nylghau, an Indian animal not be- fore described. Thus, amidst the anxious duties of that department of the pro- fession in which he excelled, we find his active mind leading him into investiga- tions on subjects of natural history, which are eminently interesting to all who delight in examining Into the mysteries, and beauties, and past history of the surrounding world. In the year 1768, Dr William Hunter became fellow of the society of arts, and the same year at the institution of an academy of arts, he was appointed by his majesty professor of anatomy. His talents were now directed into a new sphere of action ; in which he engaged with unabated ardour and zeal. He studied the adaptation of the expression of anatomy to sculpture and paint- ing, and his observations . are said to have been characterized by much ori- ginality and just critical acumen. In January, 1781, he was unanimously elected successor to Dr John Fother- gill, as president of the Royal College of Physicians of London, the interests of which institution he zealously promoted. In 1780, the lioyal Medical Society of Paris elected him one of their foreign associates, and in 1782 he received a similar mark of distinction from the Royal Academy of Sciences in that city. Thus, in tracing the life of this eminent physician, we find honour upon honour conferred upon him, in acknowledgment of the essential services which he ren- dered to the cause of science. But his chef d'&uvre yet remains to be noticed ; it was consummated in the invaluable ** Anatomy of the Human Gravid Uterus," one of the most splendid medical works of the age in which he lived. It was commenced in 1751, but not completed until 1775, owing to the author's de- sire to render it as complete as possible. It contains a series of thirty-four folio plates, from superior drawings of subjects and preparations, executed by the first artists, exhibiting all the principal changes which occur during the nine months of pregnancy. Here we find the first representation that was given of the retroveried uterus, and the membrana decidua reflexa discovered by himself. He did not live however to complete the anatomical description of the figures, which his nephew the late lamented Dr Baillie did in 1794.4 He dedicated this valuable work to the king ; and it needs only to be added, in testimony of merit, that notwithstanding the march of medical knowledge, it has not been superseded by any rival author. It remains now, and will go down to posterity, as a standard work complete in its designs, and admirable in its execution. But this was not the only service which Dr William Hunter rendered to the profes- sion : it remains for us yet to record the circumstances under which he founded a museum which has justly called forth the admiration of every medical man by whom it has been visited. When Dr William Hunter began to reap the fruiu of his professional skill and exertions, he determined on laying aside a fund from which he would derive support, if overtaken by the calamities of sickness, or the infirmities of age. This he very shortly accomplished : and it is said, that on one occasion he stated that having borrowed from this fund a sum to de- * Philosophical Transactions, vol 58. 4 Anatomical Description of the Gravid Uterus and ha contents, 179* WILLIAM HUNTER. 153 fray some expenses of his museum, he felt very much dissatisfied and uneasy un- til it was replaced. His competency having been obtained, and his wealth con- tinuing' to accumulate, he formed. a laudable design of founding a school of medicine, and for this purpose addressed a memorial to Mr Grenville, then minister, in which he requested the grant of a piece of ground in the Mews for the site of an anatomical theatre. He undertook to expend £7000 on the building, and to endow a professorship of anatomy in perpetuity; but the scheme did not meet the reception it deserved, and fell to the ground. It is 6aid that the earl of Shelburne, afterwards in conversation with the learned doctor, ex- pressed his approbation of the design, and desired his name to be put down as a subscriber for £1000. But Dr Hunter had now it would appear de- termined on other arrangements, having purchased a spot of ground in Great Windmill Street, which he determined to appropriate to the proposed use. He there built accordingly a house and anatomical theatre, and removed from Jer- myn Street to these premises in 1770. Medical men engaged in active practice, who have a taste for the study of morbid anatomy, have little difficulty in ob- taining specimens ; and by his own exertions and those of his pupils, many of whom engaged zealously in the cause, he soon succeeded in bringing together a vast number of morbid preparations, to augment the number of which he pur- chased numerous collections that were at various times exposed to sale in London. The taste for collecting, which all acquire who commence founding a museum, " increased by what it fed on," and he now, in addition to the anatomical spe- cimens, sought to accumulate fossils, curious books, coins — -in short, whatever might interest either the man of letters, the physician, the naturalist, or the antiquary. We are informed that in respect to books he became possessed of " the most magnificent tieasure of Greek and Latin books that has been ac- cumulated since the days of Mead ;" — furthermore, Mr Combe, a learned friend of the doctor's, published a description of part of the coins in the collection, un- der the following title : — " Nummorum Veterum Populorum et Urbium qui in Museo Gulielmi Hunter asservantur, descriptio, figuris illustrata. In the pre- face to this volume, which is dedicated by Dr William Hunter to her majesty, some account is given of the progress of the collection, which had been accumulat- ing since 1770, at an expense of upwards of £20,000. In 1781, a valuable addition to it was received, consisting of shells, corals, and other curious subjects of natural history, which had been collected by the late Dr Fothergill, who gave directions by his will that his collection should be appraised after his death, and that Dr William Hunter should have the refusal of it at JE500. This was ac-, cordingly done, and Dr Hunter purchased it eventually for £1200. To complete the history of this museum, we may here add, that on the death of Dr William Hunter, he bequeathed it, under the direction of trustees, for the use of his nephew Dr Matthew Baillie, and in case of his death to Mr Cruickshank, for the term of thirty years, at the expiration of which it was to be transmitted to the university of Glasgow. The sum of £8000 was further- more left as a fund for the support and augmentation of the collection, and each of the trustees was left £20 per annum for the term of thirty years — that is, during the period that they would be executing the purposes of the will. Before the ex- piration of the period assigned, Dr Baillie removed the museum to Glasgow, where it at present is visited* by all who take an interest in medical or general science. We have followed Dr William Hunter through the chief and most re- markable events by which his life was characterized, and now pausing to contemplate his having arrived at the summit of his ambition, — honoured by the esteem of his sovereign, complimented by foreign academies, and con- sulted by persons of all ranks— with an independence of wealth which left 154 WILLIAM HUNTER. him no desires for further accumulation of ridies-we must acknowledge hat the cup of human enjoyment, while it mantles to the brim, must still contain some bitter drop-that there is in this world no happiness without alloy. Ill health now preyed, with all its cankering evils, upon Ins constitution, and he meditated, indeed seriously made up his mind, to retire from the scenes of his former activity to his native country, where he might look back upon the vista of his past life and die in peace. With th.s view he requested his friends Dr Cullen and Dr Baillie to look out for a pleasant estate for him, which they did, and fixed on a spot in Annandale, which they recom- mended him to purchase. The bargain was agreed on, at least so it was con- cluded, but when the title deeds were submitted to examination they were found to be defective-and accordingly the whole project fell to the ground, for although harassed by ill health, Dr Hunter found that the expenses to support the museum were so enormous, that he preferred still remaining in his practice. He was at this time, dreadfully afflicted with gout, which at one time affected his limbs, at another his stomach, but seldom remained in one part many hours. Yet, notwithstanding this, his ardour and activity remained un- abated ;— but at length he could no longer baflie the destroying power which preyed upon his being. The attacks became more frequent, and on Saturday, March 15, 1783, after having for several days experienced a return of wander- ing gout, he complained of great headache and nausea, in which state he retired to bed, and felt for many days more pain than usual, both in his stomach and limbs. On the Thursday following, he found himself so much recovered, that he determined to give the introductory lecture to the operations of surgery, and it was to no purpose that his friends urged on him the impropriety of the attempt. Accordingly he delivered the lecture, but towards the conclusion, his strength became so much exhausted that he fainted, and was obliged to be carried by his servants out of the lecture room. We now approach the death-bed scene of this eminent man, and surely there can be no spectacle of deeper or more solemn interest than that presented by the dissolution of a man, who adorned by intel- lectual energy and power, the path which it was in this life his destiny to tread. The night after the delivery of the above lecture, and the following day, lis symptoms became aggravated, and on Saturday morning he informed his medical adviser, Mr Combe, that he had during the night had a paralytic stroke. As neither his speech nor his pulse were affected, and as he was able to raise him- self in bed, Mr Combe was in hopes that his patient was mistaken ; but the symptoms that supervened indicated that the nerves which arise in the lumbar region had become paralyzed ; for the organs to which they are distributed, lost the power of performing their functions. Accordingly he lingered with the symptoms, which in all similar cases exist, until Sunday the 30th March, when he expired. During his last moments he maintained very great fortitude and calmness, and it is reported that shortly before his death, he said, turning round to Mr Combe, " If I had strength enough to hold a pen I would write how easy and pleasant a thing it is to die." Such a sentiment as this, breathed by one under the immediate dominion of death, strikes us with peculiar wonder and awe, for it is seldom in such an hour that suffering humanity can command such stoical complacency. During the latter part of his illness, his brother John — with whom he had previously been on unfriendly terms — requested permission to attend him, and felt severely the parting scene. His remains were interred on the 5th April, in the rector's vault of St James's church, Westminster. The lives of all eminent men may be viewed in a double relation, — they may be contemplated simply with a reference to their professional and public career — or they 'may be viewed in connexion with the character they have dis- WILLIAM HUNTER. 155 played in the retired paths of domestic life. It would appear that Dr Hunter devoted himself exclusively to the pursuits of his profession ; nor did he contract any tie of a gentler and more endearing nature to bind him to the world. His habits were temperate and frugal. When he invited friends t« dine with him he seldom regaled them with more than two dishes, and he was often heard to say, that ** a man who cannot dine on one dish deserves to have no dinner." After the repast, the servant handed round a single glass of wine to each of his guests ; which trifles show the economical disposition he possessed, and which enabled him to realize £70,000 for the purpose of completing a museum for the benefit of posterity. He was an early riser, and after his professional visits was to be found always occupied in his museum. He was in person "regularly shaped, but of slender make, and rather below the middle stature." There are several good portraits of him, one of which is an unfinished painting by TofFany, which represents him in the act of giving a lecture on the muscles at the royal academy surrounded by a group of academicians. Another by Sir Joshua Rey- nolds, and of which a correct and elegant fac-simile is given in connexion with the present work, is preserved in the Hunterian Museum at Glasgow. The professional character of Dr Hunter is deservedly held high in the estima- tion of all who are acquainted with the history of medicine. His anatomy of the Gravid Uterus is alone a monument of his ability ; but, besides this, he made discoveries for which his name deserves the highest possible respect. His claims to being the discoverer of the origin and use of the lymphatic vessels were, it is true, warmly contested ; but many who have taken pains to examine the merits of the controversy, among whom we may mention the celebrated Blumenbach, agree in awarding to him the honour of the discovery. He had the merit also of first describing the varicose aneurism, which he did in the Ob- servations and Inquiries published by the Medical Society of London. His dis- covery and delineation of the membrana decidua reflexa in the retroverted uterus, deserves also honourable mention ; in short, both the sciences of anatomy and midwifery were materially advanced by his labours. He was a good orator, and an able and clear lecturer ; indeed the extent of his knowledge, more especially in physiology, enabled him to throw a charm of interest over the dry details of descriptive anatomy. His general knowledge was, as we have seen, very extensive ; and his name and talents were respected in every part of Europe. Among the MSS. which he left behind him, were found the commence- ment of a work on biliary and urinary concretions, and two introductory lec- tures, one of which contains the history of anatomy from the earliest period down to the time when he wrote ; also, considerations on the immediate con- nexion of that science with the practice of physic and surgery. Among other of his works, which are highly esteemed by the profession, we may notice his " Essay on the Origin of the Venereal Disease," which he communicated to the Royal Society ; and also his " Reflections on the Symphisis Pubis." By his will Dr Hunter bequeathed an annuity of £100 to his sister, Mrs Baillie, during her life, and the sum of £2000 to each of her daughters. The residue of his estate and effects went to his nephew. We may conclude our memoir of this eminent physician by relating the fol- lowing anecdote, which is said to have occurred in his visit to Scotland, before lie had acquired the celebrity he so earnestly desired. As he and Dr Cullen were riding one day in a low part of the country, the latter pointed out to him his native place, Long Calderwood, at a considerable distance, and remarked how conspicuous it appeared. " Well," said he, with some degree of energy, " if I live I shall make it more conspicuous." We need not add any comment on his having lived to verify fully this prediction. Such are the achievements which 156 JOHN HUNTER. assiduity and perseverance are ever enabled to accomplish. The moral deducible from the lives of all eminent men teaches the same lesson. John Hunter, younger brother of the preceding, was one of the most profound anatomists and expert surgeons of the age in which he lived. \\ e have already seen how much his brother did to promote the interests of medical science, and we shall find in the sequel, that the subject of our present memoir accomplished still more, and attained even to a higher and prouder eminence, insomuch that his name is, as it were, consecrated in the history of his profession, and respected and esteemed by all who are in the slightest degree acquainted with the science. The exact date of his birth has been a subject of some dispute : by Sir Everard Home it is placed in July 14, 172S ; and this day lias been celebrated as its anniversary by the College of Surgeons of London ; — Dr Adams, however, has dated it on the 1 3th of February, on the authority of the parish register shown to him by the Rev. James French, the minister of the parish. This evidence is sufficiently satisfactory ; and we, therefore, consider that the latter is the correct date of his birth. He was, as we have already stated, the youngest of the family, and born when his father had nearly reached the age of seventy. Being the youngest, he was a great favourite with both of his parents ; indeed, they allowed him to enjoy without restraint all the pleasures and pastimes which are the delight of early life, without imposing on him those tasks which are essential to an early and good education. Ten years after his birth his mother was left a widow, and he was then the only son at home, one or both of his sisters being now married. Herein, therefore, we may find every apology for the indulgence of his mother, who, doubtless, regarded him with an eye of no ordinary interest and affection. He was, accordingly, not sent to school until he had arrived at the age of seventeen, when he was placed at a grammar school — but not having the patience to apply himself to the cultivation of languages, and furthermore disliking the restraint to which he was subjected, he neglected his studies, and devoted the greater part of his time to country amuse- ments. Numerous are the instances of men of genius, who, like Hunter, neglected their education in youth ; but who, subsequently, by assiduous appli- cation and diligence, recovered their lost time, and attained to high eminence. Such was the case with Home Tooke, Dean Swift, and others, whose names are honourably recorded in the history of literature. Care ought to be taken, how- ever, to impress it on the minds of youth, that the general rule is otherwise, and that early application is necessary in by far the majority of cases, to produce respectable attainments in mature life. About this time, Mr Buchanan, who had lately come from London to settle at Glasgow as a cabinet-maker, paid his addresses to .Air Hunter's sister Janet, and having many agreeable qualities she ac- cepted his offer, and contrary to the advice of her relations, was married to him. Mr Buchanan was a man of agreeable and fascinating address, and, besides other pleas- ing and companionable qualities, displayed the accomplishments of a good singer ; — so that his company was continually in request, and he yielded too freely to the pleasures and festivities of society. His business being in consequence neglected . his circumstances became embarrassed, and John Hunter, who was now seventeen, went to Glasgow on a visit to his sister, for whom he had the greatest affection, to comfort her in her distress, and endeavour to assist in extricating her husband from the difficulties in which he was involved, 'there is a report that Mr Hunter was destined to be a carpenter, and one of his biographers ventures to affirm that " a wheel-wright or carpenter he certainly was ;" however, the only ground for such a statement seems to have been, that when orders were pressing he occasionally did assist his brother-in-law, by working with him at his trade". The occupation of a carpenter is, in towns distant from the metropolis, often KJ N M 0 K T E K , / JOHN HUNTER. 157 combined with that of a cabinet maker; — and thence arose the report to which we have just alluded. His assistance could only have been very slight, and it being eventually impossible for Mr Buchanan to retrieve himself from his diffi- culties, he relinquished his business, and sought a livelihood by teaching music, besides which, he was appointed clerk to an Episcopal congregation. Thus the marriage of his sister, proved so far, in a worldly sense, unfortunate ; and the predictions of her relations were too truly verified. Her brother John soon became tired of witnessing embarrassments he could not relieve, and finding that his sister preferred grieving over her sorrows alone, to allowing him to be the constant witness of her grief, he returned to Long Calderwood, after an absence which had so far had a beneficial effect on him, that it weaned him from home, reconciled his mother to his absence, and in all probability suggested to him reflections and motives for future activity, which never other- wise might have occurred. It is no wonder that the village amusements to which he had been accustomed, now lost their wonted charms ; — it is no wonder that he felt restless and anxious to enter on some useful occupation, for already he had witnessed what were the bitter fruits of idleness and dissipation. He had often heard of his brother William's success in London, and he now wrote to him requesting permission to pay him a visit, at the same time offering to assist him in his anatomical labours; — and in case these proposals were not accepted, he expressed a wish to go into the army. His brother William returned a very kind answer to his letter, and gave him an invitation to visit him immediately, which he cheerfully accepted, and accom- panied by a Mr Hamilton who was going there on business, they rode together on horseback, and in September, 1748, he arrived in London. About a fortnight before the winter session of lectures for that year, his brother, anxious to form some opinion of his talents for anatomy, gave him an arm to dissect the muscles, with some necessary instructions for his guidance, and the performance, we are informed, greatly exceeded expectation. William now gave him a dissection of a more difficult nature, — an arm in which all the arteries were injected, and these as well as the muscles were to be exposed and preserved. His execution of this task gave his brother very great satisfaction, nor did he now hesitate to declare that he would soon become a good anatomist, and, fur- thermore, he promised that he should not want for employment. Here we may observe, that the manipulation in dissecting requires a species of tact, which, like many other acquirements, is best obtained in early life ; and now under the instruction of his brother, and his assistant Mr Symonds, he had every oppor- tunity for improvement, as all the dissections carried on in London at this time were confined to that school. In the summer of 1749, the celebrated Cheselden, at the request of Dr Hunter, permitted John to attend at the Chelsea hospital, where he had ample oppor- tunities for studying by the sick-bed, the progress and modifications of disease. At this time surgical pathology was in a rude state ; and, among other absurd doctrines, the progress of ulceration was held to be a solution of the solid parts into pus, or matter. When the mind, however young, enters fresh and vigor- ous into the field of inquiry, untrammelled by early prejudices, it is apt to observe phenomena in new relations, and to discover glimmerings of paths which lead to the knowledge of unsuspected truths. Such, at this time, we may consider to have been the state of John Hunter's mind ; — acute in all its per- ceptions ; discriminate in all its observations ; and free to embrace fearlessly whatever new theories his reflections might suggest. Here, therefore, in learning the first rudiments of surgery, he first began to suspect the validity of 158 JOHN HUNTER. the doctrines which were promulgated, which some few years afterwards, it was his good fortune to combat, and overthrow. In the succeeding season, Mr Hunter was so far advanced in the knowledge of practical anatomy as to relieve his brother from the duty of attending in the dissecting-room. This now became the scene of the younger brother's employ- ment during the winter months, whilst William confined himself to delivering lectures in the theatre. In the summer he resumed his attendance at the Chelsea hospital, and in the following year, 1751, he became a pupil at St Bartholomew's hospital, where he was generally present at the performance of the most remark- able operations. At this time Mr Pott was one of the senior surgeons at the latter institution, and no man operated more expertly, or lectured with better effect than he did ; and although his pathological doctrines were subsequently, and with justice, arraigned by his present pupil, his name is nowhere mentioned by him but with the highest respect In the year 1753, Mr Hunter entered as a gentleman commoner in St Mary's Hall, Oxford ; probably with the view of subsequently becoming a fellow oi the College of Physicians. But his matriculation was not afterwards persevered in, and the following year he entered as surgeon's pupil at St George's hospi- tal. His object in taking this step, which might appear to have been superflu- ous, is obvious. He desired to obtain the appointment of surgeon to some public hospital ; and he well knew, that while his chance of success at Chelsea hospital was very remote, he was precluded from competing for the appointment at St Bartholomew's, from the circumstance of his not having served an appren- ticeship to any surgeon of that hospital, a qualification expressly required by every candidate for that office. He accordingly calculated that the chances were more in his favour at St George's, where he hoped to obtain sufficient interest among the medical officers to facilitate his wishes. To this hospital he was, in two years afterwards, appointed house-surgeon. This, we may observe, is a temporary office, the person holding which may be regarded as a resident pupil, who resides in the house, and is expected to be always in readiness to attend to any accident that may be brought to the house, or may occur in the vicinity. In the winter of 1755, he was admitted to a partnership in the lectures of his brother, a certain portion of the course being allotted to him, and he being required to lecture during the occasional absence of his colleague. Probably from the neglect of his early education he was little qualified to compete with his brother as a lecturer, a task he always performed with very great difficulty. bor making dissections, and anatomical preparations, he was unrivalled in skill ; and this was of no mean importance when we remember, that this art was at that time very little known, and that such exhibitions were of great utility during the pubhc lecture. « Mr Hunter worked for ten years," says Sir Everard Home, on human anatomy, during which period he made himself master of what was already known, as well as made some addition to that knowledge. He traced the ratifications of the olfactory nerves upon the membranes of the nose, and discovered the course of some of the branches of the fifth pair of nerves. in the grayid uterus, he traced the arteries of the uterus to their termination in the placenta. He was also the first who discovered the existence of the lympha- tic vessels in birds." The difficulty of unraveling all the complex parts of the human frame indued him to extend his inquiries, and examine into the struc- ture of the inferior animals, nature having, asDr GeorTroy St Hilaire has more recently demonstrated, preserved one type in the organization of all animate ^ZT f 1 '^ t0the ,k6eper °f the tOWCr> and the me« "ho are the pro- prietors of the menageries of wild beaste, for the bodies of the animals which JOHN HUNTER. 159 died under their care, besides which he purchased such rare animals as came in his way, and many were presented to him by his friends, which he very judi- ciously intrusted to the showmen to keep until they died, the better to secure their interest in assisting him in his labours. Ill health is too often the penalty of unremitting application, and Mr Hunter's health now became so much impaired by excessive attention to his pursuits, that in the year 1760, when he had just completed his thirty-second year, he became affected by symptoms which appeared to threaten consumption, and for which a milder climate was deemed advisable. In October, 1760, he was appointed by Mr Adair, surgeon on the staff, and the following spring he embarked with the army for Belleisle, leaving Mr Hew- son to assist his brother during his absence. Both in Belleisle and Portugal he served as senior surgeon on the staff, until the year 1763, and during this period amassed the materials for his valuable work on gun-shot wounds. Nor is this all; taking advantage of the opportunities presented to him, he examined the bodies of many of the recently killed, with the view of tracing the healthy struc- tures of certain parts, as well as the nature of particular secretions. After the peace in 1763, Mr Hunter returned to England, " which," says one of his biographers, " I have often heard him say he had left long enough to be satis- fied, how preferable it is to all other countries." Mr Hewson had now supplied the place of Mr Hunter in superintending dis- sections and assisting in the anatomical theatre during the space of two years, and it was scarcely to be expected that he would resume his connexion with his brother. During his absence, the interest he had previously acquired in the profession, naturally became diminished ; for it is the fate of all who are either by necessity or choice induced to leave their native country, to find on their re- turn, the friendship of some alienated, and that death, or worldly circumstances have compelled others to leave the circle of their former acquaintance. Here then we find Mr Hunter at the age of thirty-six, with very limited means, and with few friends, settling in London to commence the great professional struggle which all are destined to encounter who enter on this particular path of life, which is generally found to be crowded with competitors whom good fortune has already signalized with success. Scarcely can any situation of greater anxiety be conceived, than that of an able and active-minded man sitting down to practise medicine in a city in which he is comparatively a stranger, and which is already supplied with numerous rival practitioners, on whom the public has already pronounced a favourable verdict. Such at this time was the posi- tion of 3Ir Hunter, as one of his biographers simply but emphatically expresses it, u the practice of surgery now and for a long time afterwards afforded no opening for him ; Hawkins, Bunfield, Sharpe, Potter, embraced almost the whole of family practice, whilst Adair and Tomkins carried from him the chief of the practice derived from the army." Disheartening, and indeed gloomy as these prospects now were, he returned with unabated ardour to his scientific pursuits, and laid the foundation of that eminence which he afterwards attained. If the difficulties of this world be met with philosophy, and with a firm resolu- tion to overcome them, they may generally be surmounted, and they then leave the moral victor both the wiser and the happier for the conflict. So was it with John Hunter, who, finding the emoluments from his half-pay and private practice insufficient to support him, determined on teaching practical anatomy and operative surgery. With the pecuniary means which he was thus enabled to raise, he purchased about two miles from London a piece of ground near Brompton, at a place called Earl's Court, and there built a house for the pur- pose of experiments, which he could not carry on successfully in a large town. leo JOHN HUNTER. Here, in the course of his inquiries he made several important discoveries. He ascertained the changes which animal and vegetable substances undergo in the stomach, when acted on by the gastric juice ; he also, by feeding animals with madder, which tinges growing bones with a red colour, discarded the principles observable in the growth of bones ; and, furthermore, succeeded in explaining the process by which a dead piece is separated from the living bone. During his absence from England, his name had in some degree been kept up before the attention of the public, by his brother's essays in the Medical Commentaries, where we find several allusions to his experiments and observations. In conse- quence of these scientific researches, while he was yet, as a practitioner, over- looked by the public, the Royal Society, much to its honour, elected him a fel- low, in which title he preceded his brother, who was ten years older, and had been known ten years earlier in the metropolis. The adjudgment of this honour, and the recognition of the merit which it necessarily carried along with it, must in Mr Hunter's circumstances, have been to him peculiarly grati- fying. It was to him a proud incentive to further exertion ; and a strong in- ducement to bear up against the difficulties, which, as we have explained, at this time retarded his professional advancement. The love of science leads us at all times to resources which lie beyond the neglect and injustice of the world, and the mind of Hunter, untutored as it was in early life, now sought relief, occupation, and improvement in the paths which it opened up. Among other instructive amusements, he engaged in watching the peculiar habits and instincts of various animals, for which purpose he kept several, which should have been domiciled in menageries, in his own house. Sir Everard Home relates the following anecdote : " two leopards which were left chained in an out-house, had broken from their confinement and got into the yard among some dogs, which they immediately attacked ; the howling this produced alarmed the whole neighbourhood. Mr Hunter ran into the yard to see what was the matter, and found one of them climbing up the wall to make his escape, the other surrounded by the dogs ; he immediately laid hold of them both and carried them back to their den. But as soon as they Mere secured, and he had time to reflect on the risk of his own situation, he was so much agitated that he was in danger of fainting." Incredible as to some this anecdote may appear, we hesitate not to accord our implicit belief, knowing how remarkable a control men have exercised even over the most savage ani- mals, when themselves actuated by great courage and strong power of re- solution. This year, by a strong exertion in dancing, Mr Hunter unfortunately broke the tendo Achillis, (the strong and broad tendon felt at the back of the foot,) in consequence of which he introduced an improvement on the mode of treating this accident, which was superior to that recommended bv Dr Alexander Monro, who had himself at a more advanced period of life experienced a similar mis- fortune. We have no account from Sir Everard Home of Mr Hunter's town residence until his brother, having completed his house in Windmill Street, assigned over to him the lease of his house in Jermyn Street. It is presumed by one of his biographers, that on his first arrival in London he lodged, for the purpose of being near to his brother's dissecting rooms, in Covent Garden, and another informs us that on his return from abroad he resided in Golden Square. Be this as it may, he appears to have lived in Jermyn Street until the expiration of the lease in 1783, a period of fifteen years. Whatever may have been the slight difference which existed between him and his brother, the latter appears still to have interested himself in his welfare, as we find that, chiefly through his JOHN HUNTER. 161 interest, he was, in 1768, (on the authority of Dr Symmons,) elected surgeon to St George's hospital. He had now acquired the desired means for giving his talents and industry full scope ; for, as fellow of the Royal Society, he gained the earliest notice of every scientific discovery and improvement which might take place in Europe; and as surgeon to this hospital, he had the means of ex- tending his observations, and confirming his pathological doctrines. His whole time was now devoted to the examination of facts, and the patient accumulation of such knowledge as he could gradually attain ; nor did he, as many others have done, captivated by love of fame, rush prematurely before the notice of the public. " With the exception,'' says one of his biographers, "of what was published in his name by his brother William, in the year 1764, there does not appear to be any thing by John up to the year 1772. If there were any publications, they must have terminated like many more by others ; they must have experienced the fate of abortions, or at least I know nothing of them." Herein he showed very considerable wisdom, and well would it have been for many authors, had they, like John Hunter, persevered even in obscurity in maturing their knowledge before surrendering themselves to a tribunal, whose verdict will always in the end be found to have been dictated by the severest and most rigid principles of justice. The surgeons of most of the public hospitals in this country have the privi- lege of selecting, on their own terms, house-pupils, who reside with them a year or two after the completion of their education. Among many who became pupils of John Hunter, and afterwards acquired celebrity in their profession, we may notice the famous Dr Jenner, who boarded in his house in 1770 and 1771, and lived in habits of intimacy with him until his death. "In every conversation," says a friend of Dr Jenner's, " as well as in a letter I received from him, he spoke with becoming gratitude of his friend and master." Even the slightest recollection, or testimony of esteem, from such a man as Dr Jenner, in favour or illustration of the character of John Hunter must be received with interest. In 1771, Mr Hunter published the first part of his Treatise on the Teeth, a very valuable work, the merit of which has not been surpassed by any later production. It may be observed en passant, that this was the only work he sold to the booksellers, all his others being published on his own account, or communicated to miscellaneous collections, chiefly periodicals. Between the appearance of the first and second part of his treatise, Dr Fothergill published his paper on that painful affection of the facial nerve, denominated Tic Do- loureux. While thus rising in eminence, Mr Hunter became attached to the daughter of Mr Boyne Home, surgeon of Burgoyne's regiment of light horse, who was also the father of the celebrated Sir Everard Home. The young lady received his addresses favourably ; but the feelings of human nature, impassioned as they may be, must succumb to the cold reality of worldly circumstances ; wherefore, their marriage was necessarily delayed until he had obtained a sufficient competency to maintain her in that rank of society, which for their mutual happiness was desirable. When the passions are staked on the success of such an attachment, and are in fact concentrated in the welfare of a being so chosen, disappointment annihilates all moral energy, and reduces the prospects of life into painful ruin ; — but when hope is allowed to feed itself on encouragement, and the future alliance definitively fixed, there is an object for exertion ; — a stimulus to action which will not allow of rest, until the means of gaining the promised end have been accomplished. This John Hunter appears to have duly felt, and his exertions therefore were correspondingly increased ; and during this time, when ho could suspend his professional and scientific toils, nothing gave him greater III. x 162 JOHN HUNTER. gratification than the pleasure of enjoying her society. ** The expenses of his pursuits," says Sir ETerard Home, " had been so great, that it was not for some years after his first engagement with this lady, that his affairs could be sufficiently arranged to admit of his marriage. This happy period at length arrived, and he was married to Miss Home in 1771." " Whilst he was paying," continues Sir Everard, " his addresses to my sister, I was a boy at Westminster school. During the holidays I came home, and Mr Hunter, who was frequently there, always showed me particular kindness ; he made my father an offer to bring me up to his profession, a proposal which I readily accepted. I was struck with the novelty and extent of his researches, had the highest respect and admiration for his talents, and was ambitious to tread the paths of science under so able a master." The year after his marriage, at the request of Sir John Pringle, he read to the Koyal Society a communication showing that after death the gastric juice has the power of dissolving the coats of the stomach. This paper he was persuaded to read to the society, before he had entirely completed the investigations -which he further meditated ; — but it appears that he did not afterwards return to the subject, considering that the fact on which any further inquiries might be formed had been sufficiently demonstrated. In the winter of 1773, he formed a plan for giving a course of lectures on the theory and principles of surgery, with the view of vindicating his own principles, which he frequently heard misquoted or ascribed to others, and of teaching them systematically. The first two winters, he read his lectures gratis to the pupils of St George's hospital, and the winter following charged the usual terms of other teachers in medicine and surgery. " For this, or for continuing them," says one of his biographers, " there could be no pecuniary motive. As he was under the necessity of hiring a room and lecturing by candle light, his emolu- ments must have been trifling. The lectures not being considered a part of medical education, his class was usually small ; and of the few that heard him, the greater part acknowledged their difficulty in understanding him, which was often proved by their incapacity of keeping up their attention. The task itself was so formidable to him, that he was obliged to take thirty drops of laudanum before he entered the theatre at the beginning of each course. Yet he certainly felt great delight in finding himself understood, always waiting at the close of each lecture to answer any questions ; and evincing evident satisfaction when those questions were pertinent, and he perceived that his answers were satisfac- tory and intelligible." In addition to this, Sir Everard Home, after stating the fact of his having recourse to laudanum — the elixir vitae of the opium eater — " to take oft* the effects of uneasiness," adds, ** he trusted nothing to memory, and made me draw up a short abstract of each lecture, which he read on the fol- lowing evening, as a recapitulation to connect the subjects in the minds of thf students." Amidst all his avocations, both as a lecturer and practitioner, he still pursued with an unabated zeal and industry his researches into comparative ana- tomy. No opportunity for extending his knowledge on this interesting depart- ment of science did he permit to escape him. In the year 1773, at the request of Mr Walsh, he dissected the torpedo, and laid before the Royal Society an account of its electrical organs. A young elephant which had been presented to the queen by Sir Robert Barker, and died, afforded him an opportunity of examining the structure of that animal; after which two other elephant- in the queen's menagerie likewise died, which he also carefully dissected. The year following, 1774, he published in the Philosophical Transactions an account of certain receptacles of air in birds, showing how these communicate with the lungs and are lodged in the fleshy parts, and in the bones of these animals ; likewise JOHN HUNTER. 163 a paper on the gillaroo trout, commonly called in Ireland the gizzard trout. In 1775, several animals of the species called the gymnotus electricus of Suri- nam, were brought alive into this country, and by the curious phenomena they exhibited the attention of the scientific world was greatly excited. After making numerous experiments on the living animals, Mr Walsh purchased those which died, and gave his friend Mr Hunter an opportunity of examining them. This he readily accepted, and drew up an account of their electrical organs, which he published in the Philosophical Transactions. In the same volume of that valuable work will be found his paper containing experiments respecting the powers of animals and vegetables in producing heat. Thus, in the paths of natural history did he find a recreation from the more serious, and often irksome duties of his profes- sion ; — and by his skilful dissections, and acute observations, enriched our knowledge in this interesting and fascinating department of science. While thus engaged, Mr Hunter found a great difficulty in showing to advantage the natural appearances of many parts of animals which he wished to be preserved. In some instances the minute vessels could not be seen when the preparation was immersed in spirits ; in others, the natural colour of the parts preserved, and even the character of the surface, faded and underwent a change after being some time immersed in this liquid, — a circumstance which, to this day, diminishes very much the value of almost all the morbid preparations which are preserved in private and public museums. The only method, therefore, of .accom- plishing the object he had in view, was to have them carefully and correctly drawn at the time of the dissection. The expense of engaging draftsmen, the difficulty of procuring them, and above all their ignorance of the subject to be delineated, were considerable objections to their employment. Accordingly, he engaged a young and talented artist named Bell, to live with him for ten years, during which period it was agreed that he should be employed both as a drafts- man and in making anatomical preparations. This young man soon imbibed the spirit of his master; he worked assiduously with his knife, his forceps, and his pencil ; he engaged himself during part of his time in copying out Mr Hunter's lectures, and in less than ten years became a skilful anatomist and surgeon. I3y his labours, Mr Hunter's collection became enriched with many very accurate and spirited drawings; and a variety of curious and delicate anatomical prepara- tions. This skilful artist, by the interest of his friend Sir Joseph Bankes, obtained the appointment of assistant surgeon in the honourable East India Company for the settlement of Bencoolen in Sumatra, whither he set out with the view both of improving his fortune, and collecting specimens of natural history. He was in both successful beyond his most sanguine expectations. He sent home some very rare specimens of animals and corals, and two papers which appeared in the Philosophical Transactions, — one giving a description of the double horned rhinoceros, and the other of an uncommonly formed fish. Un- fortunately for the cause of science, he died of fever in 1792, being one of the many who have been summoned from this world, amidst early promises of future excellence and success. In January, 1776, Mr Hunter was appointed surgeon extraordinary to his majesty, — an honour which contributed still farther to advance his professional interests. About this time the attention of the public was much directed to the efforts of the Humane Society. Dr Cogan was the first who introduced the sub- ject from Holland ; and after him, Dr Hawes did not suffer it to rest until it experienced the royal patronage. Here again we find Mr Hunter zealously en- gaged in endeavouring to ascertain the best mode of restoring apparently drowned persons, the consequence of which was the production of a paper which he read to the Royal Society, entitled " Proposals for the Recovery of Persons apparently 1C4 JOHN HUNTER. Drowned." The able author of this paper draws the distinction between the mere suspension of the functions by which life is supported, and absolute death, which he illustrates by reference to various animals, in whom, under certain conditions, tiie actions of life are temporarily suspended. It further contains a description of the sig-ns of life and death, which are of vast importance; indeed, notwith- standing the progress that has since been made, botli in Germany and Britain, in medical jurisprudence, this paper contains information which has by no means been superseded. In the autumn of this year, Mr Hunter was taken extremely ill, and the nature of his complaints induced both his friends and himself to apprehend that his life was in imminent danger. However, the anticipated calamity was averted ; he rallied, and was restored to his friends and the public, to whom his subse- quent services were of such vast importance. When on his sick bed, he reflected on his own worldly affairs, such as he was about to leave them ; — he perceived that all his fortune had been expended in his pursuits ; that his family had no provision excepting what might arise from the sale of his collection ; and he naturally, on this account, suffered much solicitude and anxiety. No sooner did he leave his sick chamber, than he commenced arranging his collection, so that it might, in whatever event, command its value, and with this view he began to make a catalogue of the collection ; but the delicacy of his health obliged him to desist from his labours, and persuaded by his friends and relatives, he retired for a time to Bath. During his absence, Mr Everard Home was employed to draw out descriptions of the preparations, leaving blanks for those with which he was unacquainted. His complaints were considerably ameliorated by his residence at Bath ; and though he returned to town before he was quite convales- cent, he continued to amend, and was soon recovered. In 1778, he published the second part of his Treatise on the Teeth, and also, in the Philosophical Transactions, a paper on the heat of animals and vegetables. " I had now," says Sir Everard Home, " lived six years with Mr Hunter and completed my education : his expenses had always exceeded his income. I had therefore no emolument to expect from remaining in his house, which made it necessary for me to take up some line for my own support, and admiral Kep- pel's action with the French fleet was the means of procuring me a very eligible situation." Thus 3Ir Hunter was now deprived of the valuable assistance of his former pupil. And here we may pause to observe, both from the reflections which he made during his late illness, and the statement of Sir E. Home, that his expendi- ture had always exceeded his income, how slow are the emoluments of men whose scientific labours are nevertheless an advantage and honour to their country. Mr Hunter had now arrived at the age of fifty years, thirty of which had been devoted to his profession ; he had been eleven years mem- ber of the Royal Society, and nine years an hospital surgeon';— he was respected and esteemed by the most accomplished men of science, and his claims to honourable distinction recognized by the nobility and by royalty itself; but still his pecuniary circumstances were at so low an ebb, that had he died during his late illness, his wife and children would have been left comparatively destitute. His expenses do not appear to have been great; his family had increased, but only two survived, and these were still of an age 'to be little expensive ; his own personal expenses were not considerable; and yet five years after this period (says one of his biographers), when he purchased a lease- hold in Leicester Square, he assured us that he was under the necessity of mwl gaging before he could pay for it, and for some time afterwards he used to regret that all he could collect in fees " went to carpenters and bricklayers j JOHN HUNTER. 165 whilst the sum expended was scarcely sufficient to furnish the library of a literary character." But the calamities and poverty of men of genius are so proverbial, that the hand of humanity willingly draws a veil over their sufferings ; and yet there is something higher than riches to be obtained in this world, and amidst all the difficulties he has to encounter, happy is he who can command the power of contributing even in the slightest degree to the well-being and happi- ness of the human race. It is this high hope, this internal moral conviction, which always has, and ever will support genius along the difficult and thorny track -which it is its destiny to tread.1 In 1780, Mr Hunter laid before the Royal Society an account of a woman who had the small pox during pregnancy, and in whom the disease seems to have been communicated to the foetus. The following year he was elected fellow of the Royal Society of Sciences and Belles Lettres at Gottenburg. During this period, he read before the Royal Society many valuable com- munications ; among which we may notice, a paper on the Organ of Hearing in Fish, and six Croonian lectures on Muscular Motion. In these lectures he collected all the observations that had been made on the muscles, respecting their powers and effects, and the stimuli by which they are excited ; and to these he added comparative observations concerning the moving powers ot plants ; but these lectures were not published in the Philosophical Transactions, as they were not considered by the author to be sufficiently complete disser- tations. Sir Everard Home informs us, that in the year 1783, Mr Hunter was chosen into the Royal Society of Medicine and Royal Academy of Surgery in Paris. In this year, continues the same writer, the lease of his house in Jermyn Street expired, and his collection being now too large to be contained in his dwelling house, he purchased the lease of a large house on the east side of Leicester Square, and the whole lot of ground extending to Castle Street, in which there was another house. In the middle space between the two houses he erected a building for his collection. Upon this building he expended above three thou- sand pounds, and, unfortunately for his family, the lease did not extend beyond twenty-four years. **#**" During the execution of this exten- sive plan I returned to England from Jamaica, where, at the close of the war, I had been appointed staff' surgeon. * * * * I found Mr Hunter now ad- vanced to a considerable practice, and a still greater share of public confidence. His collection had increased with his income. In this he was materially assisted by his friendship with Sir Joseph Bankes, who not only allowed him to take any of his own specimens, but procured him every curious animal production in his power, and afterwards divided between him and the British Museum all the specimens of animals he had collected in his voyage round the world. Drawing materials from such ample sources, standing alone in this branch of science, and high in the public estimation, he had so much attention paid to him, that no new animal was brought to this country which was not shown to him ; many were given to him, and of those which were for sale he had commonly the refusal ; under these circumstances his collection made a progress which would otherwise have, been impossible. In April, 1785, his new rooms were completed, and I devoted the whole of the summer to the object of assisting him in moving his preparations, and arranging them in their proper order."2 The surgical practice of Mr Hunter now daily increased, and he performed 1 Vide Exposition of the false medium and barrier excluding men of genius from the public. London, Effingham Wilson, 1833. 2 Life of John Hunter by Sir Everard Home, prefixed to his Treatise on the Blood, Inflam- mation, and Gun shot wounds. 16G JOHN HUNTER. wilh great skill and judgment numerous operations, which were at that time new in the art of surgery; but whatever may have been the multiplicity of his pro- fessional engagements, his mind was still devoted to effecting improvements in medical education, and with this view, assisted by his/ friend the celebrated Dr Fordyce, he instituted a medical society, called the Lyceum Medicum Londinense the meetings of which were held in his own lecture-rooms, and which acquired no inconsiderable reputation, both from the numbers and character of its mem- bers. Institutions of this kind have been of eminent importance in fostering and eliciting talents that have done honour to medical science ; and this under the patronage it enjoyed did not fail to flourish. In the year 1786, in consequence of the death of Mr Middleton, Mr Hunter was appointed deputy surgeon general to the army ; shortly after which he pub- lished his work on the venereal disease, and another entitled " Observations on certain parts of the Animal Economy;" both which works rank high in the estimation of the profession. Sir Everard Home mentions the curious fact, that he chose to have his works printed and published in his own house, but u find- ing," he adds, " this measure to bear hard upon the booksellers in a way which had not been explained, and which was not intended, the second editions were sold by Mr Johnson in St Paul's Church-yard, and Mr Nicoll, Pall Mall." In the spring of this year he had another very severe illness, which confined him to bed, and rendered him incapable of any kind of business. " In this state," sa\s his biographer, " I was obliged to take upon myself the charge of his pa- tients, as well as of his other affairs ; and these were so extensive, that my resi- dence in his house became absolutely necessary. His recovery was very slow, and his health received so severe a shock, that he was never afterwards entirely free from complaint or capable of his usual bodily exertion. After his recovery from this illness, he was subjected to affections of the heart upon every occasion which agitated his mind. In this infirm state he was unable to attend patients upon sudden calls in the night, or to perform operations without assistance ; and for these years I continued to live with him until within a year of his death, and then took a house within a few doors, which, in no respects detached me from his pursuits, or prevented me from taking a part in his private practice. The uncertainty of the continuance of life under this affection ; the mental agi- tation, and frequent depression with which it is almost invariably attended, render the victims of such generally anxious and unhappy ; the canker worm is felt to be preying within the living frame, and there is no hope of restoration to permanent health. But notwithstanding all this, his energies re- mained unabated, and he still toiled with his wonted alacrity in the pursuit of knowledge. In the year 1787, he submitted to the Ro\al Society a paper giving an account of the experiment he had made to determine the effect of ex- tirpating one ovarium, on the number of the young ; also another communica- tion, in which he proves the wolf, jackall, and dog to be of the same species; aud another on the anatomy of the whale tribe. In return for these labours, having been twelve years a fellow, he received the gold Copleyan medal. Dis- tinctions of this kind, although abstractly no stimulus to men who are actuated by higher motives in pursuit of knowledge, when conferred on men of such emi- nent abilities, not only do honour to the individual to whom they are presented, but to the institution by which they are awarded ; and certainly, on reviewing the labours of John Hunter, there was perhaps no man who ever lived, better entitled to this honour. In the July of this year, he was chosen a member of the American Philosophical Society ; and the same year, on account of his con- tinued ill health, he applied to the governors of St George's hospital to allow him an assistant surgeon, to which request they readily acceded ; and Sir JOHN HUNTER. 167 Everard Home was appointed to the office. In the year 1789, he succeeded Mr Adair as inspector general of hospitals, and surgeon general of the army, and about the same time was admitted a member of the Royal College of Sur- geons in Ireland. ^ In the year 1792, Mr Hunter found that-the period which he allotted to lec- turing interfered so much with his other avocations, that he gave his materials for the lectures into the hands of Sir Everard Home, who relieved him of this duty. He now therefore began to prepare for the press his *■* Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gun-shot wounds," the data for which he had been collecting for many years. In his dedication to the king, he states that his ap< pointment as surgeon on the staff' in the expedition against Belleisle afforded him the opportunities of attending to gun-shot wounds, of seeing the errors and defects in that branch of military surgery, and of studying to remove them. He further adds, that it drew his attention to inflammation in general, and enabled him to make the observations which form the bases of that doctrine, which has since his time excited so much controversy among physiologists. By a series of very interesting experiments, and by a very ingenious mode of reasoning, he came to the conclusion maintained by this doctrine, which holds, that the blood as existing in its fluid state is alive, and that its death causes the changes which are observed to take place when it is abstracted from the body. In the Old Testament we read, " ye shall eat the blood of no manner of flesh ; for the life of all flesh is the blood," (Levit xvii. 14.) The same doctrine too seems promulgated in the Alcoran — and appears to have been maintained by the celebrated Harvey ; — but notwithstanding these facts, there is no reason to presume that the idea was plagiarized by John Hunter : on the contrary, his opinion was with him original, inasmuch as it was elicited by the experiments which he himself performed. This would by no means be an appropriate place to discuss the general merits of this physiological doctrine ; but we do not err in stating that it is supported by very plausible evidence, and is maintained by many eminent men of science. The nature and seat of the living principle which raises man above the inanimate beings by which he is surrounded, is manifestly beyond the reach of human investigation ; but it must be satisfactory to those who have not time nor inclination even to examine the evidence which has been on either side adduced, to find, that such men as John Hunter and Abernethy recognized the existence of something beyond the mere mechanism of the human frame ; that they in their acute reasonings urged the existence of an internal and self-sustaining principle, which modifies the different conditions of matter, and must be therefore superior to its decay. In the year 1792, Mr Hunter was elected an honorary member of the Chi- rurgico-Physical Society of Edinburgh, and likewise connected himself with the Veterinary College, then just projected in London. " The origin of this insti- tution," says Dr Adams, " was at Odiham in Hampshire ; the Agricultural Society of which had offered a premium for the best account of the glanders. Mr Sergeant Bell was the fortunate candidate, and the society was so well pleased with his piece, that in a little time after, a Veterinary College was pro- jected, over which that gentleman should preside. As soon as the proposal was known to Mr Hunter he eagerly joined it, urging the advantages which might be derived from it, not only to quadrupeds, but to man, by extending our knowledge of physiology and more especially of pathology. In order to forward the plan, several gentlemen, the duke of Bedford at their head, deposited £500 on the chance of its being never returned. Mr Hunter was one of the number. It was proposed that he should examine Mr Sergeant Bell, to which he readily assented. It will easily be conceived by those who are not at all acquainted 1G8 JOHN HUNTER. rtith the continental pathology of those days, that the examination proved unsatis- factory. Mr Hunter would have gladly introduced another gentleman ; but this did not at all lessen his zeal in promoting the object of the institution." Such was the origin of his connexion with the London Veterinary College, of which he now became one of the vice-presidents. In the transactions of the Society for improving Medical Knowledge, of which M~r Hunter was one of the original and most zealous members, he published about this period papers on the Treatment of Inflamed Veins, on Introsuscep- tion, and on a mode of conveying food into the stomach in cases of paralysis of the oesophagus. He likewise finished his Observations on the Economy of Bees, and presented them to the Royal Society. These observations he finished at Earl's Court, which was his place of retirement from the toils of his profession, but by no means a retreat from those intellectual labours which diversified the whole tenor of his life. " It was there," says Sir Everard Home, '* he carried on his experiments on digestion, on exfoliation, on the transplanting of teeth into the combs of cocks, and all his other investigations on the animal economy, as well in health as in disease. The common bee was not alone the subject of his observation, but the wasp, hornet, and the less known kinds of bees were also objects of his attention. It was there he made the series of preparations of the external and internal changes of the silk worm ; also a series of the incuba- tion of the egg, with a very valuable set of drawings of the whole series. The growth of vegetables was also a favourite subject of inquiry, and one on which he was always engaged making experiments. In this retreat he had collected many kinds of animals and birds, and it was to him a favourite amusement in his walks to attend to their actions and to their habits, and to make them familiar with him. The fiercer animals were those to which he was most partial, and he had several of the bull kind from all parts of the world. Among these was a beautiful small bull he had received from the queen, with which he used to wrestle in play, and entertain himself with its exertions in its own defence. In one of these contests the bull overpowered him and got him down, and had not one of the servants accidentally come by, and frightened the animal away, his frolic would probably have cost him his life."3 The pleasure which a man of high intellectual endowments, and refined sensibility, takes in Matching the habits, and in a manner sympathizing with the feelings exhibited by the lower classes of animals, constitutes one of the most amiable and noble features which his disposition can pourtray, and doubtless must give rise to some of the finest and most generous feelings of which human nature is susceptible. Man is in all cases the representative, or rather the repetition of mere man, and in the suffer- ings of one of his own species he sees reflected as in a mirror the miseries he himself may possibly have to endure ; wherefore the chords of pity are by a latent feeling of self-interest vibrated, and he enters into commiseration with his fellow man ; but to extend his thoughts and feelings beyond the possible range of his own experience to the commonly despised, or perhaps maltreated lower animals, manifests a high and generous tone of feeling independent of all such collateral selfishness, and in perfect consonance with the most elevated principles of Christian philosophy. Here then we have before us the instance of a philo- sopher whose profound knowledge had already, in no trifling degree, contributed to the advancement of science and the benefit of the human race, familiarizing himself, and with child-like simplicity playing, with animals, which, although of a lower order of classification, possess senses as acute, feelings as strong, and necessities as urgent as our own, and which by their complex and equally perfect organization, prove themselves to be as much the subjects of divine care, and 3 Life of John Hunter, by Sir Evsrard Homa, JOHN HUNTER. 169 in their own spheres as important in carrying out and completing the great scheme of the universe. We have thus already traced the life of John Hunter from youth to middle age ; from obscurity to eminence ; from adversity to prosperity ; and it remains for us now to notice those accessions of disease which rendered the tenure of his life one of extreme uncertainty. We have already stated that in the spring of 1769, he was confined to bed by a serious illness, — an acute attack of gout, which returned the three following springs, but not the fourth. In the spring of 1773, he became affected with very severe spasmodic symptoms, owing to disease of the heart. His next illness took place in 1776, and this appears to have been occasioned by inflammation in the arteries of the brain, which gave rise to morbid appearances that were recognized after death. It is said that this attack was occasioned by mental anxiety, arising from the circumstance of his being obliged to pay a large sum of money for a friend for whom he had become security, and which his circumstances rendered extremely inconvenient. After, on this occasion, taking certain refreshments, and feeling relieved, he ventured on attempting a journey of eight miles in a post-chaise ; but he became so much worse that he was obliged to go to bed, and was after- wards brought home in a post-chaise. The determination of blood to the head in particular, gave rise to many very remarkable symptoms. When he went to bed he felt giddy, and experienced a sensation of being suspended in the air. This latter painful feeling increased. The least motion of his head upon the pillow seemed to be so great that he scarcely dared attempt it. If he but moved his head half round, it appeared to be moving from him with great velocity. The idea he had of his own size was that of being only two feet long; and Avhen he drew up his foot or pushed it down, it seemed to be moving a vast way. His sensations became extremely acute or heightened ; he could not bear the least light, a curtain and blanket were obliged to be hung up before it, and the bed curtains closely drawn. He kept his eyes firmly closed, but if a candle was only passed across the room he could not bear it. His hearing was also painfully acute ; as was likewise his sense of smell and of taste ; every thing he put into his mouth appearing of a higher flavour than natural. After being bled, and subjected to other reducing treatment, he recovered from this severe attack ; but his constitution had received a shock, which nothing could surmount. An organic disease lurked within, which every excitement would aggravate, if not lead to direct and suddenly fatal consequences. He had no particular illness, however, from this period until 1785, " although," says Sir Everard Home, " he appeared much altered in his looks, and gave the idea of being much older than could be accounted for from the number of years which had elapsed." The physiognomy of death is often impressed on the features of the living, for some time before the fatal event occurs which severs them from their relations with the world. So was it with John Hunter ; — but in the beginning of the April of this latter year, he became attacked with a dreadfully severe spasmodic disease, which, like his similar attacks, was induced by mental anxiety. His feet, his hands, and then his chest became successively affected ; and in effect the exten- sion of the spasm became so considerable that he repeatedly swooned. " I was with him," says his accomplished brother-in-law, " during the whole of this attack, and never saw any thing equal to the agonies which he suffered ; and when he fainted away I thought him dead, as the pain did not seem to abate, but to carry him oft", having first completely exhausted him." Such were the intense sufferings he endured : nevertheless, he rallied, and partially recovered, nor did any thing of the kind particularly recur until the December of 1789, when at the house of a friend he became afflicted by a total loss of 170 JOHN HUNTER. memory. He did not know in what part of the town he was ; nor even the name of the street when told it ; nor where his own house was, nor had he any conception of any place existing beyond the room he was in, yet in the midst of all this was he perfectly conscious of the loss of memory. He was sensible of impressions of all kinds from the senses, and therefore looked out of the window, although rather dark, to see if he could be made sensible of the situation of the house; at length this loss of memory gradually went off, and in less than half an hour his memory was perfectly recovered. About a fortnight afterwards when visiting a patient, an attack, somewhat of a similar nature, recurred ; and during this illness he was attended by Dr Pitcairn and Dr Baillie. Amidst all the diseases and sufferings to which the living body is subjected, the changes which in an especial manner affect the mind, are interesting to all — whether professional or non-professional. His mental impressions during this attack were lively, indeed, often disagreeably so. His dreams had so much the strength of reality that they often awakened him ; but the remembrance of them remained perfect. " The sensation," says Sir Everard Home, " which he had in his head was not pain, but rather so unnatural as to give him the idea of having no head. The organs of sense (as in the former illness,) were painfully acute. He could not endure the light; and every thing had a yellow cast. Sounds were louder than natural, and every object had lost its true direction, leaning, as nearly as he could guess, to an angle of fifty or sixty degrees. His recovery from this attack was less perfect than from any other ; he never lost the obliquity of vision ; and his memory became much impaired. The recurrence too of the spasms became more frequent. The slightest exertion induced them. He never went to bed without their being brought on by the act of undressing himself; — they came on during the middle of the night ; — the least excitement in conversation was attended by them ; and even operations in surgery, if requiring any nicety, occasioned them. It is remarked by Sir Everard Home, that as his mind was irritated by trifles, these produced the most violent effects on his disease. " His coachman,'' says he, " being beyond his time, or a servant not attending to his directions, brought on the spasms, while a real misfortune produced no such effect He thus continued to drag on a painful and precarious existence, with the grave every moment threatening to open beneath his feet. At length the fatal event so long anticipated by his friends occurred ; it was sudden ; and occasioned, as his former fits had been, by mental excitement The circum- stances by which this was occasioned, are thus detailed by Dr Adams, who had a personal knowledge of them. " A law," says he, " concerning the qualifica- tions required for the admission of pupils, had been carried contrary to the wishes of 3Ir Hunter. At this lime he was applied to by a youth ignorant of the new regulation and consequently unprovided with any documents. His for- mer residence was at a great distance, and he was anxious not to lose time during an expensive stay in London, in fitting himself for professional service. 31r Hunter, to relieve himself from the irksomeness of pleading or explaining, requested the case might be drawn up in the form of a letter addressed to him- self. This he proposed to bring with him at the meeting of the next board. Notwithstanding this great caution, however, he felt the probability of a contest which he might prove unable to support On the succeeding day the writer of this, (Dr Adams,) had a very long conversation with him, in which we were insensibly led to his complaint ; a subject of all others the most interesting to his friends, and on which he never was backward in conversing. He was willing to hear every argument against the probable existence of an organic infirmity ; but it was easy to see that his own opinion remained the same. Nor did he fail JOHN HUNTER. 171 on this occasion, to revert to the effect which it had on his temper. On the fol- lowing day, I am informed from good authority, he told a baronet, who called on him in the morning, that he was going to the hospital ; that he was fearful some unpleasant rencounter would ensue, and if such should be the case, he knew it must be his death." Notwithstanding this presentiment, he chose to hazard the event, for the purpose of defending a youth, against what appeared to him an oppressive and unjust regulation. The generosity of such a motive is the best apology for the indiscretion in attending the meeting, at which such fatal conse- quences were, even by himself, apprehended. " On the 16th October," says Sir Everard Home," when in his usual state of health, he went to St George's hospital, and meeting with something which irritated his mind, and not being perfectly master of the circumstances, he withheld his sentiments ; in which state of restraint he went into the next room, and turning round to Dr Robin- son, one of the physicians to the hospita.l, he gave a deep groan, and dropped down dead." His body was conveyed from the hospital in a sedan chair, and underwent a careful medical examination, by which it appeared that among other morbid changes that had occurred, the arteries both of the heart and brain had undergone ossification. His funeral was attended by a few of his oldest medical friends, and his remains intei-red in the vault under the parish church of St Martin's in the Fields. He expired, it may be added, in his sixty-fifth year, the same age, at which his brother Dr William Hunter died. We have now noticed seriatim the principal events which characterized the life of this eminent surgeon, and throughout them we notice the manifestation of great mental energy, combined with considerable powers of originality. His early education had it is true been grievously neglected ; but this very fact left him at liberty to explore more freely new and untrodden paths, which men shackled by scholastic dogmas, and bowing with undue reverence to pre- existing authorities, seldom have the courage to attempt. With such men the deviation from established rules is regarded as a species of heterodoxy ; and their learning, therefore, chains them down to a fixed and never improving system. Thus it was with the majority of physicians who embraced, and then promulgated ex cathedra, the doctrines of Galen, Boerhaave, Stahl, and others ; but it was otherwise with John Hunter ; he was of no school ; he went with an unprejudiced mind to nature, and examined into all her operations with that freedom and independence which can alone advance the true interests of philo- sophy. He read very little. '* I have learned," says one of his biographers, " from a gentleman who was very intimate with him, that when he had made a discovery, it was his custom to relate it to Mr Cruickshanks , who frequently in- formed him that Haller had made the same observation before." In every de- partment of science, and even in general literature, such coincidences of observation will often occur ; and these too frequently have given rise to charges of wilful plagiarism, of which the suspected author was never guilty. John Hunter was a man of truly original observation ; and distinguished himself as much by the practical application of his knowledge, as by the ingenious theories which he adopted. As a surgeon, he was a bold but judicious, a quick yet skilful operator ; and suggested many improvements in the mode of performing difficult operations. He discovered the method of operating for popliteal aneu- rism by taking up the femoral artery on the anterior part of the thigh without interfering with the tumour in the ham, by which the pain, and danger, and future sufferings of the patient are materially mitigated. This indeed ranks among the most important of the improvements which have recently been intro- duced into the practice of surgery. It may be added, that John Hunter always held the showy part of surgery in the lowest estimation. " To perform an 172 JOHN HUNTER. operation," said he, " is to mutilate a patient whom we are unable to cure ; it should therefore be considered as an acknowledgment of the imperfection of our art" How different a sentiment is this from that entertained by some eminent surgeons, who, with much surgical skill but little humanity, recom- mend operations at the risk of the patient's life, and handle the knife, when in the public theatre, rather with the view of exhibiting their own dexterous manipulation, than with that of relieving the condition of the unfortunate being who writhes beneath the torture which is so coolly and ostentatiously inflicted. In the former part of our memoir we adverted to the difficulties which this eminent surgeon experienced for some years in struggling against those pecuniary adversities, which seem in an especial manner to oppress men of superior mental endowments. But the subsequent tenor of his career teaches a lesson which cannot too strongly be inculcated ; — that resolution, industry, and perseverance, will in the end baifie the evil genius which seems at first to throw thorns and impediments around our path. During the first eleven years of his practice, which, it must be admitted, was for him a long and tedious mental probation, his income never amounted to a thousand pounds a year ; however, the four succeeding years it exceeded that sum ; and for several years previous to his death, it increased to five, and was at that period six thousand pounds a year. Whatever difficulties, therefore, at first beset his progress were event- ually surmounted ; he attained the highest rank in his profession ; he was uni- versally esteemed and extolled as a man of general science ; he had as much practice as he could attend to ; his emoluments were considerable ; and if we raise up the curtain of domestic life, we shall find him cheered by the society of a wife whom he loved ; whose superior mental accomplishments rendered her a fit companion even for a man of his elevated scientific rank ; besides all which, he was the parent of two children, in whom, it was natural that his best hopes and warmest affections should be centered. " Nor," says Dr Adams, " was he in- sensible of these blessings ; he has often told me, that if he had been allowed to bespeak a pair of children, they should have been those with which providence had favoured him." But the cup of human enjoyment seldom mantles to the brim without containing some drops of alloying bitterness ; and there is no doubt but that professional anxieties and ill health rendered his temper irritable and impetuous. He was, says Sir Everard Home, readily provoked, and when irritated not easily soothed. His disposition was candid and free from reserve, even to a fault He hated deceit, and as he was above every kind of artifice, he detested it in others, and too openly avowed his sentiments. His mind was uncommonly active ; it was naturally formed for investigation, and that turn displayed itself on the most trivial occasions, and always with mathematical exactness. What is curious, it fatigued him to be long in mixed company which did not admit of connected conversation, more particularly during the last ten years of his life. He required less relaxation than other men ; seldom sleeping more than four hours in the night, but almost always nearly an hour after dinner : this probably arose from the natural turn of his mind being so much adapted to his own occupations, that they were in reality his amusements, and therefore did not fatigue. We have already seen how much time, even amidst his arduous professional toils and miscellaneous pursuits, he devoted to comparative anatomy, and in collecting preparations to illustrate every department of that interesting science. The museum which he succeeded in founding, remains to this day a monument of his industry, perseverance, and ingenuity. Here we find arranged in a JOHN HUNTER. 173 regular order. of progressive classification every species of animate being, or link in the chain of organization, from the lowest vegetable, in which life can be scarcely recognized, up to man ; but no account or description, however minute, can do adequate justice to such a collection. By his will he left it, under the discretion of his executors, to be sold for the benefit of his family, in one entire lot, to the government of Great Britain ; or in case of refusal, to any other government or state which would offer such a price for it, as all parties might consider reasonable. Six years after his death, it was purchased by the British parliament for fifteen thousand pounds, and given to the College of Surgeons, on condition that twenty-four lectures should be delivered annually to members of the college, and that under certain regulations it should be open to the public We thus find that, while his elder brother completed a museum which does honour to the university in which it is preserved, the younger, by his in- dustry and perseverance, completed another, which has been pronounced by the most competent judges to be an honour to his country. How practical a lesson does this afford of the prodigious achievements which may be accomplished by the sustained perseverance and labours of a single individual ! In personal appearance, John Hunter was much below the ordinary mid- dle stature ; but his body was well formed for muscular exertion, and when in health he was .always extremely active. His countenance was open, and although impressed with lines of thought, was by no means habitually severe ; on the contrary, its expression soon softened into tenderness, or became lighted up by mirth, according as the impression swept across his mind. When Lavater saw his print, he said ** That man thinks for himself," an opinion which the whole tenor of his actions will be seen to have verified. An admirable portrait of him was painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds, of which a spirited engraving was executed by Mr Sharpe. A bust also of him was modeled by a Mr Bacon, in the modeling of which he was assisted by a cast taken during life. He was quick in manner, and " in conversation," says Sir Everard Home, " spoke too freely and harshly of his contemporaries;" but this, we are given to understand, arose rather from his conviction that surgery was still in its infancy, than from any uncharitable motive, or wish to depreciate his contemporaries. From almost the earliest periods in society, medical men have been stigmatized for displaying the " odium medicum ;" but the fact is, that men educated to the practice of an art, the principles of which are not cognizable to the public, are apt to treat with intolerance the pretensions of men who, they have reason to know, not- withstanding they may have crept into a certain degree of favour, are ignorant perhaps of the most elementary principles of their profession. The observations of John Hunter, even on casual occasions, were often remarkably pointed, and significant of his very acute and discriminating mental powers. On one occasion, having been heard to express regret that we must all die, a physician present took advantage of the opportunity to inquire whether it was true that his brother had in his last moments expressed how " pleasant a thing it is to die ?" to which he immediately replied, " 'tis poor work when it comes to that," evidently in- sinuating a doubt as to the moral correctness of any such sentiments, which, as we have before hinted, we regard as a rash declaration, incompatible with the sufferings, condition, and mysterious, yet infinitely important prospects of any man on the brink of that future world, which, seriously regarded, must suggest reflections of a very different, and far more solemn nature. Few men were more generous than John Hunter, and the only fault which can impugn his memory is, that in executing his designs for the benefit of science, he neglected too much the interests of his wife and children. It is to be regretted that the 174 JOHN HUNTER. ambition of being serviceable to mankind, should hurry any man away from the more immediate consideration of the wants and condition of his own family; for not all the advantages conferred on posterity, nor all the fame that is trumpeted abroad in his honour, can compensate for a single pang of that widowed bosom which, from such neglect, may have to endure the keen and bitter sorrows of unpitied poverty. We say this without disparagement to the many excellent qualities which distinguished the character of John Hunter, a name which will be ever highly esteemed in the annals of British surgery. We cannot, however, conclude this memoir without pausing to notice more fully the estimable qualities of the lady to whom it was his good fortune to be united. She possessed personal attractions of the highest order ; " into what- ever assembly she entered," says one who appears to have been acquainted with her. " the delicacy of her face, with the commanding gi-ace of her person, gave her a peculiar air of distinction, and seldom failed to attract attention. Hut she never ascribed to her own merit the notice she received in society ; feeling herself the wife of a celebrated man, she was fond of imputing the attention she received to the influence of his character ; doing injustice to herself from a generous pride of owing every thing to him ; and she never appeared so much gratified by attention as when she supposed it was shown to her for his sake."4 The same competent authority states, that " during her husband's life they lived in a liberal and hospitable manner. Mr Hunter was too much devoted to science to attend much to his worldly affairs, and too careless of money to be rich. He did not leave his family in affluence, yet so circumstanced that his widow always supported a most respectable appearance, and was visited by the first society." We repeat that we do not think that any man's devotion to science affords the slightest apology or ground of excuse for leaving those to whom he should be bound by the most sacred ties of attachment, in neglected circumstances. On the death of her husband, Mrs John Hunter withdrew from society, and spent her life almost entirely in retirement. After a lingering ill- ness, which she bore with much patience and resignation, she died on 7th January, 1821, in the 79th year of her age, leaving behind her a son and daughter, the former a major in the army, and the latter the widow of general Campbell, son of the late Sir James Campbell of Inverneil. Besides her many amiable domestic qualifications, to which all who knew her bore testimony, she was exceedingly accomplished ; and occasionally during her husband's lifetime, mingled in society with Horace Walpole, Mrs Carter, 31 rs Vesey, and other characters well known in the literary world. She sang and played with admirable taste, and had a talent for poetry which she chiefly dis- played in the production of songs and poems, which were characterized by much refinement of thought, sensibility of feeling, and delicacy of expression. Among the former, " The Son of Alknomook " and " Queen Mary's Lament," became extremely popular ; among the latter, her verses " On November, 1784," a beautiful address to fancy, under the title of " La Douce Chimere," with several other minor poems, display much feeling and imagination.5 We cannot conclude this memoir more appropriately than by transcribing the follow- ing little poem of hers, not that we have selected it as a specimen of her general poetical power, but because it was for the first time published in the Scots Magazine for March, 1821, and may not, on that account, be generally known : — * Register of Deaths, Scots Magazine, 1824. * She collected her poems and songs and published them in a small volume in the year 1606. DR. JAMES HUTTON. 175 THE LOT OF THOUSANDS. How many lift the head, look gay, and smile. Against their consciences ?— Yuung. When hope lies dead within the heart. By secret sorrow close concealed, We shrink, lest looks or words impart What must not be revealed. 'Tis hard to smile when one could weep, To speak when one would silent be ; To wake when one should wish to sleep, And wake to agony. Yet such the lot by thousands cast, Who wander in this world of care, And bend beneath the bitter blast, To save them from despair. But nature waits her guests to greet, Where disappointment cannot come , And time guides with unerring feet The weary wanderers home. HUTTON, (Dr) James, an eminent philosophical character, was born in Edinburgh on the 3rd June, 1726. His father was a respectable merchant, who for many years held the office of city treasurer, and was admired by all who knew him, for his sound judgment and strict integrity. He died while James was very young; the care, therefore, of her son's education devolved upon Mrs Hutton, whose great maternal kindness was only exceeded by her desire to give her son a liberal education. She sent him first to the High school of Edinburgh, and afterwards to the university, where he entered as a student of humanity in 1740. Professor M'Laurin was then the most celebrated teacher in that semi- nary, but though Dr Hutton admired his lectures, he did not seem much disposed towards the science which he taught. To professor Stevenson's prelections on logic may be attributed the first direction given to young Hutton's genius, not so much for having made him a logician, but for having accidentally directed his mind towards the science of chemistry. The professor having casually men- tioned in one of his lectures, in illustration of some general doctrine, the fact, that gold is dissolved in aqua regia, and that two acids, which can each of them singly dissolve any baser metals, must unite their strength before they can at- tack the most precious ; the phenomenon struck so forcibly on the mind of Hutton, that he began to search with avidity after books which might explain its cause, and afford him an opportunity of pursuing a study altogether new. He at first found some embarrassments in his pursuit from the superficial works that came to his hands, and it was from Harris's Lexicon Techni that he first derived his knowledge of chemistry, and which by a sort of elective attraction drew his mind all at once to a favourite study, that decided his prospects in life. Though he pursued his academical studies with closeness and regularity, and evinced a taste and capacity for instruction, his friends did not see much profit likely to arise from scientific pursuits, and accordingly persuaded him to adopt some profession, which, though much against his inclination, he agreed to, and was accordingly placed as an apprentice with Mr George Chalmers, writer to the signet, in 1743. The dry routine of a laborious profession in a less ardent 17G DR. JAMES HUTTON. mind might have checked, if not for ever destroyed, those seeds of genius which were as yet scarce called into life ; but so strong v.as 3Ir Hutton's propensity for scientific study, that, instead of copying papers, and making himself acquainted with legal proceedings, he was oftener found amusing himself with his fellow apprentices in chemical experiments ; so that Mr Chalmers was forced to ac- knowledge that the business of a writer was one in which he had little chance to succeed. With a fatherly kindness, he therefore advised young Hutton to embrace some other employment more suitable to his inclinations, and relieved him at once from the obligations he came under as his apprentice. How much is science indebted to that liberal-minded man ! Having now to fix upon another profession, he selected that of medicine, as being the most nearly allied to chemistry, and began to study under Dr George Young, and at the same time attended the lectures at the university from 1744 to 1747. The schools of medicine in Edinburgh at that time had not arrived at the high perfection for which they are now so justly celebrated, and it was thought indispensably neces- sary that a physician should finish his education on the continent. Mr Hutton accordingly proceeded to Paris, where he applied himself closely to anatomy and chemistry. After remaining for two years in France, he returned home by the way of the Low Countries, and took the degree of doctor of medicine at Leyden in 1749. On arriving in London, about the end of that year, he began seriously to re- flect upon his prospects in life, and he soon saw, that however much he wished to establish himself in his native city as a physician, there were many obstacles which seemed insurmountable. He was a young man whose merit was unknown, and whose connexions, though respectable, had no power to assist him, the business being then in the hands of a few eminent practitioners who had been long known and established. All this seems to have made a deep impression on his mind, and he expressed himself with much anxiety on the subject in cor- responding with his friends in Edinburgh. Amongst these there was one, a young man nearly of his own age, whose habits and pursuits were congenial with his own, and with whom he had tried many novel experiments in chemis- try ; amongst the best was one on the nature and properties of sal ammoniac. This friend, whose name was James Davie, had, in Mr Hutton's absence, pushed his inquiries on the subject to a considerable extent ; tbe result of which afforded him a well-grounded hope of being able to establish a profitable manu- factory of that salt from coal-soot. Mr Davie communicated the project to his friend in London, who, with a mind as yet undecided on any fixed pursuit, re- turned to Edinburgh in 1750, and abandoning entirely his views on the practice of medicine, resolved to apply himself to agriculture. What his motives were for taking this step it is difficult to ascertain. His father had left him a small property in Berwickshire, and being of an independent and unambitious mind, despising avarice and vanity alike, he most probably looked upon the business of a farmer as entitled to a preference above any other. But not being dis- posed to do any thing in a superficial way, he determined to gain a knowledge of rural economy in the best school of the day. For this purpose he went into Norfolk, and took up his residence in the house of a farmer, from whom he ex- pected to receive sufficient instruction. He appears to have enjoyed his situation very much, — the natural simplicity of his disposition according well with the plain, blunt characters around him. It lias been remarked of Dr Hutton, that to men of an ordinary grade of mind, he appeared to be an ordinary man possessing little more spirit perhaps than is usually to be met with. This circumstance made his residence in Norfolk quite agreeable, as even there he could for a time forget his great acquire- DR. JAMES HUTTOtf. 177 ments, and mingle with the simple characters around him, in so cordial a manner, as to make them see nothing in the stranger to set them at a distance from liim, or induce them to treat him with reserve. In years after, when surrounded by his literary friends, the philosopher loved to describe the happy hours he spent while under the humble roof of honest John Dyhold, from whom he had learned so many good practical lessons in husbandry. From his residence in Norfolk, he made many journeys on foot through other parts of England to ob- tain information in agriculture, and it was in the course of these rambles that, to amuse himself on the road, he first began to study mineralogy and geology. In a letter to Sir John Hall of Douglas, a gentleman possessed of much taste for science, he says, while on his perambulations, " that he was become very fond of studying the surface of the earth, and was looking with anxious curiosity, into every pit, or ditch, or bed of a river, that fell in his way, and that if he did not always avoid the fate of Thales, his misfortune was certainly not owing to the same cause." This letter was written from Yarmouth in 1753. With the view of still further increasing his knowledge of agriculture, he set out for Flanders, where good husbandry was well understood, long before it was introduced into Britain, and travelling through Holland, Brabant, Flanders, and Picardy, he returned about the middle of summer, 1751. Notwithstanding all he had seen to admire in the garden culture that prevailed in Holland, and the husbandry in Flanders, he says, in a letter to his friend Sir John Hall, from London, " Had I a doubt of it before I set out, I should have returned fully convinced that they are good husbandmen in Norfolk." Many observations made on that journey, particulai'ly on mineralogy, are to be found in his Theory of the Earth. As he was now sufficiently initiated in a knowledge of agriculture, he wished to apply himself to the practice in his own country; and for that purpose, returned to Scotland at the end of summer. He at first hesitated on the choice of a situation where he might best carry his improved plans of farming into effect, and at last fixed upon his own patrimony in Berwickshire. From Norfolk he brought with him a plough and ploughman, who set the first example of good tillage. It was a novel sight for the surrounding farmers to see the plough drawn by two horses, without an accompanying driver. The new system was, however, found to succeed in all its parts, and was quickly adopted, so that Dr Hutton has the credit of introducing the new husbandry into a country where it has, since his time, made more rapid improvements than in any other in Europe. He resided on his farm until the year 176 S, occasionally making a tour into the Highlands, with his friend Sir George Clerk, upon gealogical inquiries, as lie was now studying that branch of science with unceasing attention While residing on his farm for the last fourteen years, he was also engaged in the sal ammoniac work, which had been actually established on the founda- tion of the experiments already made by his friend and himself, but the busi- ness remained in Mr Davie's name only till 1765, when a copartnership was regularly entered into, and the manufactory carried on in the name of both. As his farm, from excellent management, progressively improved, it became a more easy task, and to a mind like his, less interesting ; so that finding a good opportunity of letting it to advantage, he did so, and became a resident in Edinburgh in the year 1768, from which time he devoted his whole life to scientific pursuits. This change of residence was accompanied with many ad- vantages he seldom enjoyed before ; — having the entire command of his own time, he was enabled to mix in a society of friends whose minds were congenial with his own ; among whom were Sir George Clerk, his brother Mr Clerk of Eldin, Dr Black, Mr Russel, professor of natural philosophy, professor Adam Ferguson, Dr James Lind, and others. Surrounded by so many emineut 178 DR. JAMES IIUTTON. diameters, by all of whom lie was beloved and respected, from the vast fund of information he possessed, he emplqyed his lime in maturing- his views ami searching into the secrets of nature with unwearied zeal. In one of these ex- periments he discovered that mineral alkali is contained in zeolite. On boiling the gelatinous substance obtained from combining that fossil with muriatic acid, he found that, after evaporation, the salt was formed. Dr Play fair thinks this to be the first instance of an alkali being discovered in a stony body. The ex- periments of 31. Klaprath and Dr Kennedy have confirmed the conclusion, and led to others of the same kind. With a view of completing his Theory of the Earth, he made many journeys into different parts of England and Wales, and on visiting the salt mines of Cheshire, he made the curious observations of the con- centric circles marked on the roofs of these mines, to which he has referred in his Theory, as affording a proof that the salt rock was not formed from mere aqueous deposition. In 1777, Dr Hutton's first publication was given to the world in the shape of a pamphlet, on the " Nature, Quality, and Distinctions of Coal and Culm." This was occasioned by a question which the board of customs and privy coun- cil wished to have settled, in order to fix on the proportion of duty the one should bear with the other when carried coastwise. Dr Hutton's pamphlet was considered so ingenious and satisfactory, that an exemption of the small coal of Scotland from paying duty on such short voyages was the consequence. He took a lively interest in promoting the arts of his native country, and devoted much of his time and attention to the project of an internal navigation between the Firths of Forth and Clyde. He read several papers in the Philosophical Society, before its incorporation with the Royal Society, (none of which were then published, with the exception of one in the second volume of the Transac- tions of the Pioyal Society,) " on certain natural appearances of the ground on the hill of Arthur's Seat." His zeal for the support of science in Edinburgh induced him to come forward and communicate to the Royal Society a Sketch of a Theory of the Earth, the perfecting of which had occupied his constant atten- tion for a period of thirty years, during which time he had never ceased to study the natural history of the globe, with a view of ascertaining all the changes that have taken place on its surface, and discovering the causes by which they have been produced; and from his great skill as a mineralogist, and having examined the great leading facts of geology with his own eyes, and carefully- studied every learned work on the natural history of the earth, it must be ac- knowledged that few men could enter better prepared on so arduous a task. As this Theory is so well known, and has been the subject of so much contro- versy, our limits will not permit us to enter upon it here; we therefore refer our readers to the book itself. Dr Kirwan of Dublin, and others, considered Dr Hutton's Theory both eccentric and paradoxical, and charged him with presumption in speculating on subjects to which the mere human understanding is incompetent to reach, while some gave a preference to the system of Berkeley, as more simple and philoso- phical ; but notwithstanding all the attacks which the new doctrines of Hutton were subjected to, he had the proud satisfaction of being fortified in his opinions by many great and good men, who were bound to him by the closest ties of friendship. Dr Black, Mr Clerk of Eldin, and professor Playfair, as occasion required, were willing and ready to vindicate his hypothesis. But setting aside all these considerations, there existed in the work itself many faults, which con- tributed not a little to prevent Dr Hutton's system from making a due impression on the world. In the opinion of his greatest defender, professor Playfair, " It was proposed too briefly, and with too litile detail of facts for a system which DR. JAMES MUTTON. 179 involved so much that was new and opposite to the opinions generally received. The description which it contains of the phenomena of geology, suppose in the reader too great a knowledge of the things described, The reasoning is some- times embarrassed by the care taken to render it strictly logical, and the tran- sitions, from the author's peculiar notions of arrangement, are often unex- pected and abrupt. These defects, run more or less through all Dr Hutton's writings, and produce a degree of obscurity astonishing to all who knew him, and who heard him every day converse, with no less clearness and precision than animation and force." In the same volume of the Transactions appeared a paper by him, " A Theory of Rain," which he afterwards published in his " Physical Dissertations." Having long studied meteorology with great attention, this ingenious theory attracted almost immediate notice, and was valued for affording a distinct notion of the manner in which cold acts in causing a precipitation of humidity. It met, however, from M. De Luc with a vigorous and determined opposition ; Dr Hutton defended it with some warmth, and the controversy was carried on with much sharpness on both sides. In his observations in meteorology, he is said to be the first who thought of ascertaining the medium temperature of any climate by the temperature of its springs. With this view he made a great number of observations in different parts of Great Britain, and found, by a singular enough coincidence between two arbitrary measures quite independent of each other, that the temperature of springs along the east coast of this island varies a degree of Fahrenheit's ther- mometer for a degree of latitude. This rate of change, though it cannot be general over the whole globe, is probably not far from the truth for all the northorn parts of the temperate zone. In explaining the diminution of tem- perature as we ascend in the atmosphere, Dr Hutton was much more fortunate tban any other of the philosophers who have considered the same subject. It is well known that the condensation of air converts part of the latent into sensible heat, and that the rarefaction of air converts part of the sensible into latent heat ; tins is evident from the experiment of the air gun, and from many others. If, therefore, we suppose a given quantity of air to be suddenly transported from the surface to any height above, it will expand on account of the diminution of pressure, and a part of its heat becoming latent it will be rendered colder than before. Thus, also, when a quantity of heat ascends by any means whatever from one stratum of air to a superior stratum, a part of it becomes latent, so that an equilibrium of heat can never be established among the strata ; but those which are less, must always remain colder than those which are more compressed. This was Dr Hutton's explanation, and it contains no hypothetical principle whatsoever. After those publications already mentioned had appeared, he resolved to undertake journeys into different parts of Scotland, in order to ascer- tain whether that conjunction of granite and schistus, which his theory supposed, actually took place. His views were first turned towards the Grampians, which the duke of Athol learning, invited him to accompany him during the shooting season into Glentilt, a tract of country situated under these mountains. On arriving there, he discovered in the bed of the river Tilt, which runs through that glen, many veins of red granite traversing the black micaceous schistus, and producing by a contrast of colour an effect that might be striking even to an unskilful observer. So vivid were the emotions he displayed at this spectacle, that his conductors never doubted his having discovered a vein of gold or silver. Dr Hutton has described the appearances at that spot, in the third volume of the Edinburgh Transactions, p. 79, and some excellent drawings of the glen were made by Mr Clark, whose pencil was not less valuable in the sciences than in the arts. 180 DR- JAMES HUTTON. He pursued his observations with unabated ardour, and in the two next years, with bis friend Mr Clark, made several excursions into Galloway, the island of \rran and the neighbourhood of Jedburgh. In all of these he discovered the same conjunction, though not in so complete a manner, as among the Gram- pians. In 1788, he made some other valuable observations ot the same kind. The rid^e of the Lammermoor hills in the south of Scotland consists of the Silurian or graywacke formation (then named primary by Hutton, but after- wards found to belong to the transition series), which extends from St Abb's-head south-westward to Portpatrick, and into the north of Ireland. The sea-coast at Eyemouth and St Abb's-head exhibits striking sections of these rocks, which there appear contorted and dislocated in a remarkable manner. The junction of the graywacke with the secondary strata was an object of instructive interest to Hutton. In the same year he accompanied the Duke of Athol to the Isle of Man, with the view of making a survey of that island. He found the main body of the island to consist of what he termed primitive schistus (graywacke), much inclined, and more intersected with quartzose veins than the corresponding rocks in the south and south east of Scotland. The direction of these strata corresponded with that of the graywacke rocks in Galloway, running nearly from east to west. This is all the general information he obtained from that excursion. It was reserved for later geological researches to determine the true nature and relations of the Silurian or graywacke series, by means of the fossils which they have been found to contain. It was not till after Hutton's day that geologists became palaeontological. Notwithstanding his assiduous attention to geology, Dr Hutton found leisure to speculate on subjects of a different nature. A voluminous work from his pen made its appearance soon after the Physical Dissertations: — "An Investigation of the Principles of Knowledge, and the Progress of Reason, from Sense to Science and Philosophy," in three volumes quarto. In this treatise he formed a general system of physics and metaphysics. His opinions on the former subjects were very singular. He deprives matter of those qualities which are usually deemed most essential, solidity, impenetrability, and the vis inertia?. He conceived it to be merely an assemblage of powers acting variously upon each other, and that external things are no more like the perceptions they give, than wine is similar to intoxication, or opium to the delirium it produces. It would be vain in us to attempt to analyse this singular work, which cannot fail to recall to the mind the opinions of the ingenious Dr Berkeley; the two systems agree in many mate- rial points, but differ essentially in others. In deference to the opinions of so great a man as Dr Hutton, we shall inform our readers of the view taken of the moral tendency of his work by his friend professor Playfair, who no doubt scrutinized very deeply its metaphysical specu- lations, as he in part, if not altogether, became a convert of the Huttonian system. " Indeed," gays he, " Mr Hutton has taken great pains to deduce from his system, in a singular manner, the leading doctrines of morality and natu- ral religion, having dedicated the third volume of his book almost wholly to that object. It is worthy to remark, that while he is thus employed his style assumes a better tone, and a much greater degree of perspicuity than it usually possesses. Many instances might be pointed out, where the warmth of its benevolent and moral feelings, bursts through the clouds that so often veil from us the clearest ideas of his understanding. One, in particular, deserves notice, in which he treats of the importance of the female character to society in a state of high civilization. A felicity of expression, and a flow of natural eloquence, inspired by so interesting a subject, make us regret that his pen did not more frequently do justice to his thoughts." Dr Hutton was seized with a severe and dangerous DR. JAMES HUTTON. 181 illness in the summer of 1793, and, although before this time he had enjoyed a long- continuance of good health, such was the painful nature of his complaint that he was reduced to great weakness, and confined to his room for many months, where, on his regaining some degree of strength, he amused himself in superintending the publication of the work just mentioned. During his recovery he was roused from his quiet into further exertion by a severe attack made on his Theory of the Earth, by Dr Kirwan, in the Memoirs of the Irish Academy, ren- dered formidable by the celebrity of the author. Before this period, Dr Hutton had often been urged to publish the entire work on the Theory of the Earth, which he had constantly put off — so much so, that there seemed some danger ol its not appearing in his life-time. The very day, however, after Kirwan's paper was put in his hands, he began the revisal of his manuscript and resolved imme- diately to send it to press. The work was accordingly published in two volumes octavo, in 1 795. He next turned his attention to a work on husbandry, on which he had written a great deal, the fruit both of his vast reading and practical experience. He proposed to reduce the whole into a systematic form under the title of " Elements of Agriculture." The time, however, was fast approaching which was to terminate the exertions of a mind of such singular activity and ardour in the pursuit of knowledge. In the course of the winter, 1796, he became gradually weaker, and extremely emaciated from the pain he suffered from a recurrence of his former complaint, though he still retained the full activity and acuteness of his mind. " Saussure's Voyages aux Alps," which had just reached him that winter, was the last study of one eminent geologist, as they were the last work of another. On Saturday the 26th March, 1797, although in great pain, he employed himself in writing and noting down his remarks on some attempts which were then making towards a new inineralogical nomenclature. In the evening he was seized with shivering fits, and as these continued to increase, he sent for his friend Dr Russel. Before he could arrive, all assistance was in vain. Dr Hutton had just strength left to stretch out his hand to the physician, and immediately expired. Dr Hutton was possessed of an uncommon activity and ardour of mind, upheld in science by whatever was new, beautiful, or sublime; and that those feelings oper- ated with more intense power in early life, may account for the want of stability he displayed, and the difficulty he felt in settling down to any one fixed pursuit. Geology and mineralogy were to him two of the most sublime branches of physical science. The novelty and grandeur offered by the study to the imagina- tion, the simple and uniform order given to the whole natural history of the earth, and above all, the views opened of the wisdom that governs the universe, are things to which hardly any mind could be insensible, but to him they were matters, not of transient delight, but of solid and permanent happiness. He studied with an indefatigable perseverance, and allowed no professional, and rarely any domestic arrangement, to interrupt his uniform course. He dined early, almost always at home, ate sparingly, and drank no wine. The evening he spent in the society of friends, who were always delighted and instructed by his animated conversation, which, whether serious or gay, was replete with ingenious and original observation. When he sought relaxation from the studies of the day, and joined the evening party, a bright glow of cheerfulness spread itself over every countenance ; and the philosopher who had just descended from the sublimest speculations in metaphysics, or risen from the deepest research in geology, seated himself at the tea-table, as much disengaged from thought, and as cheerful and joyous, as the youngest of the company. Professor Stewart, in his life of Mr Smith, has alluded to a little society that 182 SIR JAMES INGLIS. then flourished in Edinburgh, called the Oyster Club. Of this, Dr Black, Dr Hutton, and Ma Smith were the founders. When time and opportunity admitted, these distinguished men could unbend one to the other, and on such occasions Dr Hutton delighted in blending the witty and ludicrous in his conversation. Round them soon formed a circle of choice spirits, who knew how to value their familiar and social converse ;. and it would be vain to look for a company more sincerely united, where every tiling favourable to good society was more per- fectly cultivated, and every thing opposite more strictly excluded. Dr Hutton was never married, but lived with his sisters, three amiable women, who managed his domestic affairs. Though he cared little for money, he had accumulated considerable wealth, owing to his moderation and unassuming man- ner of life, as well as from the great ability with which his long-tried friend, Mr Davie, conducted their joint concern. Miss Isabella Hutton remained to lament her brother's loss, and by her his collection of fossils were given to Dr Black, who presented them to the Royal Society of Edinburgh, under the condition that they should be completely arranged, and kept for ever apart, for the purpose of illustrating the Huttonian Theory of the Earth. INGLIS, or ENGLISH, (Sir) James, an ingenious writer of the early part of the sixteenth century, is chiefly known as the supposed author of the " Com- playnt of Scotland," a very curious political and fanciful work, published ori- ginally at St Andrews in 1548 or 1549, and the earliest Scottish prose work in existence. Of this learned person, Mackenzie has given an account in his Lives of Scottish W riters ; but it is so obviously made up of a series of mere conjectures stated as facts, that we must reject it entirely. According to more respectable authority, Inglis was a dignified priest (which accounts for the Sir attached to his name), and appears from authentic documents to have been, in 1515, secretary to queen Margaret, widow of James IV. Care must be taken to distinguish him from his contemporary John Inglis, who served James IV. as a manager of plays and entertainments, and who is stated to have been present with Sir David Lindsay in the church of Linlithgow, when that sovereign was warned by a supposed ap- parition against his expedition into England. Sir James Inglis was, neverthe- less, a writer of plays, being the subject of the following allusion in Sir David Lindsay's Testament of the Fapingo : " And in the court bin present in thir da vis, That ballattis brcvis lustely, and la\ is, Quhilkis to our prince daily thay do present, Quho can say more than Schir James English says, In ballattis, farcis, and in pleasaunt plaies; Redd in cunmng, in practyek ncht prudent ; But Culross hath made his pen impotent. * It will be observed that Inglis is here indirectly spoken of as one of the poets who haunted the court of James V. Even in the preceding reign, how- ever, he appears to have been on an intimate footing at court, as a man of learning. James IV. whose devotion to alchymy is well known, writes a letter (extant in the " Epistolae Regum Scotoruni,") to Mr James Inglis, to the follow- THOMAS INNES. 183 ing effect : " We have thankfully received your letter, by which you inform us that you are in possession of the abstruse books of the Sound Philosophy ; which, as certain most deserving persons have begged them of you, you with difficulty preserve for our use, having heard that we are addicted to the study of that art." Of the ballads and plays composed by Inglis, not a vestige now re- mains, unless a poem attributed to him in the Maitland MS. and as such printed by Hailes and Sibbald, entitled " A General Satire," be held as a specimen of one of those kinds of composition, and be really a production of his pen. In a charter of 1 9th February, 1527, Inglis is styled chancellor of the royal chapel of Stirling ; and he appears to have been soon after raised to the dignity of abbot of Culross, a promotion which, if we may believe his friend Lindsay, spoiled him as a poet. It was eventually attended with still more fatal effects. Having provoked the wrath of a neighbouring baron, William Blackater of Tulliallan, the abbot of Culross was by that individual cruelly slain, March I, 1 530. The causes of this bloody deed do not appear ; but the sensation created by it throughout the community was very great. Sir William Lothian, a priest of the same abbey, who was an accomplice of the principal assassin, was public- ly degraded on a scaffold at Edinburgh, in presence of the king and queen, and next day he and the laird of Tulliallan were beheaded. It would hardly be worth while to advert so minutely to a person, who, whatever was his genius, is not certainly known as the author of any existing composition, if the name were not conspicuous in works of Scottish literary history, and must therefore continue to be inquired for in such compilations as the present. Inglis, if the same individual as this abbot of Culross, could have no pretensions to the honour put upon him by some writers, of having written the " Complaynt of Scotland ;" for that curious specimen of our early literature was undeniably written in 1548, eighteen years after the death of the abbot. In the obscurity, however, which prevails regarding the subject of the present notice, we cannot deny that he may have been a different person, and may have survived even to the date assigned for his death by Mackenzie — 1554 ; in which case he could have been the author of the Complaynt. That a Sir James Inglis existed after 1530, and had some connexion with Culross, appears pretty cer- tain from the passage in the Testament of the Papingo, which is understood to have been written in 1538. But, on the other hand, there is no authority for assigning the authorship of the Complaynt to any Sir James Inglis, except that of Dr Mackenzie, which rests on no known foundation, and, from the general character of that biographical writer, is not entitled to much respect. Some further inquiries into this subject will be found under the head James Wed- DERBURN. INNES, Thomas, an historian and critical antiquary, known to the students of early Scottish history by the title of " Father limes," was a priest of the Scot- tish college at Paris, during the earlier part of the 1 8th century. It is not creditable to the literature of our country during the period just mentioned, that the meritorious labours of this highly acute investigator have been so little noticed, and that no one has thought it worth while to leave memorials sufficient to enable posterity to know any thing of his life and character. His labours to discover the true sources of Scottish history proved an ungrateful task ; they were unacceptable to the prejudices of the time, and have hardly been appreciated until the memory of the individual who undertook them had quietly sunk into oblivion. In these circumstances any scrap of information which we can pro- cure on the subject is peculiarly valuable. We perceive from a few words in the preface to his Critical Essay, that he received the rudiments of education in Scotland, and that he must have left his native country early in life for a per- 184 THOMAS INNES. inanent residence abroad, probably, if we may judge from slight circumstances, along with the exiled monarch James II. His words are — " Though an honour- able gentleman of my own country, and another learned English gentleman, were so kind as to revise the language, and to alter such exotic words or ex- pressions as it was natural should drop from me, I doubt not but the English reader will still meet in this essay with too many marks of my native language and foreign education." But the most interesting, and indeed the principal notice which we have been able to obtain of this individual, is from the diary of the industrious Wodrow for the year 1724, where we find the laborious antiquary worming his way through libraries in search of materials. It may be remarked, that the work on the Early History of the Church of Scotland, which is men- tioned by Wodrow as the subject on which he was engaged, was intended as a second part to the ". Critical Essay," but has, unfortunately for our information on a very interesting subject, not been given to the world. The passage we refer to is as follows : — " There is one father Innes, a priest, brother to father Innes of the Scottish college at Paris, who has been at Edinburgh all this winter, and mostly in the Advocates' library, in the hours when open, looking books and 31SS. He is not engaged in politics as far as can be guessed; and is a monkish, bookish person, who meddles with nothing but literature. I saw him at Edinburgh. He is upon a design to write an account of the first settlement of Christianity in Scot- land, as Mr Ruddiman informs me, and pretends to show that Scotland was Christianized at first from Rome ; and thinks to answer our ordinary arguments against this from the difference between the keeping of easter from the custom of Rome ; and pretends to prove that there were many variations as to the day of easter even at Rome, and that the usages in Scotland, pretended to be from the Greek church, are very agreeable to the Romish customs that he thinks were used by the popes, about the time that (he) gives account of our differences as to easter. " This father Innes, in a conversation with my informer, * * * 1 made an observation which I fear is too true. In conversation with the company, who were all protestants, he said he did not know what to make of those who had departed from the catholic church ; that as far as he could observe generally, they were leaving the foundations of Christianity, and scarce deserved the name of Christians. He heard that there were departures and great looseness in Holland. That as he came through England, he found most of the bishops there gone off from their articles, and gone into Doctor Clerk's scheme. That the dissenters were many of them falling much in with the same method, and com- ing near them. That he was glad to find his countrymen in Scotland not taint- ed in the great doctrine of the Trinity, and sound."2' From the period when we find him rummaging in the Advocates' library, we know nothing of Innes, until the publication of his essay in 1729, when he ap- pears to have been in London, and makes an apology for verbal inaccuracies, on the ground that he writes " to keep pace with the press." He seems previously to this event to have performed an extensive " bibliographical tour," as the manuscripts he quotes are dispersed through various parts of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the continent. A running sketch of the state of the knowledge of early Scottish history pre- viously to the appearance of this work, may not be unacceptable to those who have not paid particular attention to that subject, as explanatory of the obstacles which the author had to overcome. It is well known that Scotland had a full 1 The name is in a secret hand. * Wodrow's Anakcta, M&, Ad. Lib. v. 436. THOMAS INNES. 185 share of the fabulous early history which it is a proud and pleasing task for savages to frame, and which generally protrudes itself into the knowledge pos- sessed by civilized ages, from the unwillingness of mankind to diminish their own claims to consideration, by lessening the glory of their ancestors. The form and consistence of that genealogy which traced the first of Scottish kings to a period some centuries before the Christian era, seems to have been concocted by the Highland senachies, who sang the descent of our monarchs at their coronation. Andrew Wyntoun and John Fordun soberly incorporated the long line thus framed into their chronicle of the Scottish nation from the commence- ment of the world. Major followed their example with some variations, and Geoffry of Monmouth and Geoffry Keating, respectively incorporated the whole with English and Irish history, the latter much about the same period when limes wrote, busying himself with tracing the matter to a period anterior to the deluge. The rich and grotesque garb of fable which the whole assumed under Hector Bcece is known to many, if not in the original crabbed Latin, at least in the simple translation of Bellenden. It is discreditable to the memory of Buchanan, that, instead of directing his acute mind' to the discovery of truth, he adopted, in many respects, the genealogy just sanctioned, and prepared lives for the monarchs created by fiction, suited as practical comments on his own politi- cal views. The fables had now received the sanction of a classical authority — Scotland was called kkt'' i^cxk'j, " the ancient kingdom ;" and grave English- men wondered at the hoary antiquity of our line of monarchs. At length, when the antiquity of the race of England had been curtailed, some thought it unfit that that of Scotland should remain untouched — and several English antiquaries, such as Humphry Lhuyd, bishop Usher, bishop Lloyd, and bishop Nicholson, bestowed some calm hints on its improbability, which were speedily drowned b\ the fierce replies of the Scottish antiquaries, headed by Sir George M'Kenzie. Such was the state of historical knowledge in Scotland when Innes wrote; and a Scotsman dared to look the line of ancestry claimed by his monarch calmly in the face, and, after due consideration, to strike from it forty crowned heads. '1 he essay is divided into four parts, in which the author successively treats, — of the progress of the Romans in Scotland — of the history of the Maeats, the Strathclyde Britons or Welsh, who existed in the southern part of Scotland — of tiiat of the Caledonians or Picts, who inhabited the whole of the northern por- tion previously to the arrival of the Scots from Ireland — and of the Scots, the ancestors of the present Highlanders. Examining the foundation on which Bcece supports his forty supernumerary kings, he shows, by very good negative evidence, that two chroniclers, on which that author lays the burden of much of his extraordinary matter, named Veremund and Campbell, never existed, and shows that the genealogists had, by an ingenious device, made Fergus the first, Icing of the Scots, Fergus the second, and had placed another Fergus sufficiently far behind him in chronology, to admit a complement of kings to be placed be- twixt the two. Besides the detection of the fabulous part of our history, this work supplies us with an excellent critical dissertation on the various early in- habitants of the country ; and the author has, with much pains and care, added an appendix of original documents, which have been highly useful to inquirers into Scottisli history. The language in which the whole is clothed is simple, pleasing, and far more correct than that of most Scotsmen who wrote during the same period ; while there is a calm dignity, and a philosophical correctness in tiie arguments, previously unknown to the subject, and which, it had been well if those who have followed the same track had imitated. Pinkerton, who would allow no man to be prejudiced on the subject of Scotland with impunity except himself, never can mention the work of Tnnes without some token of respect. 186 THOMAS INNES. " This work," he sajs, ** forms a grand epoch in our antiquities, and was the first tli.it led the way to rational criticism on them : his industry, coolness, judgment, and general accuracy, recommend him as the best antiquary that Scot- land has yet produced. "J While concurring, however, in any praise which we observe to have been elicited by this too much neglected work, we must remark, that it is blemished by a portion of it being evidently prepared with the politi- cal view of supporting the doctrine of the divine right of kings, which limes rs a Jacobite probably respected, and as an adherent of the exiled house, felt him- self called on to support.4 He is probably right in presuming that Buchanan knew well the falsehood of many of the facts he stated, but it was as unnecessary that he should answer the arguments which Buchanan, in the separate treatise, ** De Jure Regni apud Scotos," may have been presumed to have derived from such facts, as it was for Buchanan to erect so great a mass of fable ; while the dissertation he has given us on the fruitful subject of the conduct of queen Mary, is somewhat of an excrescence in a dissertation on the early inhabitants of Scot- land. The political bias of this portion of the work is avowed in the preface, where the author observes that the statements of Buchanan, " far from doing any real honour to our country, or contributing, as all historical accounts ought to do, to the benefit of posterity, and to the mutual happiness of king and people, do rather bring a reproach upon the country, and furnish a handle to turbulent spirits, to disturb the quiet and peace, and by consequence the happiness of the inhabitants j"5 yet even this subject is handled with so much calmness that it may rather be termed a defect, than a fault. Besides the great work which he wrote, Innes is supposed to have been the compiler of a book of considerable interest and importance. It is pretty well known that a manuscript of the life of king James II., written by himself, existed for some time in the Scots college of Paris, where it was carefully concealed from observation. This valuable work is believed, on too certain grounds, to have been reduced to ashes during the French Revolution ; but an abstract of it, which was discovered in Italy, was published by Mr Stanyers Clarke in 1806, and is supposed by well informed persons to have been the work of father Innes.6 We have been enabled to trace this supposition to no better source than a presumption from the circumstances in which Innes was plai^d, and to the absence of any other name which can reasonably be assigned. There is, indeed, a document extant, which might afford ground for a contrary supposition. In 1740, Carte, the historian, received an order from James Edgar, secretary to the Pretender, addressed to the Messrs Innes, permitting him to inspect the life writ by Mr Dicconson, in consequence of royal orders, all taken out of and supported by the late king's manuscripts ; but it has been urged, on the other hand, that there were at least two copies of the compilation, one of which may have been transcribed by Mr Dicconson, while in that pub- lished, there are one or two Scotticisms, which point at such a person as Innes. Little can be made of a comparison betwixt the style of this work and that of * Pinkerton's Inquiry, Introduction, 56—7. * We cannot avoid coupling with this feature, the circumstance of our having heard it whispered in the antiquarian world, that a correspondence between Innes and the court of St Germains, lately discovered, shows this to have been the avowed purpose of the author. This we have heard, however, in so vague a manner, that we dare nut draw anv conclusions against the fair intentions of Innes, farther than as they may be gathered from liis own writings. * Preface, 16. 8 In the Edinburgh Review we discover the following note :— » It is the opinion of the pro sent preserver of the narrative, that it was compiled from original documents by Thomas Innes, one of the superiors of the college, and author of a work entitled ' A Critical* Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scotland.'— Art. on Vox't Life of James II. Ed. Rev xii 280 CHRISTOPHER IRVINE. 187 the essay, without an extremely minute examination, as Innes indulged in few peculiarities ; but there is to be found in it a general resemblance, certainly more close than what could be caused by mere identity of period. We are enabled to give but one other notice bearing on the life of this indi- vidual. In the portion of the life of James II., transcribed into the chevalier Ramsay's History of Turenne, there is a certificate by the superiors of the Scots college at Paris, dated 24th December, 1734, signed by " Louis Inesse, late principal, Alexander Whiteford, principal, and Thomas Inesse, sub-principal." The Louis Innes who had acted as principal, must be the brother to the historian mentioned by Wodrow. IRVINE, Christopher, an antiquary, philologist, and physician, lived in the seventeenth century, and was a younger son of the family of Irvine of Bon- shaw in Lanarkshire. Like his relation, who rendered himself infamous in the cause of royalty by seizing Donald Cargill, Christopher Irvine was a devoted adherent of the Stuarts and of episcopacy. He was turned out of the college of Edinburgh in 1638 or 1639, in consequence of his resisting the national co- venant ; and by some connexion, the nature of which is not known, with the Irish troubles, which happened not long after, he lost a plentiful patrimony. Of these circumstances he himself informs us, in the address appended to one of his works, as well as of the facts, that " after his travels, the cruel saints were pleased to mortify him seventeen nights with bread and water ;" and even after having recalled an act of banishment which they had formerly passed against him, subjected him to the fate of absolute starvation, with only the dubious al- ternative of " teaching grammar." Having adopted the latter course, we have ascertained from another source x that he was schoolmaster first at Leith, and af- terwards at Preston. In the course of his exertions in this capacity, he was led to initiate his pupils in Scottish history ; and it was out of the information col- lected for that purpose, along with some notes he received from Mr Alexander Home and Mr Thomas Crawford, formerly professors of humanity in Edinburgh university, that he compiled his Nomenclature of Scottish History, the work by which he is best known. Some time during the commonwealth, he appears to have resumed the profession to which he was bred, and practised first as a surgeon, and finally as a physician in Edinburgh, at the same time that he held a medical appointment in the army of general Monk, by which Scotland was then garrisoned. We have not been able to discover any earlier publication of Christopher Irvine than a small and very rare volume, entitled Bellum Grammaticale, which appeared at Edinburgh in 1650, but of the nature of which, not having seen it, we cannot speak. His second performance was a small volume, now ako very rare, having the following elaborate title : " Medicina Magnetica ; or the rare and wonderful art of curing by sympathy, laid open in aphorisms, proved in con- clusions, and digested into an easy method drawn from both ; wherein the con- nexion of the eauses and effects of these strange operations, are more fully dis- covered than heretofore. All cleared and confirmed, by pithy reasons, true experiments, and pleasant relations, preserved and published as a master-piece in this skill, by C. de Iryngio, chirurgo-medicine in the army. Printed in the year 1656." The dedication, which is dated from Edinburgh, June 3, 1656, and is signed " C. Irvine," is addressed to general Monk, as " chief captain of those forces among whom for diverse years / have served and prospered ;" and speaking of the kindness of the commander toward his inferiors, he continues — " This is observed by all ; this hath been my experience so oft as I had need of favour and protection." We may from these passages argue, that, at the period i Sibbald's Bibliotheca Scotica, MS. Adv. Lib. 183 CHRISTOPHER IRVINE. when he composed this book, Irvine himself was a man ot respectable standing as to years and Lad not found it inconsistent with Ins loyalist principles to take office under Cromwell. The work itself is a true literary curiosity. I he mon- strous and fanciful doctrines which crowd the pages ot Paracelsus and Cardan and which had begun at that period to sink before the demand for logical proot and practical experience, which more accurate minds had made, are here re- vived, and even exaggerated; while the imagination of the writer seems to have laboured in all quarters of nature, to discover grotesque absurdities. The book, it will be remarked, is a treatise on animal magnetism. We would give his receipt for the method of manufacturing " an animal magnet," did we dare but propriety compels us to retain our comments for the less original portion of the work. The principles of the author, de omnibus rebus etquibusdam ahis, are laid down in*" an hundred aphorisms," which are of such a nature as the fol- lowing : " Neither souls, nor pure spirits, nor intelligences can work upon bodied, but by means of the spirit ; for two extremes cannot be joined together without a mean, therefore," it is justly and conclusively argued, " demons ap- pear not but after sacrifices used."—" He that can join a spirit impregnat with the virtue of one bodie with another, that is now disposed to change, may produce many miracles and monsters."—" He that can by light draw light out of things, or multiply light with light, he knoweth how to adde the universal spirit of lite to the particular spirit of life, and by this addition do wonders," &c. Nor is his method of supporting his aphorisms by proof less original and conclusive. The readers of Hudibras will recollect the story taken from Helemont, of the man who, having lost his nose, procured a new one to be cut from the limb of a por- ter, on whose death the unfortunate nose grew cold and fell off. The reason- ing of Mr Christopher Irvine on this matter is peculiarly metaphysical. " Is not," he says, " all our doctrine here confirmed clearer than the light? was not the insititious nose as animated at the first, so still informed with the soul of the porter ? Neither had it any from the man whose nose now it was made, but only nourishment; the power of the assimilation which it hath from its proper form, it took it not from him but from the porter, of whom it was yet truly a part ; and who dying, the nose became a dead nose, and did immediately tend to cor- ruption. But who doth not here see, most openly and evidently, a concatena- tion ? otherwise, how could the nose of one that was at Bolonia, enform the nose of one that was at Brussels, but by means of a concatenation ?" The curiosity of the matter, presenting a specimen of the speculations in which several Scottish philosophers at that period indulged, may excuse these extracts. The work to which Irvine's name is most frequently attached, is the " His- toric ScoticiB Nomenclatura Latino-Vemacula ; " an explanatory dictionary of the Latin proper names made use of in Scottish history, published at Edinburgh in 1682, and re-published in 1819. The editor of the reprint observes, that he " intended, along with the present edition, to have given the public a short sketch of the life of the author; but this intention he has been obliged to relin- quish from want of materials. To numerous enquiries, in many directions, no satisfactory answer was procured, and the editor mentions with regret, that hi knows nothing more of this eminent literary character, and profound philologist, than can be collected from his address to the reader." The dedication is to the duke of York ; and if we had not been furnished with vast specimens of the ca- pacity of royal stomachs at that period for flattery, we might have suspected Mr Christopher of a little quizzing, when he enlarges on the moderation, the generosity, the kindness to friends, the forgiveness to enemies, displayed by the prince, and especially on his having "so firmly on solid grounds established the I rotestant religion." Among the other eulogium3 is one which may be inter- GILBERT JACK, 189 preted as somewhat apologetical on the part of the author, in as far as respects his own conduct. " The neglected sufferer for loyalty is now taken into care and favour, and they that have recovered better principles, are not reproached nor passed by ; their transgressions are forgot, and time allowed to take off their evil habit." The Nomenclature is a brief general biographical and to- pographical dictionary of Scotland. With a firm adherence to the fabulous early history, the author shows vast general reading ; but, like most authors of the age, he seems to have considered Scotland the centre of greatness, and all other transactions in the world as naturally merging into a connexion with it. Thus in juxtaposition with Argyle, we find " Argivi, Argos, and Arii." And the Dee is discussed beside the Danube. From the address attached to this volume, we leai'n thrt its publication was occasioned by his recent dismissal from the king's service. " And now," he says, ** being, as it seemeth by a cruel misrepresentation, turned out of my pub- lic employment and livelyhood, which the defender of the sincere will return, I have at the desire of the printer, in this interval, revised, &c." Taking the dedication in connexion with this circumstance, there can be little doubt as to the particular object of that composition ; and from another document it would appear that he was not unsuccessful in his design. An act of parliament, dated three years later than the publication of the Nomenclature, and ratifying an act of privy council, which had reserved to Irvine the privilege of acting as a physi- cian, independent of the College of Physicians of Edinburgh, just established, proceeds upon 3 statement by the learned man himself, that " he has been bred liberally in these arts and places that fit men for the practice of physick and chirurgery, and has received all the degrees of the schools that give ornament and authority in these professions, and has practised the same the space of thertie years in the eminentest places and among very considerable persons in this island, and has, by vertue of commissions from his royal master, exerced the dutie of cherurgeon of his guards of horse twenty-eight years together, and has had the charge of chief physician and chirurgeon of his armie.''3 He then states, that he wishes to practise his profession in peace, in the city of Edinburgh, of which he is a burgess, and hopes the council " would be pleased not to suffer him, by any new gift or patent to be stated under the partial humors or affronts of (a) new incorporation or college of physicians, composed of men that are alto- gether his juniors (save doctor Hay) in the studies of phylosophie and practise of physick." JACK, or JACHiEUS, Gilbert, an eminent metaphysician and medical writer, and professor of philosophy at Leyden, was bora at Aberdeen, as has been asserted, (although there seems but slight ground for fixing the date so precisely,) in the year 1578. Early in life, and apparently before he had com- menced a regular series of literary study, he lost his father, and was committed by his mother to the private tuition of a person named Thomas Cargill. He af- terwards studied under Robert Howie : and as that individual was made prin- cipal of Marischal college, on its erection into a university, in 1593, it is pro- bable that Jack obtained a portion of his university education at Aberdeen, although he is mentioned by Freher as having studied philosophy at St Andrews, * Acts of the Scottish parliament, viii. 530-531. 190 GILBERT JACK. where he was under the tuition of Robert Hay, an eminent theologist. By the advice of his tutor, who probably detected in his mind the dawnings of high talent, Jack continued his studies in the universities on the continent. He re- mained for some time at the colleges of Herborn and Helmstadt ; when, incited by the high fame of the university of Leyden, he removed thither, and sought employment as a private teacher, in expectation of eventually obtaining a pro- fessorship. His ambition was at length gratified, by his appointment, in 1604, to what has been in general terms called the philosophical chair of that celebrated in- stitution. Scotland, which seems to have acquired a permanent celebrity from the numerous persevering and ambitious men it lias dispersed through the world, was at no time so fruitful in its supply of eminent men as during the life-time of the subject of our memoir. Adolphus Vorstius, a person known to fame chiefly from his tributes to the memory of some eminent friends, and colleague of Jack in the university of Leyden, in a funeral oration to his memory, from which the materials for a memoir of Jack are chiefly derived, mentions that at the period we allude to, there was scarcely a college in Europe of any celebrity, which did not number a Scotsman among its professors : and whether from the meagre tuition in our own universities, or other causes, most of the Scotsmen celebrated for learning at that period — and they were not a few — began their career of fame abroad. In the works, or correspondence of the continental scholars of the seventeenth century, we frequently meet with names of Scotsmen now forgotten in their native country, and that of Jack frequently occurs, ac- companied with many indications of respect. He is said to have been the first who taught 7netapliysics at Leyden, a statement from which we may at least presume, that he opened new branches of inquiry, and was celebrated for the originality of the system he inculcated. During his professorship at Leyden he studied medicine, and took his degree in that science in 1611. In 1612, appeared his first work, " Institutiones Physical, Juventutis Lugdu- nensis Studiis potissimum dicatae," republished with notes in 1616. This trea- tise is dedicated to 3Iatthew Overbeguius (Overbeke), and is in the usual manner prefaced by laudatory addresses, which are from the pens of men of celebrity Daniel Heinsius, Greek professor of Leyden, (who appropriately uses his pro- fessional language,) Gaspard Barlaeus, the professor 'of logic at Leyden, and Theodore Schrevelius (probably father to the Lexicographer Cornelius). This work, notwithstanding its title, will be readily understood to be generally metaphysical, and the portion tending to that species of discussion is that from which a modern student will derive most satisfaction. It consists of nine books. The first is introductory, containing definitions, &c, the second is De Natura, the third De Motu, the fourth De Tempore, the fifth De Cailo, the sixth De Cor- pore Misto, the seventh De 3Ieteoris, the eighth De Aninia, and the ninth De Anima Kationali. Apart from the doctrines now called vulgar errors, for an adherence to which the limited bounds of our own knowledge must teach us to excuse our forefathers, this work may be perused with interest and even profit. To have departed from the text of Aristotle might have been considered equal in heresy, to a denial of any of the evident laws of nature ; but if Jack was like others, a mere commentator on the great lawgiver of philosophers, he frequent- ly clothes original views in correct, clear, and logical language ; his discussions on time and motion might not be ungrateful to a student of Hutcheson or Keid ; and though almost unknown to his country, and forgotten in his native city, he is no contemptible member of the class of common-sense philosophers of ' Freheri Theatrum virorum eruditione clarorum, ii. 1353. Jactis utriusque lingua fun. ^rkavrSZTo^frio^"1 ab'egatUS' PhilOSOi>hiil °Pen,m *-* W^ ~ THOMAS JACK. 191 whom Scotland has boasted. In 1724, Jack published another work, entitled " Institutiones Medica?," republished in 1631. About this period his celebrity had reached the British isles ; and, like his illustrious friend and comrade Vos- sius, the author of the History of Pelagianism, he was invited to fill the chair of civil history at Oxford, a proffer he declined. This eminent man died on the 17th day of April, lu'28, leaving behind him a widow and ten children. He seems to have been on terms of intimate and friendly familiarity with the greatest men of the age. He is said to have been a hard student, to have pos- sessed vast powers of memory, and to have been more attentive to the ele- gancies of life, and to his personal appearance, than scholars then generally were. JACK, or JACHEUS, Thomas, a classical scholar of eminence, and author of the " Onomasticon Poeticum." The period of the birth of this author is unknown : Or M'Crie has with his usual industry made investigations into his history, but excepting the circumstances to be discovered from the dedication to his work, none but a few barren facts have been found, which must have ill repaid the labours of the search. He was master of the grammar school at Glasgow, but at what period he entered that seminary is unknown. He relinquished the situa- tion in 1574, and became minister of the neighbouring parish of Eastwood, from which, in the manner of the time, he dates his book " ex sylva vulgo dicta orientali ;" his work is entitled " Onomasticon Poeticum, sive propriorum quibus in suis monumentis usi sunt veteres Poetas, brevis descriptio Poetica;" it is neatly printed in quarto, by Waldegrave, 1592, and is now very rare. It may be described as a versified topographical dictionary of the localities of classical poetry, expressing in a brief sentence, seldom exceeding a couple of lines, some characteristic, which may remind the student of the subject of his readings. He mentions that he has found the system advantageous by experiment ; and most of our readers will be reminded of the repeated attempts to teach the rules of grammar, and other matters necessary to be committed to memory, in a similar manner. The subject did not admit of much elegance, and the chief merit of the author will be acknowledged in the perseverance which has amassed so many references to subjects of classical research. A quotation of the first f&vt lines may not be unacceptable : " Caucaseus vatos Abaris Ventura profatur, Argivum bis sextus Albas rex, martis in armis Acer, Hypermnestra Lynceoque parentibus ortus; Hinc et Abantiadum series dat jura Pelasgis. Ex nube Ixion Centaurum giguit Abantem. iBueas comitem quo nomine clarus habebat iEgypti ad fines Abatos jacet Insula dives : Quam arcum armavit lino natura tenaci, Armifeise Thracis quondam urbs Abdera Celebris." This passage contains the accounts of Abaris, Abantiadse, Abas, Abatos, and Abdera. In the dedication, which is addressed to James, eldest son of Claud Hamilton, commendator of Paisley, a pupil of the author, Jack complacently mentions, that he had been induced to publish by the recommendation of Andrew Melville and Buchanan, and that the latter eminent person had revised the work, and sub- mitted to a counter revision of works of his own. Prefixed to the Onomasticon are encomiastic verses by Robert Pollock, Hercules Pollock, Patrick Sharpe, Andrew Melville, and Sir Thomas Craig. Dr M'Crie has discovered that Thomas Jack, as minister of Rutherglen, was one of those who, in 1582, opposed the election of Ro- 1S2 JAMES I. bert Montgomery as archbishop of Glasgow. He appears to have been a member of the General Assembly in 1590 ; he is mentioned in 1 593, as a minister within the bounds of the presbytery of Paisley, and must have died in 159G, as appears from the Testament Testamentar of " Euphame Wylie, relict of umquhill Mr Thomas Jak, miur< at Eastwod." JAMES I., king of Scots, and illustrious both in political and literary history, was born at Dunfermline in the year 1394. He was the third son of Robert III., king of Scots, (whose falher, Robert II., was the first sovereign of the Stuart family,) by his consort Annabella, or Annaple Drummond, daughter of Sir John Drummond of Stobhall, ancestor of the noble family of Perth. It appears that John Stuart, for such was the real name of Robert III., had married Anna- ple Drummond at a period antecedent to the year 1358 ; as in 1357, lie and his wife received a charter of the earldom of Athol from David II. The unusual period of thirty-seven years at least, must thus have elapsed between the mar- riage of the parents and the birth of their distinguished son. Their eldest child, David, born in 1373, and created duke of Rothesay, was starved to death by his uncle the duke of Albany in 1402 ; a second son, John, died in infancy. The inheritance of the crown was thus opened upon prince James at the age of eight years, but under circumstances which rendered the prospect less agreeable than dangerous. The imbecility of Robert III. had permitted the reins of govern- ment to be assumed by his brother the duke of Albany, who meditated a trans- ference of the sovereignty to bis own family, and scrupled at no measures which might promise to aid him in his object. There was the greatest reason to ap- prehend that prince James, as well as bis elder brother the duke of Rothesay, would be removed by some foul means, through the machinations of Albany ; «dter which, the existence of the king's female children would present but a trifling obstacle to bis assuming the rights of heir presumptive. The education of prince James was early confided to Wardlaw, bishop of St Andrews, the learned and excellent prelate, who, in founding the university in his metropolitan city, became the originator of that valuable class of institutions in Scotland. Sinclair, earl of Orkney, and Sir David Fleming of Cumbernauld, were among the barons who superintended the instruction of the prince in mar- tial and athletic exercises. For the express purpose of saving him from the fangs of his uncle, it was resolved by the king, in 1405, to send him to the court of Charles VI. of France, where he might at once be safer in person, and receive a superior education to what could be obtained in his own country. With this view the young prince was privately conducted to East Lothian, and embarked on board a vessel at the isle of the Bass, along with the earl of Orkney and a small party of friends. It would appear that he thus escaped his uncle by a very narrow chance, as Sir David Fleming, in returning from the place of embarkation, was set upon at Long-Hermandstone by the retainers of that wicked personage, and cruelly slain. James pursued his voyage towards France, till, cruising along the coast of Norfolk, his vessel was seized by a squadron of armed merchantmen, commanded by John Jolyff, and belonging to tbe port of Clay. Though this event took place in the time of a truce between the two countries, (April 12, 1405,) Henry IV. of England reconciled his conscience to the detention of the prince, for Which, indeed, it is highly probable he had made some arrangements previously with the duke of Albany, his faithful ally, and the imitator of his conduct. When the earl of Orkney presented a remonstrance against such an unjustifiable act, asserting that the education of the prince was the sole object of his voyage to France, he turned it oft* with a jest, to the effect, that he was as well ac- quainted with the French language, and could teach it as well as the king of JAMES I. 193 France,1 so that the prince would lose nothing by remaining where he was. He soon showed, however, the value which he attached to the possession of the prince's person, by shutting him up in the castle of Pevensey in Sussex. The aged king of Scotland sank under this new calamity; and, dying April 4, 1406, left the nominal sovereignty to his captive son, but the real power of the state to his flagitious brother, the duke of Albany, who assumed the title of governor. Having no design against the mind of his captive, Henry furnished him in a liberal manner with the means of continuing his education. Sir John Pelham, the constable of Pevensey castle, and one of the most distinguished knights of the age, was appointed his governor ; and masters were provided for instructing him in various accomplishments and branches of knowledge. To quote the words of Mr Tytler,2 " In all athletic and manly exercises, in the use of his weapons, in his skill in horsemanship, his speed in running, his strength and dexterity as a wrestler, his firm and fair aim as a joister and tourneyer, the young king is allowed by all contemporary writers to have arrived at a pitch of excellence which left most of his own age far behind him ; and as he advanced to maturity, his figure, although not so tali as to be majestic or imposing, was, from its make, peculiarly adapted for excellence in such accomplishments. His chest was broad and full, his arms somewhat long and muscular, his flanks thin and spare, and his limbs beautifully formed; so as to combine elegance and lightness with strength. In throwing the hammer, and propelling, or, to use the Scottish phrase, ' putting ' the stone, and in skill in archery, we have the testi- mony of an ancient chronicle, that none in his own dominions could surpass him. * * * To skill jn warlike exercises, every youthful candidate for honour and for knighthood was expected to unite a variety of more pacific and elegant accomplishments, which were intended to render him a de- lightful companion in the hall, as the others were calculated to make him a formidable enemy in the field. The science of music, both instrumental and vocal ; the composition and recitation of ballads, roundelays, and other minor pieces of poetry ; an acquaintance with the romances and the writings of the popular poets of the times — were all essential branches in the system of educa- tion which was then adopted in the castle of any feudal chief; and from Pelham, who had himself been brought up as the squire of the duke of Lancaster, we may be confident that the Scottish king received every advantage which could be conferred by skilful instructors, and by the most ample opportunities of cul- tivation and improvement. Such lessons and exhibitions, however, might have been thrown away upon many, but James had been born with those natural ca- pacities which fitted him to excel in them. He possessed a fine and correct musical ear; a voice which was rich, flexible, and sufficiently powerful for chamber music ; and an enthusiastic delight in the art, which, unless controlled by strong good sense, and a feeling of the higher destinies to which he was called, might have led to a dangerous devotion to it. * * Cut off for a long and tedious pei-iod from his crown and his people, James could afford to spend many hours each day in the cultivation of accomplishments to which, under other circumstances, it would have been criminal to have given up so much of his time. And this will easily account for that high musical excellence to which he undoubtedly attained, and will explain the great variety of instruments upon which he performed. * * He was acquainted with the Latin language, as far, at least, as was permitted by the rude and barbarous condition in which it existed previous to the revival of letters. In theology, oratory, and grammar — 1 It will be recollected that French was the common language of the coait of England, and of all legal and public business, till the age following that of Henry IV. 2 Lives of Scottish Worthies, ii. 2G3. 194 JAMES I. in the civil and canon laws, he was instructed by the best masters ; and an ac- quaintance with Norman-French was necessarily acquired at a court where it was still currently spoken and highly cultivated. Devoted, however, as he was to these pursuits, James appears to have given his mind with a still stronger bias to the study of English poetry, choosing Chaucer and Gower for his masters in the art, and entering with the utmost.ardour into the great object of the first of these illustrious men — the improvement of the English language, the production of easy and natural rhymes, and. the refinement of poetical numbers from the rude compositions which had preceded him." Thus passed years of restraint, unmarked by any other incident than removal from one place of captivity to another, till the death of Henry IV. in 1414. On the very day after this event, the " gallant " Henry V. ordered his royal pri- soner to be removed to close confinement in the Tower. In general, however, the restraint imposed upon the young king was not inconsistent with his enjoyment of the pleasures of life, among which one of the most agreeable must have been the intercourse which he was allowed to hold with his Scottish friends. It is the opinion of Mr Tytler, that the policy of the English kings in this matter was much regulated by the terror in which they held a mysterious person residing at the Scottish court, under the designation of king Richard, and who was the object of perpetual conspiracies among the enemies of the house of Lancaster. It is at least highly probable that Albany kept up that personage as a kind of bug- bear, to induce the English monarch to keep a close guard over his nephew. The duke of Albany died in 1419, and was succeeded as governor by his eldest son Murdoch, who was as weak as his father had been energetic and am- bitious. About the same time, a large party of Scottish knights and their re- tainers proceeded, under the command of the earl of Buchan, second son of Albany, to assist the French king in repelling the efforts which Henry V. of England was making to gain the sovereignty of France. In the hope, perhaps, of gaining his deliverance, James was persuaded by king Henry to accompany him to France, and to join with him in taking the opposite side to that which was assumed by this party of his subjects. But of this part of his life no clear account is preserved ; only the consideration which he attained with the English king is amply proved by his acting (1422) as chief mourner at his funeral. This, however, was an event which he had little reason to regret, as it opened a prospect of his obtaining his liberty, a circumstance which would scarcely have taken place during the life of Henry ; or, at least, while that prince lived, James could not look forward to any definite period for the termination of his cap- tivity. The duke of Bedford, who was appointed protector of England on the death of Henry, adopting a wiser policy with regard to Scotland than that monarch had pursued, offered to deliver up the Scottish king on payment of a ransom of forty thousand pounds, to be paid within six years by half yearly payments, and that hostages should be given for the faithful liquidation of the debt. The English, disavowing the term ransom as derogatory, in this instance, to the na- tional character and dignity, alleged that the pecuniary consideration was de- manded as payment of the king's maintenance while in England ; but as Henry V. allowed only £700 a-year for this purpose, and the term of James's captivity was about nineteen years, giving thus an amount of something more than £13,000 altogether, it is pretty evident that they did not intend to be losers by the transaction — though, as the money was never paid, they certainly were not gainers. After a good deal of delay, and much discussion on both sides, the ar- rangement for the liberation of the king was finally adjusted by the Scottish commissioners, who proceeded to London for that purpose, on the 9th of March, JAMES I. 195 1123 ; and amongst other securities for the stipulated sura, tendered that of the burghs of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, and Aberdeen. Previously to his leaving England, James married Joanna, daughter of the duchess of Clarence, niece of Richard II. To this lady the Scottish monarch had been long attached. Her beauty had inspired his muse, and was the frequent theme of his song. Amongst the poems attributed to the royal poet, there is one, entitled " A Sang on Ab- sence," beginning H Sen that the eyne that workis my weilfair," in which he bewails, in strains breathing the warmest and most ardent attachment, the ab- sence of his mistress ; and in the still more elaborate production of the ** King's Quail*," he thus speaks of her : — " Of hir array, the form gif I sail write Toward her goldin haire and rich atyre, In fret wise couohit with pedis white ; • And grete balas lemyng as the fire, With many ane emerant and saphire ; And on hir hide a chaplet fresh of hewe Of plumys partit rede, and white, and blue.?r In this beautiful poem the enamoured king describes himself as having first fallen in love with his future queen, as she was walking in the gardens under the tower at Windsor in which he was confined. It is probable that he lost no time in making his fair enslaver aware of the conquest she had made, and it is also likely that her walks under the tower were not rendered less frequent by the discovery. The splendour of Joanna's dress, as described in this poem, is very remarkable. She seems to have been covered with jewels, and to have been altogether arrayed in the utmost magnificence ; not improbably, in the consciousness of the eyes that were upon her. The result, at all events, shows that the captive prince must have found means sooner or later of communicating with the fair idol of his affections. The marriage ceremony was performed at the church of St Mary's Overy in Southwark ; the king receiving with his bride as her marriage portion, a dis- charge for ten thousand pounds of his ransom money ! James was in the thirtieth year of his age when he was restored to his liberty and his kingdom. Proceeding first to Edinburgh, where he celebrated the festival of Easter, he afterwards went on to Scone, accompanied by his queen, where they were both solemnly crowned ; Murdoch duke of Albany, as earl of Fife, performing the ceremony of installing the sovereign on the throne. Immediately after the coronation, James convoked a parliament in Perth, and by the proceedings of that assembly, gave intimation to the kingdom of the commencement of a vigorous reign. Amongst many other wise and judicious ordinations, this national council enacted, that the king's peace should be firmly held, and no private wars allowed, and that no man should travel with a greater number of retainers than he could maintain ; that a sufficient administration of law be appointed throughout the realm ; and that no extortion from churchmen or farmers in particular be admitted. James had early been impressed with the necessity of arresting with a vigorous and unsparing hand, the progress of that system of fraud and rapine to which the country had been a prey during the regencies that preceded his accession to the throne ; a policy which, perhaps, though both necessary and just, there is some reason to believe he carried too far, or at least prosecuted with a mind not tempered by judicious and humane considerations. When first informed, on his arrival in the kingdom, of the law- lessness which prevailed in it, he is said to have exclaimed, " liy the help of God, though I should myself lead the life of a dog, I shall make the key keep 196 JAMES I. the castle, and the bush secure the cow." Than such a resolution as this, nothing could have been wiser or more praiseworthy, and he certainly did all he could, and probably more than he ought, to accomplish the desirable end which the sentiment proposed; but he seems to have been somewhat indiscriminating in his vengeance. This indiscrimination may be only apparent, and may derive its character from the imperfectness of the history of that period ; but as we judge of the good by what is upon record, we are bound to judge of the bad by the same rule ; and it would be rather a singular mischance, if error and misrepresen- tation were always and exclusively on the side of the latter. It is, at any rate, certain, that a remarkable humanity, or any remarkable inclination to the side of mercy, were by no means amongst the number of James's good qualities, numer- ous though these assuredly were. With the best intentions towards the improve- ment of his kingdom, and the bettering of the condition of his subjects, James had yet the misfortune to excite, at the commencement of his reign, a very general feeling of dissatisfaction with his government. This, amongst the aristocracy, proceeded from the severity with which he threatened to visit their offences ; and amongst the common people, from his having imposed a tax to pay the ransom money stipulated for his release from captivity. This tax was proposed to be levied at the rate of twelve pennies in the pound on all sorts of produce, on farms and annual rents, cattle and grain, and to continue for two years. The tax was with great difficulty collected the first year, but in the second the popular impatience and dissatisfaction became so general and so marked, that the king thought it advisable to abandon it; and the consequence was, as already remarked, that the debt was never discharged. The reluctance of the nation to pay the price of their prince's freedom may appear ungenerous, and as implying an indifference towards him personally ; but this is not a necessary, nor is it the only conclusion which may be inferred from the circum- stance. It is probable that they may have considered the demand of England unrea- sonable and unjust, and it certainly was both, seeing that James was no prisoner of war, but had been made captive at a time when the two kingdoms were at peace with each other. To make him prisoner, therefore, and make him pay for it too, seems indeed to have been rather a hard case, and such it was probably esteemed by his subjects. The policy which James proposed to adopt, was not limited to the suppression of existing evils or to the prevention of their recurrence in tine to come, but extended to the punishing of offences long since committed, and of which, in many instances, though we are told the results, we are left unin- formed of the crime. At the outset of his reign he had ordered the arrest of Walter, eldest son of.Murdoch, duke of Albany, the late regent, together with that of Malcolm Fleming of Cumbernauld, and Thomas Boyd of Kilmarnock ; and soon afterwards, taking advantage of the circumstance of a meeting of par- liament at Perth, which he had convoked probably for the purpose of bringing them within his reach, he ordered the arrest of Murdoch himself, his second son, Alexander Stewart, the earls of Douglas, Angus, and March, and twenty other gentlemen of note. The vengeance, however, which gave rise to this proceeding, was followed out only in the case of Albany ; at least his punishment only is recorded in the accounts given by our historians of this transaction, while all the others are allowed to drop out of sight without any further notice of them in connexion with that event. Indeed the whole of this period of Scottish history is exceed- ingly obscure ; much of it is confused, inconsistent, and inexplicable, and is therefore indebted almost wholly to conjecture for any interest it possesses, and perhaps no portion of it is more obscure than that which includes the occurrence which has just been alluded to. The king's vengeance is said to have been JAMES I. 197 exclusively aimed at Albany. Then, wherefore the arrest of the others P Because, it is said they were the friends of the late regent, and might have defeated the ends of justice had they been left at liberty, or at least might have been troublesome in the event of his condemnation. But how is this to be reconciled with the fact, that several of those arrested with Albany were of the jury that found him guilty on his trial, which took place a few weeks afterwards ? All that we certainly know of this matter, is, that Murdoch was committed a close prisoner to Carlaveroc castle, while his duchess, Isabella, shared a similar fate in Tantallon, and that the king immediately after seized upon, and took posses- sion of his castles of Falkland in Fife, and Downe in Menteith ; that soon after- wards, Albany, with his two sons, Walter and Alexander, together with the aged earl of Lennox, were brought to trial, condemned to death, and beheaded. The principal offence, so far as is known, for on this point also, there is much obscurity, charged against those unfortunate persons, was their having dilapi- dated the royal revenues while the king was captive in England. The fate of the two sons of the regent, who were remarkably stout and handsome young men, excited a good deal of commiseration. The moment their sentence was pronounced, they were led out to execution. Their father and Lennox were beheaded on the following day. The scene of this tragedy was a rising ground immediately adjoining Stirling castle. It is not improbable, that circumstances unknown to us may have warranted tin's instance of sanguinary severity on the part of the king ; but it is unfortu- nate for his memory, that these circumstances, if they did exist, should be unknown; for as it now stands, he cannot be acquitted of cruelty in this case, as well as some others, otherwise than by alleging, that he was incapable of inflicting an unmerited punishment, — a defence more generous than satisfactory. The parliaments, however, which James convoked, continued remarkable for the wisdom of their decrees, for the number of salutary laws which they enacted, and for the anxiety generally which they discovered for the prosperity of the kingdom. Amongst the most curious of their laws is one which forbids any man who has accused another, from being of the jury on his trial ! It is not easy to conceive what were the notions of jurisprudence which permitted the existence of the practice which this statute is meant to put an end to. The allowing the accuser to be one of the jury on the trial of the person he has accused, seems an absurdity and impropriety too palpable and gross to be apologized for, even by the rudeness and barbarity of the times. Another curious statute of this period enacts, that no traveller shall lodge with his friends, but at the common inn. The object of this was to encourage these institutions, only about this time first established in Scotland. They seem, however, very soon to have become popular, as it was shortly afterwards enjoined by .act of parliament, that no one should remain in taverns after nine o'clock at night. This of course was meant only to apply to those who resided near the spot, and not to travellers at a distance from their homes. The subjugation of the Highlands and Isles next occupied the attention of the stern and active monarch. These districts were in the most lawless state, and neither acknowledged the authority of the parliament nor the king. With the view of introducing a better order of things into these savage provinces, and of bringing to condign punishment some of the most turbulent chieftains, James assembled a parliament at Inverness, and specially summoned the heads of the clans to attend it. The summons was obeyed, and about fifty chieftains of various degrees of note and power arrived at Inverness at the appointed time, and were all made prisoners ; amongst the rest, Alexander, lord of the Isles. Several of them were instantly beheaded after a summary trial, the others were 193 JAMES I. distributed throughout the different prisons of the kingdom, or kept in ward at the castles of the nobility. The greater part of them were afterwards put to death, and the remainder finally restored to liberty. With a degree of cruelty which the case does not seem to warrant, the countess of Ross, the mother of the lord of the Isles, was m.ide a prisoner along with her son, and was long detained in captivity in the island of Inch Combe in the Firth of Forth. Alexander, after a year's confinement, was allowed to return to his own country, on condition that he would in future refrain from all acts of violence ; his mother in the mean time being held a hostage for his good conduct. Equally regardless, however, of his promises and the predicament of his parent, he, soon after regaining his liberty, with a large body of followers attacked and burned the town of Inverness. James, to revenge this outrage, instantly collected an army and marched against the perpetrator, whom he over- took in the neighbourhood of Lochaber. A battle ensued, in which the lord of the Isles, who is said to have had an army of ten thousand men under him, was totally defeated. Humbled by this misfortune, Alexander soon after made an attempt to procure a reconciliation with the king, but failing in this, he finally resolved to throw himself upon the mercy of the sovereign. With this view he came privately to Edinburgh, and attired only in his shirt and drawers, he placed himself before the high altar of Holyrood church, and on his knees, in presence of the queen and a number of nobles, presented his naked sword to the king. For this act of humiliation and humble submission, his life was spared ; but he was ordered into close confinement in the castle of Tantallon. Some curious and interesting considerations naturally present themselves when contem- plating the transactions just spoken of. Amongst these a wonder is excited to find the summons of the king to the fierce, lawless chieftains of the Highlands so readily obeyed. To see them walk so tamely into the trap which was laid for them, when they must have known, from the previous character of the king, that if they once placed themselves within his reach, they might be assured of being subjected to punishment Supposing, again, that they were deceived as to his intentions, and had no idea that he meant them any personal violence, but were inveigled within his power by faithless assurances ; it then becomes matte? of astonishment, that in the very midst of their clans, in the heart of their own country, and in the immediate neighbourhood of their inaccessible retreats, the king should have been able, without meeting with any resistance, to take into ' custody and carry away as prisoners, no fewer than fifty powerful chieftains, and even to put some of them to death upon the spot. This wonder is not lessened by finding that the lord of the Isles himself could bring into the field ten thou- sand men, while the greater part of the others could muster from five hundred to five thousand each ; and it might be thought that, however great was their enmity to each other, they would have made common cause in such a case as this, and have all united in rescuing their chiefs from the hands of him who must have appeared their common enemy; but no such effort was made, and the whole Highlands as it were looked quietly on and permitted their chief men to be carried away into captivity. In the midst of these somewhat inexplicable considerations, however, there is one very evident and remarkable circumstance ; this is the great power of the king, which could thus enable him to enforce so sweeping an act of justice in se remote and barbarous a part of his kingdom ; and perhaps a more striking instance of the existence of that extraordinary power, and of terror inspired by the royal name, is not to be found in the pages of Scottish history. The parliament of James, directed evidently by the spirit of the monarch, continued from time to time to enact the most salutary laws. In 1427 it was JAMES I. 199 decreed, that a fine of ten pounds should be imposed upon burgesses who, being summoned, should refuse to attend parliament, without showing" satisfactory cause for their absence ; and in the same year several acts were passed for the punish- ment of murder and felony. The first of these acts, however, was repealed in the following year, by introducing a new feature into the legislature of the king- dom. The attendance of small barons or freeholders in parliament was dispensed with, on condition that each shire sent two commissioners, whose expenses were to be paid by the freeholders. Another singular decree was also passed this year, enjoining the successors and heirs of prelates and barons to take an oath of fidelity to the queen. This was an unusual proceeding , but not an unwise one, as it was evidently a provision for the event of the king's death, should it happen during the minority of his heir and successor. It did so happen ; and though history is silent on the subject, there is reason to believe that the queen enjoyed the advantage which the act intended to secure to her. In the year 1428, James wisely strengthened the Scottish alliance with France, by betrothing his eldest daughter, Margaret, but yet in her infancy, to the dauphin, afterwards Louis XL, also at this time a mere child. This contract, however, was not carried into effect until the year 1436, when the dauphin had attained his thirteenth year, and his bride her twelfth. The marriage eventually proved an exceedingly unhappy one. The husband of the Scottish princess was a man of the worst dispositions, and unfortunately there were others about him no less remarkable for their bad qualities. One of these, Jamet de Villy, impressed him, by tales which were afterwards proven to be false, with a suspi- cion of the dauphiness's fidelity. Though innocent, the unhappy princess was so deeply affected by the infamous accusations which were brought against her, that she took to bed, and soon after died of a broken heart, exclaiming before she expired, " Ah ! Jamet, Jamet, you have gained your purpose ;" such mild but affecting expressions being all that her hard fate and the malice of her ene- mies could elicit from the dying princess. Jamet was afterwards proven, in a legal investigation which took place into the cause of the death of Margaret, to be a " scoundrel" and " common liar." The death of this princess took place nine years after the marriage, and seven after the death of her father; who, had he been alive, would not, it is probable, have permitted the treatment of his daughter to have passed without some token of his resentment. The short remaining portion of James's life, either from the defectiveness of the records of that period, or because they really did not occur, presents us with few events of any great importance. Amongst those worthy of any notice, are, a commei'cial league of one hundred years, entered into between Scotland and Flanders ; the passing of a sumptuary law, forbidding any one but lords and knights, their eldest sons and heirs, from wearing silks and furs ; a decree declaring all Scotsmen traitors who travel into England without the king's leave. Another enjoined all barons and lords having lands on the western or northern seas, particularly those opposite to the islands, to furnish a certain number of galleys, according to their tenures ; an injunction which was but little attended to. In 1431, James renewed the treaty of peace with England, then just expiring, for five years. In this year also, a desperate encounter took place at Inverlochy, between Donald Balloch, and the earls of Mar and Caithness, in which the former was victorious. The earl of Caithness, with sixteen squires of his family, fell in this sanguinary engagement. Another conflict, still more deadly, took place about the same time in Strathnavern, between Angus Duff, chief of the Mackays of that district, and Angus Moray. There were twelve hundred men on either side, and it is said, that on the termination of the fight there were scarcely nine left alive. 200 JAMES L James, in the mean time, proceeded with his system of hostility to the nohles availing himself of every opportunity which presented itself of humbling them, and of lessening their power. He threw into prison his own nephews, the earl of Douglas, and Sir John Kennedy, and procured the forfeiture of the estates of the earl of March. The reasons for the first act of severity are now unknown. That for the second was, that the earl of March's father had been engaged in rebellion against the kingdom during the regency of Albany. The policy of James in arraying himself against his nobles, and maintaining an at- titude of hostility towards them during his reign, seems of very questionable pro- priety, to say nothing of the apparent character of unmerited severity which it assumes in many instances. He no doubt found on his arrival in the kingdom, many crimes to punish amongst that class, and much feudal tyranny to suppress; but it is not very evident that his success would have been less, or the object which he aimed at less surely accomplished, had he done this with a more lenient hand. By making the nobles his friends in place of his enemies, he would as- suredly have established and maintained the peace of the kingdom still more effectually than he did. They were men, rude as they were, who would have yielded a submission to a personal affection for their prince, which they would, and did refuse to his authority as a ruler. James erred in aiming at governing by fear, when he should have governed by love. A splendid proof of his error in this particular is presented in the conduct of his great grand-son, James IV. who pursued a directly opposite course with regard to his nobles, and with results infinitely more favourable to the best interests of the kingdom. Only one event now of any moment occurs until the premature death of James ; this is the siege of Roxburgh. To revenge an attempt which had been made by the English to intercept his daughter on her way to France, he raised an army of, it has been computed, two hundred thousand men, and marching into England, besieged the castle of Roxburgh; but after spending fifteen days before that strong- hold, and expending nearly all the missive arms in the kingdom, he was com- pelled to ahandon the siege, and to return with his army without having effected any thing at all commensurate with the extent of his preparations, or the pro- digious force which accompanied him. The melancholy catastrophe in which his existence terminated was now fast approaching, — the result of his own harsh conduct and unforgiving disposition. The nobles, wearied out with his oppressions, seem latterly to have been re- strained only by a want of unanimity amongst themselves from revenging the in- juries they had sustained at his hands, or by a want of individual resolution to strike the fatal blow. At length one appeared who possessed the courage neces- sary for the performance of this desperate deed. This person was Sir Robert Graham, uncle to the earl of Strathern. He also had been imprisoned by James, and was therefore his enemy on personal as well as general grounds. At this crisis of the dissatisfaction of the nobles, Graham offered, in a meeting of the latter, to state their grievances to the king, and to demand the redress of these grievances, provided those who then heard him would second him in so doing. The lords accepted his offer, and pledged themselves to support him. Accordingly, in the very next parliament Graham rose up, and having advanced to where the king was seated, laid his hand upon his shoulder, and said " I ar- rest you in the name of all the three estates of your realm here assembled in parliament, for as your people have sworn to obey you, so are you constrained by an equal oath to govern by law, and not to wrong your subjects, but in jus- tice to maintain and defend them." Then turning round to the assembled lords « Is it not thus as I say ?" he exclaimed ;__but the appeal remained unan- swered. Either awed by the royal presence, or thinking that Graham had gone JAMES I. 201 too far, the lords meanly declined to afford him the* support which they had promised him. That Graham had done a rash thing, and had said more than his colleagues meant he should have said, is scarcely an apology for their deserting him as they did in the hour of trial. They ought at least to have af- forded him some countenance, and to have acknowledged so much of his reproof as they were willing should have heen administered ; and there is little doubt that a very large portion of its spirit was theirs also, although they seem to have lacked the courage to avow it. Graham was instantly ordered into confinement, and was soon after deprived of all his possessions and estates, and banished the kingdom. Brooding over his misfortunes, and breathing -vengeance against him who was the cause of them, the daring exile retired to the remotest parts of the Highlands, and there arranged and perfected his plans of revenge. He first wrote letters to the king, renouncing his allegiance and defying his wrath, up- braiding him with being the ruin of himself, his wife, and his children, and concluded with declaring that he would put him to death with'his own hand, if opportunity should offer. The answer to these threats and defiances was a pro- clamation which the king immediately issued, promising three thousand demies of gold, of the value of half an English noble each, to any one who should bring in Graham dead or alive. The king's proclamation, however, was attended with no effect The ob- ject of it not only remained in safety in his retreat, but proceeded to mature the schemes of vengeance which he meditated against his sovereign. He opened a correspondence with several of the nobility, in which he unfolded the treason which he designed, and offered to assassinate the king with his own hand. The general dislike which was entertained for James, and which was by no means confined to the aristocracy, for his exactions had rendered his govern- ment obnoxious also to the common people, soon procured for Graham a powerful co-operation ; and the result was, that a regular and deep-laid con- spiracy, and which included even some of the king's most familiar domestics, was speedily formed. In the mean time, the king, unconscious of the fate which was about to overtake him, had removed with his court to Perth to celebrate the festival of Christmas. While on his way thither, according to popular tradition, he was accosted by a soothsayer, who forewarned him of the disaster which was to happen him. " My lord king," she said, for it was a prophetess who spoke, " if ye pass this water," (the Forth) " ye shall never return again alive." The king is said to have been much struck by the oracular intimation, and not the less so that he had read in some prophecy a short while before, that in that year a king of Scotland should be slain. The monarch, however, did not himself deign on this occasion to interrogate the soothsayer as to what she meant, but deputed the task to one of the knights, whom he desired to turn aside and hold some conversation with her. This gentleman soon after rejoined the king, and representing the prophetess as a foolish inebriated woman, recommended to his majesty to pay no attention to what she had said. Accordingly no further notice seems to have been taken of the circumstance. The royal pai'ty crossed the water and arrived in safety at Perth ; the king, with his family and domestics, taking up his residence at the Dominicans' or Blackfriars' monastery. The conspirators, in the mean time, fully informed of his motions, had so far com- pleted their arrangements as to have fixed the night on which he should be as- sassinated. This was, according to some authorities, the night of the second Wednesday of lent, or the 27th day of February ; by others, the first Wednes- day of lent, or between the twentieth or twenty-first of that month, in the year 1137 ; and the latter is deemed the more accurate date. James spent the earlier 202 JAMES I. part of the evening in playing chess with one of his knighta, whom, for his remark- able devotion to the fair aex he humorously nicknamed the King of Love. The kinw was in high spirits during the progress of the game, and indulged in a number of jokes at the expense of his brother king ; but the dark hints which he had had of his fate, seemed, as it were in spite of himself, to have made an impres- sion upon him, and were always present to him even in his merriest moods, and it was evidently under this feeling that he said — more in earnest than in joke, though he endeavoured to give it the latter character — to his antagonist in the game, " Sir King of Love, it is not long since I read a prophecy which foretold that in this year a king should be slain in this land, and ye know well, sir, that there are no kings in this realm but you and I. I therefore advise you to look carefully to your own safety, for I give you warning that I shall see that mine is sufficiently provided for." Shortly after this a number of lords and knights thronged into the king's chamber, and the mirth, pastime, and joke went on with increased vigour. In the midst of the revelry, however, the king received another warning of his approaching fate. " My lord," said one of his favourite squires, tempted probably by the light tone of the conversation which was going forward, " I have dreamed that Sir Robert Graham should have slain you." The earl of Orkney, who was present, rebuked the squire for the impropriety of his speech, but the king, differently affected, said that he himself had dreamed a terrible dream on the very night of which his attendant spoke. In the mean time, the night wore on, and all still remained quiet in and around the monastery ; but at this very moment, Graham, with three hundred fierce Highlanders, was lurking in the neighbourhood, waiting the midnight hour to break in upon the ill-fated monarch. The mirth and pastime in the king's chamber continued until supper was served, probably about nine o'clock at night. As the hour of this repast approached, however, all retired ex- cepting the earl of Athol and Robert Stuart, the king's nephew, and one of his greatest favourites, — considerations which could not bind him to the unfortu- nate monarch, for he too was one of the conspirators, and did more than any one of them to facilitate the murderous intentions of his colleagues, by destroy- ing the fastenings of the king's chamber door. After supper the amusements of the previous part of the evening were resumed, and chess, music, singing, and the reading of romances, wiled away the next two or three hours. On this fatal evening another circumstance occurred, which might have aroused the suspicions of the king, if he had not been most unaccountably insensible to the frequent hints and indirect intimations which he had received of some imminent peril hang- ing over him. The same woman who had accosted him before crossing the firth again appeared, and knocking at his chamber door at a late hour of the night, sought to be admitted to the presence of the king. " Tell him," she said to the usher who came forth from the apartment when she knocked, " that I am the same woman who not long ago desired to speak with him when he was about to cross the sea, and that I have something to say to him." The usher immediate- ly conveyed the message to the king, but he being wholly engrossed by the game in which he was at the instant engaged, merely ordered her to return on the morrow. " Well," replied the disappointed soothsayer, as she at the first interview affected to be, " ye shall all of you repent that I was not permitted just now to speak to the king." The usher laughing at what he conceived to be the expressions of a fool, ordered the woman to begone, and she obeyed. The night was now wearing late, and the king, having put an end to the evening's amusements, called for the parting cup. This drunk, the party broke up, and James retired to his bed-chamber, where he found the queen and her ladies amusing themselves with cheerful conversation. The king, now in his JAMES 1. 203 night-gown and slippers, placed himself before the fire, and joined in the badinage which was going forward. At this moment the king was suddenly startled by a great noise at the outside of his chamber door, or rather in the passage which led to it. The sounds were those of a crowd oi armed men pressing hurriedly forward. There was a loud clattering and jingling of arms and armour, accompanied by the gleaming of torches. The king seems to have instantly apprehended danger, a feeling which either he had communicated to the ladies in the apartment, or they had of themselves conceived, for they im- mediately rushed to the door with the view of securing it, but they found all the fastenings destroyed, and a bar which should have been there removed. This being intimated to the king, he called out to the ladies to hold fast the door as well as they could, until he could find something wherewith to defend himself; and he flew to the window of the apartment and endeavoured to wrench away one of the iron staunchions for this purpose, but the bar resisted all his efforts. In this moment of horror and despair, the unhappy monarch next seized the tongs, which lay by the fireside, and by their means, and with some desperate efforts of personal strength, he tore up a portion of the floor, and instantly descend- ing through the aperture into a mean receptacle which was underneath the cliam- ber, drew the boards down after him to their original position. In the mean time the ladies had contrived to keep out the conspirators, and, in this effort, it is said, Catharine Douglas had one of her arms broken, by having thrust it into the wall in place of the bar which had been removed. The assassins, however, at length forced their way into the apartment ; and here a piteous scene now ensued. The queen stood in the middle of the floor, bereft of speech and of all power of motion by her terror, while her ladies, several of whom were severely hurt and wounded, filled the apartment with the most lamentable cries and shrieks. One of the ruffians on entering inflicted a severe wound on the queen, and would have killed her outright, but for the interference of one of the sons of Sir Robert Graham, who, perceiving the dastard about to repeat the blow, exclaimed " What would ye do to the queen ? for shame of yourself, she is but a woman ; let us go and seek the king." The conspirators, who were all armed with swords, daggers, axes, and other weapons, now proceeded to search for the king. They examined all the beds, presses, and other probable places of concealment, overturned forms and chairs, but to no purpose ; the king could not be found, nor could they conceive how he had escaped them. The conspirators, baulked in their pursuit, dispersed themselves throughout the different apartments to extend their search. This creating a silence in the apartment immediately above the king, the unfortunate monarch conceived the conspirators had entirely withdrawn, and in his impatience to get out of his disagreeable situation, called out to the ladies to bring him sheets for that purpose. In the attempt which immediately followed to raise him up by these means, Elizabeth Douglas, another of the queen's wait- ing-maids, fell into the hole in which the king was concealed. At this moment, Thomas Chambers, one of the assassins, and who was also one of the king's domestics, entered the apartment, and perceiving the opening in the floor, he immediately proceeded towards it, and looking down into the cellar, with the assistance of his torch discovered the king. On descrying the object of his search, Chambers exultingly called out to his companions, ** Sirs, the bride is found for whom we sought, and for whom we have caroled here all night." The joyful tidings instantly brought a crowd of the conspirators to the spot, and amongst the rest, Sir John Hall, who, with a large knife in his hand, hastily descended to the king's hiding-place. The latter, however, who was a man of great personal strength, instantly seized the assassin and threw him down at his feet ; and his brother, who followed, shared 204 JAMES I. the same treatment — the king holding them both by their throats, and with such a powerful grasp, that they bore marks of the violence for a month afterwards. The unfortunate monarch now endeavoured to wrest their knives from the assas- sins, and in 'the attempt had his hands severely cut and mangled. Sir Robert Graham, who had hitherto been merely looking on, now seeing that the Halls could not accomplish the murder of the king, also descended, and with a drawn sword in his hand. Unable to cope with them all, and exhausted with the fearful struggle which he had maintained with the two assassins, wea- ponless and disabled in his hands, the king implored Graham for mercy. " Cruel tyrant," replied the regicide, " thou hadst never mercy on thy kindred nor on others who fell within thy power, and therefore, thou shalt have no mercy from me." '* Then I beseech thee, for the salvation of my soul, that thou wilt permit me to have a confessor," said the miserable prince. - " Thou shalt have no confessor but the sword," replied Graham, thrusting his victim through the body with his weapon. The king fell, but the stroke was not instantly fatal. He continued in the most piteous tones to supplicate mercy from his murderer, offering him half his kingdom if he would but spare his life. The heart-rending appeals of the hapless monarch shook even Graham's resolution, and he was about to desist from doing him further injury, when his intentions being per- ceived by the conspirators from above, they called out to him that if he did not comp'ete the deed, he should himself suffer death at their hands. Urged on by this threat, the three assassins again attacked the king, and finally despatched him, having inflicted sixteen deadly wounds on his chest, besides others on different parts of his body. As if every circumstance which could facilitate his death had conspired to secure that event, it happened that the king, some days before he was murdered, had directed that an aperture in the place where he had concealed himself, and by which he might have escaped, should be built up, as the balls with which he played at tennis in the court yard were apt to be lost in it. After completing the murder of the king, the assassins sought for the queen, whom, dreading her vengeance, they proposed to put also to death ; but she had escaped. A rumour of the tragical scene that was enacting at the monastery having spread through the town, great numbers of the citizens and of the king's servants, with arms and torches hastened to the spot, but too late, to the assistance of the murdered monarch. The conspirators, however, all escaped for the time, excepting one, who was killed by Sir David Dunbar, who had him- self three fingers cut off" in the contest. This brave knight had alone attacked the flying conspirators, but was overpowered and left disabled. In less than a month, such was the activity of the queen's vengeance, all the principal actors in this appalling tragedy were in custody, and were after- wards put to the mosthorrible deaths. Stuart and Chambers, who were the first taken, were drawn, hanged, and quartered, having been previously lacerated all over with sharp instruments. Graham was carried through the streets of Edin- burgh in a cart, in a state of perfect nudity, with his right hand nailed to an upright post, and surrounded with men, who, with sharp hooks and knives, and red hot irons, kept constantly tearing at and burning his miserable body, until he was completely covered with wounds. Having undergone this, he was again thrown into prison, and on the following day brought out to execution. The wretched man had, when released from his tortures, wrapped himself in a coarse woollen Scottish plaid, which adhering to his wounds, caused him much pain in the removal. When this operation was performed, and it was done with no gentle hand, the miserable sufferer fainted, and fell to the ground with the agony. On recovering, which he did not do for nearly a quarter of an hour, he said to those around him, that the rude manner in which the mantle had JAMES IV. 205 been removed, had given him greater pain than any he had yet suffered. To increase the horrors of his situation, his son was disembowelled alive before his face. James I. perished in the forty-fourth year of his age, after an actual reign of thirteen years. His progeny were, a son, his successor, and five daughters. These were, Margaret, married to the dauphin ; Isabella, to Francis, duke of Bretagne ; Eleanor, to Sigismund, archduke of Austria ; Mary, to the count de Boucquan ; and Jean, to the earl of Angus, afterwards earl of Morton. JAMES IV., king of Scots, was the eldest son of James III. by 31argaret, daughter of Christiern, king of Denmark ; and was born in the month of March, 1472. Of the manner of his education no record has been preserved; but it was probably good, as his father, whatever might be his faults, appears to have been a monarch of considerable taste and refinement. In the year 1488, a large party of nobles rebelled against James III. on account of various arbi- trary proceedings with which they were displeased ; and the king, on going to the north to raise an army for their suppression, left his son, the subject of the present memoir, in the keeping of Shaw of Sauchie, governor of Stirling castle. While the king was absent, the confederate nobles prevailed on Shaw to sur- render his charge ; and the prince was then set up as their nominal, but, it would appear, involuntary leader. The parties met, July 11, at Sauchie, near Stirling ; and the king fell a victim to the resentment of his subjects. The subject of the present memoir then mounted the throne, in the sixteenth year of his age. Neither the precise objects of this rebellion, nor the real nature of the prince's concern in its progress and event, are distinctly known. It is certain, however, that James IV. always considered himself as liable to the vengeance of heaven for his share, voluntary or involuntary, in his father's death ; and ac- cordingly wore a penitential chain round his body, to which he added new weight every year ; and even contemplated a still more conspicuous expiation of his supposed offence, by undertaking a new crusade. Whatever might be the guilt of the prince, the nation had certainly no cause to regret the death of James III., except the manner in which it was accomplished, while they had every thing to hope from the generous young monarch who was his successor. James possessed in an eminent degree every quality necessary to render a sore- reign beloved by his subjects ; and perhaps no prince ever enjoyed so large a portion of personal regard, of intense affection, as did James IV. of Scotland. His manner was gentle and affable to all who came in contact with him, whatever might be their rank or degree. He was just and impartial in his decrees, yet never in- flicted punishment without strong and visible reluctance. He listened willingly and readily to admonition, and never discovered either impatience or resentment while his errors were placed before him. He took every thing in good part, and endeavoured to amend the faults pointed out by his advisers. He was generous, even to a fault ; magnificent and princely in all his habits, pursuits, and amusements. His mind was acute, and dignified, and noble. He excelled in all warlike exercises and manly accomplishments ; in music, horsemanship, and the use of sword and spear. Nor was his personal appearance at variance with this elevated character. His form, which was of the middle size, was ex- ceedingly handsome, yet stout and muscular, and his countenance had an ex- pression of mildness and dignity that instantly predisposed all who looked upon it to a strong attachment to its possessor. His bravery, like his generosity, was also in the extreme : it was romantic. Altogether, he was unquestionably the most chivalrous prince of his day in Europe. A contemporary poet bears testimony to this part of his character : — 206 JAMES IV. •* And ye Christian princes, whosoever ye 'be, If ye be destitute of a noble captayne, Take James of Scotland for his audacitie And proved manhood, if ye will laude attayne ; Let him have the forwarde, have ye no disdayne, Nor indignation ; for never king was borne That of ought of warr can showe the unicorne. For if that he take once his speare in hand, Against these Turkes strongly with it to ride, None shall be able his stroke for to withstande Nor before his face so hardy to abide ; Yet this his manhood increaseth not his pride, But ever shewetli be meknes and humilitie, In word or dede, to hye and lowe degree. " A neglected education left him almost totally ignorant of letters, but not without a high relish for their beauties. He delighted in poetry, and possessed a mind attuned to all its finer sympathies. The design of the rebel lords in taking arms against their sovereign, James III., being merely to free themselves from his weak and tyrannical government, without prejudice to his heirs, his son James IV. was, immediately after the death of his father, proclaimed king, and was formally invested with that dig- nity at Scone. However violent and unlawful were the proceedings which thus prematurely elevated James to the throne, the nation soon felt a benefit from the change which these proceedings effected, that could scarcely have been looked for from an administration originating in rebellion and regicide. The several parliaments which met after the accession of the young king, passed a number of wise and salutary laws, encouraging trade, putting down turbulence and faction, and enjoining the strict execution of justice throughout the kingdom. The prince and his nobles placed the most implicit confidence in each other, and the people in both. This good understanding with the former, the king encouraged and promoted, by inviting them to frequent tournaments and other amusements, and warlike exercises, in accordance with his own chivalrous spirit, and adapted to their rude tastes and habits. These tournaments were exceed- ingly splendid, and were invested with all the romance of the brightest days of chivalry. Ladies, lords, and knights, in the most gorgeous attire crowded round the lists, or from draperied balconies, witnessed the combats that took place within them. James himself always presided on these occasions, and often exhibited his own prowess in the lists ; and there were few who could success- fully compete with him with spear, sword, or battle axe. Stranger knights from distant countries, attracted by the chivalric fame of the Scottish court, fre- quently attended and took part in these tournaments, but, it is said, did not in many instances prove themselves better men at their weapons than the Scottish knights. One of the rules of these encounters was, that the victor should be put in possession of his opponent's weapon ; but when this was a spear, a purse of gold, a gift from the king, was attached to the point of it These trophies were delivered to the conqueror by the monarch himself. The people were delighted with these magnificent and warlike exhibitions, and with their generous and chivalrous author. Nor were the actors themselves, the nobles, less gratified with them, or less affected by the high and princely spirit whence they emanated. They brought them into frequent and familiar contact with their sovereign, and nothing more was necessary in the case of James to attach them warmly and de- votedly to his person. His kind and affable manner accomplished the rest JAMES IV, 207 By such means he was not only without a single enemy amongst the aristo- cracy, but all of them would have shed the last drop of their blood in his defence, and a day came when nearly all of them did so. In short, the wisest policy could not have done more in uniting the affections of prince and peers, than was accomplished by those warlike pastimes, aided as they were by the amiable manners of the monarch. Not satisfied with discharging his duty to his subjects, from his high place on the throne, James frequently descended, and disguising his person — a practice to which his successor was also much addicted — roamed through the country un- armed and unattended, inquiring into his own reputation amongst the common people, and endeavouring to learn what faults himself or his government were charged with. On these occasions he lodged in the meanest hovels, and en- couraged the inmates to speak their minds freely regarding their king; and there is little doubt, that, as his conduct certainly merited it, so he must have been frequently gratified by their replies. The young monarch, however, was charged with stepping aside occasionally in his rambles from this laudable though somewhat romantic pursuit, and paying visits to any of his fair acquain- tances whose residence happened to be in his way; and it is alleged that he con- trived they should very often be so situated. Unfortunately for his courtiers, James conceived that he possessed, and not improbably actually did possess considerable skill in surgery and medicine, but there is reason to believe, that the royal surgeon's interference in cases of ail- ment was oftener dreaded than desired, although Lindsay says, that " thair was none of that profession (the medical) if they had any dangerous cure in hand but would have craved his adwyse." Compliments, however, to a king's excellence in any art or science are always suspicious, and this of Lindsay's is not associated with any circumstances which should give it a claim to exemption from such a feeling. One of the greatest faults of the young monarch was a rashness and im- petuosity of temper. This frequently led him into ill-timed and ill-judged hos- tilities with the neighbouring kingdom, and, conjoined with a better quality, his generosity, induced him to second the pretensions of the impostor Perkin Warbeck to the crown of England. That adventurer arrived at James's court (1496), attended by a numerous train of followers, all attired in magnificent habits, and sought the assistance of the Scottish king to enable him to recover what he represented as his birth-right. Prepossessed by the elegant man- ner and noble bearing of the impostor, and readily believing the story of his misfortunes, which was supported by plausible evidence, the generous monarch at once received him to his arms, and not only entertained him for some time at his court, but, much against the will of his nobles, mustered an army, and, with Warbeck in his company, marched at the head of it into England, to reinstate his protege in what he believed to be his right, at the point of the sword, — a project much more indicative of a warm and generous heart, than of a prudent head, The enterprise, as might have been expected, was un- successful. James had counted on a rising in England in behalf of the pre- tender, but being disappointed in this, he was compelled to abandon the attempt and to return to Holyrood. The king of England did not retaliate on James this invasion of his kingdom ; but he demanded from him the person of the im- postor. With this request, however, the Scottish king was much too magnanimous to comply ; and he not only refused to accede to it, but furnished Warbeck with vessels and necessaries to carry him to Ireland, whither he now proceeded. James is fully relieved from the charge of credulity which might appear to lie against him for so readily confiding in Warbeck's representations, by the extreme 208 JAMES IV. plausibility which was attached to them, and by the strongly corroborative cir- cumstances by which they were attended. He is also as entirely relieved from the imputation of conniving in the imposture — an accusation which has been insinuated against him — by the circumstance of his having given a near relation of his own, Catharine Gordon, a daughter of lord Huntly's, in marriage to the impostor, which it cannot for a moment be believed he would have done had he known the real character of Warbeck. The species of roving life which the young monarch led, was now about to be circumscribed, if not wholly terminated, by his entering into the married state. This he avoided as long as he possibly could, and contrived to escape from it till he had attained the thirtieth year of his age. Henry of England, however, who had always been more desirous of James's friendship than his hos- tility, and had long entertained views of securing the former by a matrimonial connexion with his family, at length succeeded in procuring James's consent to marry his daughter Margaret, an event which took place in 1503. Whatever reluctance the monarch might have had to resign his liberty, he was not wanting in gallantry to his fair partner when she came to claim it. He first waited upon her at Newbattle, where he entertained her with his own per- formance on the clarichords and lute, listened to specimens of her own skill in the same art on bended knee, and altogether conducted himself like a true and faithful knight. He also exhibited a care and elegance in his dress on this oc- casion, sufficiently indicative of his desire to please. He was arrayed in a black velvet jacket, bordered with crimson velvet, and furred with white ; and when he afterwards conducted his bride from Dalkeith to Edinburgh, which he did, strange to tell, seated on horseback behind him, he appeared in a jacket of cloth of gold, bordered with purple velvet, furred with black, a doublet of violet satin, scarlet hose, the collar of his shirt studded with precious stones and pearls, with long gilt spurs projecting from the heels of his boots. By the terms of the marriage contract, the young queen, who was only in her fourteenth year when she was wedded to James, was to be conducted to Scotland at the expense of her father, and to be delivered to her husband or to persons appointed by him, at Lamberton kirk. The latter was to receive with her a dowry of thirty thousand pieces of gold ; ten thousand to be paid at Edinburgh eight days after the marriage, other ten thousand at Coldingham a year afterwards, and the last ten thousand at the expiry of the year following. The marriage was celebrated with the utmost splendour and pomp. Feastings, tourneyings, and exhibitions of shows and plays, succeeded each other in one continued and uninterrupted round for many days, James himself appearing in the lists at the tournaments in the character of the " Savage Knight" But there is no part of the details of the various entertainments got up on this oc- casion that intimates so forcibly the barbarity of the times, as the information that real encounters between a party of Highlanders and Borderers, in which the combatants killed and mangled each other with their weapons, were exhibited for the amusement of the spectators. A more grateful and more lasting memorial of the happy event of James's marriage than any of these, is to be found in Dunbar's beautiful allegorical poem, the " Thistle and the Rose," composed on that occasion, and thus aptly and emblematically entitled from the union being one between a Scottish king and English princess. In this poem, Dunbar, who then resided at the court, hints at the monarch's character of being a somewhat too general admirer of the fair sex, by recommending him to reserve all his affections for his queen. M Nor hauld no other flower in sic denty , As the fresche rose, of cullor reid and white ; JAMES IV. 209 For gif thou dois, hurt is thine honesty, Ccnsiddering that no flower is so perfyt" It is said to have been at the rude but magnificent court of this monarch, that the character of a Scottish courtier first appeared ; this class, so numerous at all the other courts of Europe, having been hitherto unknown in Scotland. These raw courtiers, however, made rapid progress in all the acquirements necessary to their profession, and began to cultivate all their winning ways, and to pay all that attention to their exterior appearance, on which so much of the hopes of the courtier rests. A finely and largely ruffled shirt, the especial boast and delight of the ancient Scottish courtier, a fiat little bonnet, russet hose, perfumed gloves, embroidered slippers that glittered in the sun or with candle light, a handkerchief also perfumed and adorned with a golden tassel at each corner, with garters knotted into a huge rose at the knee — were amongst the most re- markable parts of the dress of the hangers-on at the court of James IV. In one important particular, however, these gentlemen seemed to have wonderfully re- sembled the courtier of the present day. " Na Kindness at Court without Sil- ler," is the title of a poem by Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, who had every opportunity of knowing personally what was the character of that of his native sovereign. One of the stipulations of the marriage treaty between the king and the daughter of Henry the VII., having secured an inviolable peace between the two monarchs and their subjects, the nation enjoyed for several years after that event the most profound tranquillity. This leisure James employed in improving the civil polity of his kingdom; in making efforts to introduce civilization, and an obedience to the laws, into the Highlands and Isles, by establishing courts of jus« tioe at Inverness, Dingwall, and various other places throughout these remote districts ; in enlarging and improving his navy, and, in short, in doing every thing that a wise prince could do to promote the prosperity of his kingdom. In all these judicious proceedings, James was cordially supported by his parliament, a department of the legislature in which he was perhaps more fortunate than any of his predecessors had ever been, and certainly more than were any of his immediate successors. The acts of the parliament of James are distinguished by the most f?onsummate wisdom, and by a constant aiming at the improvement and prosperity of the kingdom, whether by suppressing violence, establishing rules for the dispensation of justice, or in encouraging commerce ; and they are no less remarkable for a spirit of cordiality towards the sovereign, amount- ing to a direct and personal affection, which breathes throughout the whole. How much of this good feeling, and of this happy co-operation in good works, depended upon the king, and how much upon the parliaments themselves, it would not be easy to determine, but it is certain, that much of the merit which attaches to it must be awarded to the sovereign. This peaceful and prosperous state of the kingdom, however, after enduring for upwards of nine years, at length drew to a close, and finally terminated in one of the most disastrous events recorded in the pages of her history. Henry VII. died, and was succeeded by Henry VIII. Besides the change which this occurrence effected in the relationship between the sovereigns of England and Scotland, the feelings and policy of the new monarch towards the latter kingdom were totally dissimilar to those of his predecessor. He seems, indeed, to have brought with him to the throne a feeling of hostility towards Scotland ; and this feeling, the sensitive, warm tempered, and impetuous monarch, against whom it was entertained, was not long in discovering. The consequence was, that, after some slight mutual offences, which, under any other circumstances, might have been easily atoned for war was proclaimed between the two king- 210 JAMES IT. (loins, and both made the most formidable preparations for deciding their differ- ences on the field of battle. James summoned the whole array of his kingdom; including all the western isles and the most remote parts of the Highlands, to assemble on the Burrow muir within twenty days, each, as was usual on such oc- casions, to come provided with forty days' provisions. Though the impending war was deprecated by James's council, and was by all considered imprudent, yet such was his popularity, such the general affection for the high-spirited and generous monarch, that no less than one hundred thousand men appeared in arms at the place of muster; disapproving, indeed, of the object for which they were brought together, • but determined to shed the last drop of their blood in their sovereign's quarrel- — because it was his, and because he had determined on bringing it to the issue of the sword. Deeply imbued with the superstition of the period, James spent much of his time, immediately before setting out with his army, in the performance of religious rites and observances. On one of these occasions, and within a few days of his marching on his expedition, a circum- stance occurred which the credulity of the times has represented as supernatural, but in which it is not difficult to detect a design to work on the superstitious fears of the king, to deter him from proceeding on his intended enterprise. While at his devotions in the church of Linlithgow, a figure, clothed in a blue gown secured by a linen girdle and wearing sandals, suddenly appeared in the church, and calling loudly for the king, passed through the crowd of nobles, by whom he was surrounded, and finally approached the desk at which his majesty was seated at his devotions. Without making any sign of reverence or respect for the royal presence, the mysterious visitor now stood full before the king, and delivered a commission as if from the other world. He told hiin that his expedition would terminate disastrously, advised him not to proceed with it, and cautioned him against the indulgence of illicit amours. The king was about to reply, but the spectre had disappeared, and no one could tell how. The figure is represented as having been that of an elderly grave-looking man, with a bald uncovered head, and straggling grey locks resting on his shoulders. There is little doubt that it was a stratagem of the queen's, and that the lords who sur- rounded the king's person were in the plot. Some other attempts of a similar kind were made to alarm the monarch, and to deter him from his purpose, but in vain. Neither superstition nor the ties of natural affection could dissuade him from taking the field. Resisting all persuasion, and even the tears and en- treaties of his queen, who, amongst the other arguments which her grief for the probable fate of her husband suggested, urged that of the helpless state of theii infant son ; the gallant but infatuated monarch took his place at the head of his army, put the vast array in marching order, and proceeded on that expedition from which he was never to return. The Scottish army having passed the Tweed began hostilities by taking some petty forts and castles, and amongst the latter that of Ford; here the monarch found a Mrs Heron, a lady of remarkable beauty, and whose husband was at that time a prisoner in Scotland. Captivated by this lady's attractions — while his natural son, the archbishop of St Andrews, who accompanied him, acknowledged those of her daughter — James spent in her society that time which he should have employed in active service with his army. The consequence of this inconceivable folly was, that his soldiers, left unem- ployed, and disheartened by a tedious delay, gradually withdrew from his camp and returned to their homes, until his army was at length reduced to little more than thirty thousand men. A sense of honour, however, still detained in his ranks all the noblemen and gentlemen who had first joined them, and thus a dispro- portionate number of the aristocracy remained to fall in the fatal field which was soon afterwards fought. In the mean time the earl of Surrey, lieutenant JAMES IV. 211 general of the northern counties of England, advanced towards the position oc- cupied by James's forces, with an army of thirty-one thousand men. On the 7th of September, 1513, the latter encamped at Woolerhaugh, within five miles of Flodden hill, the ground on which the Scottish army was encamped. On the day following they advanced to Ban more wood, distant about two miles from the Scottish position, and on the 9th presented themselves in battle array at the foot of Flodden hill. The Scottish nobles endeavoured to prevail upon the king not to expose his person in the impending encounter, but he rejected the proposal with disdain, saying, that to outlive so many of his brave country- men would be more terrible to him than death itself. Finding they could not dissuade him from his purpose of sharing in the dangers of the approaching fight, they had recourse to an expedient to lessen the chances of a fatal result. Selecting several persons who bore a resemblance to him in figure and stature, they clothed them in a dress exactly similar to that worn by the monarch, and dispersed them throughout the ranks of the army. The English army, when it presented itself to the Scots, was drawn up in three large divisions ; Surrey commanding that in the centre, Sir Edward Stanley and Sir Edmund Howard those on the right and left, while a large body of cavalry, commanded by Dacre, was posted in the rear. The array of the Scots was made to correspond to this disposition, the king himself leading on in person the division opposed to that commanded by Surrey, while the earls of Lennox, Argyle, Crawford, Montrose, Huntly, and Home, jointly commanded those on his right and left. A body of cavalry, corresponding to that of Dacre 's, under Both well, was posted imme- diately behind the king's division. Having completed their dispositions, the Scots, with their long spears levelled for the coming strife, descended from the hill, and were soon closed with the enemy. The divisions commanded by Huntly and Home, on the side of the Scots, and by Howard on the side of the English, first met, but in a few minutes more all the opposing divisions came in contact with each other, and the battle became general. The gallant but imprudent monarch himself, with his sword in his hand, and surrounded by a band of his no less gallant nobles, was seen fighting desperately in the front of his men, and in the very midst of a host of English bill-men. After various turns of fortune, the day finally terminated in favour of the English, though not so decisively as to assure them of their success, for it was not till the following day, that Surrey, by finding the field abandoned by the Scots, ascertained that he had gained the battle. In this sanguinary conflict, which lasted for three hours, having commenced at four o'clock in the afternoon and continued till seven, there perished twelve earls, thirteen lords, five eldest sons of peers, about fifty gentlemen of rank and family, several dignitaries of the church, and about ten thousand common men. Amongst the churchmen who fell, were the king's natural son, the archbishop of St Andrews, Hepburn, bishop of the Isles, and the abbots of Kilwinning and Inchaft'ray. James him. self fell amidst a heap of his slaughtered nobles, mortally wounded in the head by an English bill, and pierced in the body with an arrow. It was long be- lieved by the common people that the unfortunate monarch had escaped from the field, and that he had gone on a pilgrimage to Palestine, where tradition represented him to have ended his days in prayer and penitence for his sins, and especially for that of his having borne arms against his father. This belief was strengthened by a rumour that he had been seen between Kelso and Dunse after the battle was fought That he actually fell at Flodden, however, has been long since put beyond all doubt, and the fate of his body is singular. It appears to have been carried to London, and to have been embalmed there, but by whom or by whose orders is unknown. In the reign of Elizabeth, some 212 JAMES V. sixty or seventy years afterwards, the shell in which the body was deposited, and still containing it, was found in a garret amongst a quantity of lumber by a slater while repairing the roof of a house. The body was still perfectly en- tire, and emitted a pleasant fragrance from the strong aromas which had been employed in its preservation. Looking on it as a great curiosity, though un- aware whose remains it was, the slater chopped off the head, carried it home with him, and kept it for several years. Such was the fate of the mortal part of the noble-minded, the high-souled monarch, James IV. of Scotland. He was in the forty-first year of his age, and the twenty-sixth of his reign, when he fell on Flodden field. At this distance of time, every thing relating to that celebrated, but calamitous contest the most calamitous recorded in the pages of Scottish history — possesses a deep and peculiar interest ; but of all the memorials which have reached us of that fatal event, there is not one perhaps so striking and impressive as the pro- clamation of the authorities of Edinburgh. The provost and magistrates were in the ranks of the king's army, and had left the management of the town's af- fairs in the hands of deputies. On the day after the battle was fought, a rumour had reached the city that the Scottish army had met with a disaster, and the following proclamation — the one alluded to — was in consequence is- sued. The hopes, fears, and doubts which it expresses, now that all such feel- ings regarding the event to which it refers have long since passed away, cannot be contemplated without a feeling of deep and melancholy interest. " The 10th day of September the year above written, (1513) we do zow to witt. Foras- meikle as thair is ane grait rumour now laitlie rysin within this toun, touching oure soverane lord and his army, of the quhilk we understand thair is cum in na veritie as yet. Quhairfore we charge straitely, and commandis in oure said soverane lord the kingis name, and the presidentis for the provost and bail- lies within this burgh, that .all manner of personis, nychtbours within the samyn, have riddye thair fensabill geir and wappenis for weir, and compeir thairwith to the said presidents at jowing of the commoun bell, for the keiping and defense of the toun aganis thame that wald invaid the samin. And als chairgis that all wemen, and especiallie vagaboundis, that thai pass to thair labouris and be nocht sene upoun the gait clamorand and cryand, under the pane of banising of thair personis, but favouris, and that the uther women of gude re- pute pass to the kirk and pray quhane tyme requiris for our soverane lord, and his army and nychtbours being thairat, and hald thame at thair pre vie labouris of the gait within thair housis as efteris." James left behind him only one legitimate child, James V. His natural issue were, Alexander, born eight months after his father's death, and who died in the second year of his age ; Alexander, archbishop of St Andrews ; Catharine, wedded to the earl of Morton ; James, earl of Murray ; Margaret, wedded to the heir of Huntly ; and Jean, married to Malcolm, lord Fleming. JAMES V. of Scotland, son of James IV., and of Margaret, eldest daughter of Henry VII., king of England, was born at Linlithgow in the month of April, 1512. This prince, on the death of his father, was not more than a year and a half old. The nation had, therefore, to look forward to a long minority, and to dread all the evils which in these turbulent times were certain to attend a pro- tracted regency. Scarcely any event could have been more disastrous to Scotland, than the premature death of James IV. The loss of the battle of Flodden, the immense number of Scottish noblemen and gentlemen who fell in that fatal field, were calamities of no ordinary magnitude ; but the death of James himself was more fatal to the peace and prosperity of the kingdom than all. By the latter event, JAMES V. 213 Scotland was thrown open to foreign influence and intrigue, and left to the ferocious feuds of its own turbulent and warlike chieftains, who did not fail to avail themselves of the opportunity which the death of the monarch afforded them, of bringing their various private quarrels to the decision of the sword. It might have been expected, that the overwhelming disaster of Flodden field, which brought grief and mourning into almost every house of note in the land by the loss of some member of its family, would have extinguished, for a time at least, all personal animosities between them, and that a common sympathy would have prevented the few that were left from drawing their swords upon each other ; but it had no such effect. Sanguinary contests and atrocious murders daily occurred throughout the whole country. They invaded each other's territories with fire and sword, burned with indiscriminating vengeance the cottage as well as the castle ; despoiled the lands of corn and cattle ; and retired only when driven back by a superior force, or when there was nothing more left to destroy or carry away. For us, who live in so totally different and so much happier times, it is not easy to conceive the dreadful and extraordinary state of matters which prevailed in Scotland during such periods as that of the minority of James V., when there was no ruler in the land to curb the turbulence and ambition of its nobles. In their migrations from one place to another, these proud chieftains were con- stantly attended by large bodies of armed followers, whom they kept in regular pay, besides supplying them with arms and armour. Thus troops of armed men, their retainers being generally on horseback, were constantly traversing the coun- try in all directions, headed by some stern chieftain clad in complete armour, and bent on some lawless expedition of revenge or aggression ; but he came thus prepared as well to the feast as to the fray, for he did not know how soon the former might be converted into the latter. There existed always a mutual dis- trust of each other, which kept them in a constant dread of treachery, and no outward signs of friendship could throw them for a moment off their guard. Thus they were compelled to have frequent recourse to stratagem to destroy an enemy ; and numerous instances of the basest and most cowardly assassinations, accomplished by such means, occur in the pages of Scottish history. The num- ber of armed retainers by which the chieftain was attended, was proportioned to his means. The Douglases are said to have seldom gone abroad with fewer than fifteen hundred men at aims behind them ; and Robertson of Strowan, a chief of no great note, in the year 1504, was attended by a band of no less than eight hundred followers when he went to ravage the lands of Athol. The earl of Angus on one occasion entered Edinburgh with five hundred men in his train, all " weil accompanied and arrayed with jack and spear," for which they found sufficient employment before they left the city. Angus had come to Edinburgh with this formidable force to prevent the success of an attempt which the earl of Arran, then also in the town, Mas at that instant making to deprive the queen dowager of the regency. So soon as Arran got notice that Angus was in the city, he ordered the gates to be shut to secure him, but unaware, that he had also shut up with him five hundred well-armed followers. In the morning some of Angus's friends waited upon him, and informed him of the measures which Arran had taken for his apprehension, they also told him that if he did not instantly appear on the open street where he might defend himself, he would be taken prisoner. Angus lost no time in buckling on his armour, and summoning his followers around him. He then formed in battle array, immediately above the Nether- bow, and after a fruitless attempt on the part of Gavin Douglas, archbishop of St Andrews, to prevent bloodshed, the retainers of the two hostile noblemen encountered each other ; and after a sanguinary conflict of long continuance, 214 JAMES V. on the public street, in which great numbers were killed and wounded on both sides, Arran's party gave way, and he himself with difficulty escaped through the North Loch. This encounter was afterwards distinguished by the name of Cleanse the Causey, from its having been fought upon the street or causey. Such was the condition of Scotland during nearly the whole period of the minor- ity of James ; and by merely substituting one noble name for another, and shift- ing from time to time the scene of their endless squabbles and skirmishes, adding an interminable and scarcely intelligible story of intrigues, duplicity, and decep- tion, we have the history of the kingdom for the fifteen years immediately sue. ceeding the battle of Flodden field. During this period, we occasionally find the queen and her second husband, the earl of Angus, and sometimes the duke of Albany, cousin of the late king, in possession of the nominal regency. At length the young monarch comes upon the stage ; and it is not until that event occurs, that the interest of the story is resumed. It then becomes a connected and intelligible tale, and is at once relieved of the cumbrous and fatiguing narration of occurrences, digressive, episodical, and parenthetical, with which it was pre- viously disfigured and obscured. In the mean time, the young monarch, unconscious of the storm that was raging without, was pursuing his studies in the castle of Edinburgh, where he had been placed for safety, under the tuition of Gavin Dunbar, 'lhe apartments appropriated to the youthful sovereign in this ancient fortress, seem to have been in but a very indifferent condition ; his master, Dunbar, though afterwards refunded, having been obliged to repair, at his own cost, in the first instance, the chamber in which the king received his lessons, one particular room having been set apart for that purpose. Indeed, during the whole of Albany's regency, the wants of the young monarch seem to have been very little attended to : even his personal comfort was so much neglected, that it was with great difficulty he could procure a new doublet or a new pair of hose ; and he at one time must have gone without even them, but for the kindness of his natural sister, the countess of Morton, who, from time to time, supplied him with articles of wearing apparel. The treasurer, too, frequently refused to pay the tailor for the making of his clothes, when the material instead of the dress happened to be sent him. Though placed in the castle for security, this consideration does not seem to have precluded the indulgence of going abroad occasionally. A mule was kept for him, on which he rode 6ut during the intervals of his study, and when the town and surrounding country were reckoned sufficiently quiet and peaceful to admit of his doing bo with safety. The appearance, character, and temper of the young monarch during his nonage, are spoken of in warm terms by his contemporaries. In personal appearance he is said to have borne a strong resemblance to his uncle Henry VIII. of England ; who, tyrant though he was", had certainly a very noble and kingly presence. James's countenance was oval, of a mild and sweet expression ; his eyes blue, and beaming at once with gen, tleness and intelligence without effeminacy ; a head of yellow hair completes the picture. He was of an exceedingly affectionate disposition, and of a gener- ous though somewhat hasty temper. " There is not in the world," says the queen his mother, in a letter to Surrey, " a wiser child, or a better-hearted, or a more able." This is the language of a parent indeed ; but, when corroborated as it is by other evidence, there is no occasion to suspect it of partiality. James was about this time in the eleventh or twelfth year of his age. With his other good qualities he discovered a shrewdness and sagacity superior to his years. Surrey, speaking of him to Wolsey, says, " he speaks sure, for so young a thing." The young monarch was much addicted to all manly sports and exer- cises, and in all excelled. He rode gracefully, was passionately fond of the JAMES V. 215 chase, and took much delight in hawks, hounds, and all the other appurtenances belonging to that amusement. He also sang and danced well, and even in his boyish years felt much of that " stern joy" which noble minds feel in possessing and handling implements of war. He was delighted with arms and armour; and could draw a sword a yard long before the hilt, when buckled to his side, as well as a full grown man. His own weapon was of this length when he was only twelve years of age. James was altogether at this period of his life a noble and princely boy. His amusements were all of a manly character. His mind was generous and elevated, his mein and carriage gallant and dignified. In short, imagination cannot conceive a more striking image of a youthful monarch in a rude and warlike age, than is presented to us in the person and character of James the V. of Scotland. There is some reason, however, to believe, that the royal colt was a little wild, and that he was fully as fond of tilting with the spear, or making the forest of Ettrick ring with his bugle notes, as of studying his humanities, for his Latinity was found to be sadly defective. He seems to have kept Stirling castle, the place where he last resided before assuming the reins of government, in something like an uproar while he lived in it, with his sports and amusements. He was generally joined in these by his domestics ; and as they were pretty numerous, we may readily conceive what a noise and turmoil they would create, led on in their wild and obstreperous frolics by their bold and lively young leader. Pelting each other with eggs is known to have been a favourite pastime, and it is one certainly, which must have given rise to many of the most ludicrous scenes. Although the estates of the kingdom had fixed the eighteenth year of his age as that which should terminate the minority of James, and put him in full and uncontrolled possession of the sovereignty of the kingdom, he was called upon to take his seat on the throne at a much earlier period of life. The lords themselves, whose feuds and quarrels had filled the country with slaughter and rapine, saw no other way of terminating the frightful scene but by calling on the king, young as he was, to assume the royal dignity. The ambition of his mother, who hoped to possess herself of the real power and authority, also contributed to facilitate the event ; and, accordingly, the boy king, for he was only twelve years of age, was brought, escorted by a numerous train of nobles, from Stirling castle to Holyrood house. On first learning the resolution which the lords had come to of investing him with the royal charac- ter, he expressed much delight, and seemed filled with the most joyful antici- pations. ** He was weill content," says Lindsay, " to leive correctioun at the scooles, and pas to his lordis at libertie." Amongst the first things which the young monarch did on arriving at Holy- rood, was to change all the officers of the royal household, from the treasurer down to the carvers. Three noblemen, the earl of Lennox, the lords Hamilton and Angus, and archbishop Beatoun, were appointed as his guardians and ad- visers. For a year after his arrival in Edinburgh and assumption of the royal dignity, the king and his guardians lived happily, and Lindsay says, merrily together ; but at the end of that period, a " benefice vaiket," a temptation came in the way, and destroyed the harmony of the association ; each claimed it from the king, and each thought he had a better right to it than his fellow. Angus said, that he was always scarce of hay and horse corn when he came to Edin- burgh, and that therefore it should be given to him. The vacant benefice was attached to Holyrood house. Whether it was the force of this appeal, or the superior influence of Angus over the royal mind that decided the point, is left unexplained ; but that nobleman carried off" the prize, to the great disappoint- ment and displeasure of the other three, who shortly after retired in disgust 216 JAMES V. from the court. Lennox, who had got nothing at all, returned, in despair of gaining any thing by the royal favour, to his own country; and Hamilton, though he had procured the abbacy of Paisley for his son, thinking that he had not got enough, followed his example. Beatoun, who lived then in a house of his own in the Friar's AVynd, refrained afterwards from going near the couit, but when expressly sent for. Although James was now placed upon the throne, and surrounded with all the insignia of royalty, he neither of himself assumed nor was permitted to as- sume the functions of the royal state. He was much too young to be capable of holding the reins of government, and there were those around him who were not desirous that he should. Nor does it appear that the young monarch cared much about the matter, so long as he was permitted to enjoy himself; and there is no reason to believe that the defection of his grave guardians sank very deep into his mind. As the king advanced in years, however, this indifference to the power and authority of his elevated station gradually gave way to the natural ambition of enjoying them ; and he at length determined to rid himself of the thraldom under which he was kept by the earl of Angus, who had for several years exercised the royal authority in his name. The house of Douglas, how- ever, was too powerful, and their influence too extensive, to admit of his effect- ing his emancipation by any open effort, he therefore determined to have recourse to secret measures in the first instance. The young king was now in the seventeenth year of his age, and when he carried his design into execution, was residing at Falkland, a favourite hunting place of the kings of Scotland. Here he was attended as usual by the earl of Angus and several of his kindred, all of whom were united in the design of keeping the king as it were to themselves. A Douglas was captain of his guard ; a Douglas was treasurer ; and a Douglas was guardian and adviser. Great numbers of that name, besides, filled subordinate situations in the royal household, and the king's guard, consisting of a hundred gentlemen, were all in the interest of the earl of Angus and his family. Thus encompassed, the young monarch had no other resource than to endeavour to elude their vigilance. He was under no personal restraint, nor was he debarred from any enjoyment or amusement with which he chose to occupy himself. On the contrary, they all led an exceedingly merry and joyous life together ; were almost daily out hunting and hawking and feasting with the neighbouring noblemen and gentle- men, and amongst the rest with the archbishop of St Andrews, who entertained the king and his attendants with great " mirrines" for several days together ; but it was necessary that a Douglas should always be present on these occasions. Hunting, hawking, or feasting, still a Douglas must be there. An opportunity such as the young monarch had long and anxiously looked for of escaping from this annoying surveillance at length presented itself, and he availed himself of it The earl of Angus left Falkland for a few days, to transact some private business of his own in the Lothians, leaving the king in charge of his uncle, Archibald Douglas, and his brother George. These two, however, availing themselves probably of the earl's absence, also left the palace on different errands ; the former, it is hinted, to visit a mistress in Dundee, and the latter to arrange some business with the archbishop of St Andrews. There' was still, however, a fourth left, whom it was necessary tho king should dispose of before he could effect his escape ; this was James Douglas of Parkhead, the captain of the guard, to whom the absentees in the last resort had confided the safe keepino of the young monarch. In order to get rid of him, the king gave out that he intended to go a-huntmg early on the following morning, and having sent for James Douglas to hts bed-room, he called for liquor, and drinking to his guest, re- JAMES V. 217 marked that he should see good hunting on the morrow. Douglas, little dream- ing of the equivoque, saw the king safely to bed, and retired to his own by the advice of his master, much earlier than usual, that he might be up betimes in the morning, the king having ordered dejeune to be served at four o'clock. It is not improbable that his majesty, moreover, had made him take an extra cup before they parted. As soon as all was quiet in the palace, the king got up, disguised himself by putting on the dress of one of his own grooms, and de- scended to the stables, where " Jockie Hart," a yeoman of the stable, with another trusty servant, also in the secret, were ready prepared with saddled horses for the intended flight. They all three instantly mounted, and escaping all notice from the wardens, took the road for Stirling at full gallop. On reaching the castle, which he did by break of day, the king ordered the gates to be shut, and that no one should be permitted to enter without his special order. This done, he retired to bed, much fatigued with his long and rapid ride. His escape from Falkland was not discovered until the following morning. George Douglas had returned to the palace at eleven o'clock at night, about an hour after the king's departure, but having learned from the porters that his majesty was asleep in his own apart- ment, he, without further inquiry, retired to bed ; and it was not until he was roused at an early hour of the morning, by Patrick Carmichael, baillie of Abernethy, who had recognized the king in his flight, and who came with all manner of despatch to inform him of it, that he knew any thing at all about the matter. He would not at first believe it, but rushed in great alarm to the king's chamber, which he found locked, and it was only when he .had burst up the door and found the apartment unoccupied, that he felt assured of the dreadful truth. The king must have already acquired some little reputation for that gal- lantry amongst the ladies which afterwards so much distinguished him, for on this occasion he was at first suspected to have gone oft' on a nocturnal visit to a lady at Bambrigh, some miles distant from Falkland. Immediately after his arrival in Stirling, the king summoned a great number of his lords to join him there, to assist him with their advice and counsel. The summons was readily obeyed, both from personal attachment to the king, and a jealousy and dislike of his late guardian the earl of Angus. In a few days, James was surrounded with nearly a score of the noblest names in the land, all ready to perish in his defence, and to assert and maintain his rights at the point of the sword. He seems to have resented highly the restraint in which he had been kept by Angus and his kindred, for it was now, he said, addressing the assembled lords, " I avow that Scotland shall not hold us both till I be revenged on him and his." The earl of Angus and all his immediate friends were now put to the horn, and the former deprived of all his public offices. It is therefore at this period that the actual reign of James commences, and not before. He was now freed from the influence of the Douglases, surrounded by his nobles, who paid him a ready and willing homage, and was in every respect an independent and absolute sovereign, capable and at liberty to judge and to act for himself. James's appearance and character were as interesting as his situation at this period of his life. He was now, as stated before, in the seventeenth year of his age, of a robust constitution, which enabled him to encounter any bodily fatigue. His speech and demeanour were mild and conciliating. His stature was of middling height, but handsomely formed, and " the fient a pride, nae pride had he." He spoke at all times aftably to the meanest of his subjects, and would partake of the humblest repast of the humblest peasant in his dominions, with a glee and satisfaction which evinced the most amiable kindness 218 JAMES V. of disposition. These qualities rendered him exceedingly beloved by the com- mon people, of whom he was always besides so steady and effective a friend, as procured for him the enviable title of King of the Poor. Amongst the first cares of James, after his becoming possessed of the actual sovereignty of the kingdom, was to subdue the border tliieves and marauders, who were carrying matters with a high hand, and had so extended their busi- ness during the lawless period of his minority, and so systematized their pro- ceedings, that Armstrong of Kilnockie — the celebrated Johnnie Armstrong of the well-known old ballad — one of the most noted leaders of these predatory bands, never travelled abroad, even on peaceful purposes, without a train of six and twenty gentlemen well moHnted, well armed, and always handsomely dressed in the gayest and most chivalrous garb of the times. As James, however, knew that he would have little chance of laying hold of these desperadoes if he sought them with openly hostile intentions, their predatory habits and intimate know- ledge of the localities of the country rendering it easy for them to evade any such attempt, he had recourse to stratagem. He gave out that he intended to have a great hunting match on the borders, and really did combine both sport and business in the expedition which followed. As was usual with the Scottish kings on hunting occasions, he summoned all the noblemen and gentlemen in the country, who could find it convenient, to attend him with their dogs on a certain day at Edinburgh, and, what was not so customary, to bring each a month's victuals along with him. Such a provision was always required when an army of common men were called together, but not in the case of convocations of men above that rank. The expedition in this case, however, was to be both warlike and sportive ; and the former might prevent the latter from affording tliem a sufficiency of game for their subsistence. The summons of the king for the bor- der hunting was so willingly obeyed, that a host amounting to twelve thousand assembled in Edinburgh against the appointed time; and amongst these, some chieftains from very distant parts of the country, such as Huntly, Argyle, and Athol, all of whom brought their large, fierce Highland deer dogs along with them to assist in the chase. It was in the month of June, 1529, that this prodigious host of sportsmen, headed by the king in person, set out to- wards the borders. The greater part of them were well armed, and were thus prepared for any thing that might occur. On all such occasions pavilions, tents, bedding, &c for the accommodation of the sportsmen, were despatched some days previous to the ground selected for the first day's amusement, and were afterwards moved from place to place as the scene of action was shifted. The king's pavilion was very splendid, and might readily be distinguished from all others by ita superior richness and elegance. His dogs, too, were elevated above all the dogs of meaner men, as well by their extrinsic ornaments as by their intrinsic merits. Their collars were gilt, or were of purple velvet adorned with golden studs, while the royal hawks were provided with collars and bells of the same metal. The cavalcade having reached Meggotland, on the southern border of Peebleshire, a favourite hunting place of James's, and which was always reserved exclusively for the king's hunting—the sport began, and in a few days no less than three hundred and sixty deer were slain. Soon after this, Armstrong of Kilnockie, little dreaming of tl.e fate that awaited him, made Ins appearance among the sportsmen, at a place called Caerlanrig, it is said by invitation, but whether it was so or not he seems to have calculated on at least a civil, ,f not a cordial reception from the king, being in total ignorance of the real object of the king's visit to the borders. Armstrong was not altogether unreasonable ,n such an expectation, for his robberies had always been confined to England, and he was rather looked upon as a protector than otherwise by his JAMES V. 219 own countrymen, none of whose property he was ever known to hare meddled with. He always " quartered upon the enemy,'' and thought that by doing so he did good service to (he state ; but not being consulted in the various treaties of peace which occasionally took place between the sovereigns of the two king- doms, he did not always feel himself called upon to recognize them, and accord- ingly continued to levy his black-mail from the borders, all the way, it is said, unto Newcastle. Though the king had made peace with England, Johnnie Armstrong had not; and he therefore continued to carry on the war in defiance of all those treaties and truces to which he was not a party. On this occasion the daring borderer, expecting a gracious reception from the king, and desirous of appearing before his sovereign in a manner becoming what he conceived to be his own rank, presented himself and his retainers, all magnificently ap- pareled, before his majesty. The king, who did not know him personally, at first mistook him for some powerful nobleman, and returned his salute ; but on learning his name, he instantly ordered him and all his followers to be taken into custody and hanged upon the spot, " What wants that knave that a king should have," exclaimed James, indignantly struck with the splendour of Arm- strong's and his followers' equipments, and, at the same time, turning round from them on his heel as he spoke. The freebooter at first pled hard for his life, and endeavoured to bribe the king to spare him. He offered his own ser- vices and that of forty men at any time, when the king should require it, free of all expense to his majesty. He further offered to bring to him any subject of England — duke, earl, lord, or baron, against any given day, either dead or alive, whom his majesty might desire either to destroy or to have as a captive. Finding that all he could say and all he could offer had no effect in moving the king from his determination, the bold borderer, seeing the die -was cast, and his fate sealed, instantly resumed the natural intrepidity of his character, — " I am but a fool," he said, raising himself proudly up, " to look for grace in a graceless face. But had 1 known, sir, that you would have taken my life this day, I should have lived upon the borders in despite of both king Henry and you ; and I know that the king of England would down-weigh my best horse with gold to be assured that I was to die this day." No further colloquy took place ; Armstrong and all his followers were led off* to instant execution. A popular tradition of the borders, where his death was much regretted, says, that the tree on which Armstrong was executed, though it continued to vegetate, never again put forth leaves. After subjecting several other notorious offenders to a similar fate, the king returned to Edinburgh on the 24th of July. In the following summer, he set out upon a similar expedition to the north, with that which he had conducted to the south, and for similar purposes — at once to en- joy the pleasures of the chase and to bring to justice the numerous and daring thieves and robbers with which the country was infested. This practice of converting the amusement of hunting into a means of dis- pensing justice throughout the kingdom, was one to which James had often re- course, for on these occasions he took care always to be attended with an armed force, sufficiently strong to enforce the laws against the most powerful infringer; and he did not spare them when within his reach. For thieves and robbers he had no compassion ; common doom awaited them all, whatever might be their rank or pretensions. In this particular he was stern and inflexible to the last deoree ; and the times required it. There was no part of his policy more bene- ficial to the kingdom than the resolute, incessant, and relentless war which he waged against all marauders and plunderers. On the expedition which he now undertook to the north, he was accompanied by the queen mother, and the papal ambassador, then at the Scottish court. The 220 JAMES V. earl of Athol, to whose country the royal party proposed first proceeding, hav- ing received intelligence of the visit which lie might expect, made the most splendid preparation for their reception. On the arrival of the illustrious visitors, they found a magnificent palace, constructed of boughs of trees, and fitted with glass windows, standing in the midst of a smooth level park or meadow. At each of the four corners of this curious structure, there was a regularly formed tower or block-house ; and the whole was joisted and floored to the height of three stories. A large gate between two towers, with a formidable portcullis, all of green wood, defended the entrance ; while the whole was surrounded with a ditch sixteen feet deep and thirty feet wide, filled with water, and stocked with various kinds of fish, and crossed in front of the palace by a commodious draw-bridge. The walls of all the apartments were hung with the most splendid tapestry, and the floors so thickly strewn with flowers, that no man would have known, says Lindsay, but he had been in " ane greine gar- deine." The feasting which followed was in keeping with this elaborate and costly preparation. Every delicacy which the season and the country could supply was furnished in prodigious quantities to the royal retinue. The choicest wines, fruits, and confections, were also placed before them with unsparing liberality; and the vessels, linen, beds, &c, with which this fairy mansion was supplied for the occasion, were all of the finest and most costly description. The royal party remained here for three days, at an expense to their noble host of as many thousand pounds. Of all the party there was not one so surprised, and so much gratified with this unexpected display of magnificence and abun- dance of good living, as his reverence the pope's ambassador. The holy man was absolutely overwhelmed with astonishment and delight to find so many good things in the heart of a wild, uncivilized, and barbarous country. But his aston- ishment was greatly increased when, on the eve of their departure, he saw a party of Highlanders busily employed in setting fire to that structure, within which lie had fared so well and been so comfortably lodged, and which had cost so much time, labour, and expense in its erection. " I marvel, sir," he said, addressing the king, " that ye should suffer yon fair palace to be burned, that your grace has been so well entertained in." " It is the custom of our High- landmen," replied James, smiling, " that be they never so well lodged at night they will burn the house in the morning." The king and his retinue now pro- ceeded to Dunkeld, where they remained all night From thence they went next day to Perth, afterwards to Dundee and St Andrews, in all of which places they were sumptuously entertained — and finally returned to Edinburgh. James, who had now passed his twentieth year, was in the very midst of that singular career of frolic and adventure in which he delighted to indulge, and which forms so conspicuous a feature in his character. Attended only by a single friend or two, and his person disguised by the garb of a gentleman of ordinary rank, and sometimes, if traditionary tales tell truth, by that of a person of a much lower grade, he rode through the country in search of adventures, or on visits to distant mistresses ; often on these occasions passing whole days and nights on horseback, and putting up contentedly with the coarsest and scantiest fare which chance might throw in the way. Sleeping in barns on "clean pease strae," and partaking of the " gude wife's" sheep head, her oaten cakes, and ale, or whatever else she might have to offer, was no uncommon occurrence in the life of James. Such visits, however, were not always prompted by the most innocent motives. A fair maiden would at any time induce the monarch to ride a score of miles out of his way, and to pass half the night exposed to all its in- clemency for an hour's interview. James was no niggard in his gallantries : where money was required, he gave JAMES V. 221 it freely and liberally ; where it was not, his munificence took the shape of presents, — such as rings, chains, &c of gold and other descriptions of jewellery. In one month he gave away in this way to the value of upwards of four hun- dred pounds. The roving monarch, however, made even his vagrancies subser- vient to his great object of extirpating thieves and robbers. During his wan- derings he frequently fell in with numerous bands of them, or sought them out; and on such occasions never hesitated to attack them, however formidable they might be, and however few his own followers. As the roving propensities of the king thus frequently put his life in jeopardy, and as his dying without lawful issue would have left the country in all probability a prey to civil war, the nation became extremely anxious for his marriage, an event which, after many delays, arising from political objections to the various connexions from time to time proposed, at length took place. The Scottish ambassadors in France concluded, by James's authority, a marriage treaty with Marie de Bourbon, daughter of the duke of Vendome. On the final set- tlement of this treaty, the young monarch proceeded to Vendome, to claim in person his affianced bride ; but here his usual gallantry failed him, for on seeing the lady he rejected her, and annulled the treaty. Whether it was the result of chance, or that James had determined not to re- turn home without a wife, this occurrence did not doom him, for any length of time, to a single life. From Vendome he proceeded to Paris, was graciously received by Francis I., and finally, after a month or two's resi- dence at that monarch's court, married his daughter 31agdalene. The ceremony, which took place in the church of Notre Dame, was celebrated with great pomp and splendour. The whole city rang with rejoicings, and the court with sounds of revelry and merriment. The marriage was succeeded by four months of con- tinued feasting, sporting, and merry making. At the end of that period James and his young bride, who was of an exceedingly sweet and amiable disposition, returned to Scotland ; the former loaded with costly presents from his father-in- law, and the latter with a dowry of a hundred thousand crowns, besides an an- nual pension of thirty thousand livres during her life. The royal pair arrived at Leith on Whitsun-eve, at ten o'clock at night On first touching Scottish ground, the pious and kind-hearted young queen dropped on her knees, kissed the land of her adoption, and after thanking God for the safe arrival of her husband and herself, prayed for happiness to the country and the people. The rejoicings which the royal pair had left in France were now resumed in Scotland. Magdalene was every where received by the people with the strongest proofs of welcome and regard, and this as much from her own gen- tle and affable demeanour as from her being the consort of their sovereign. Never queen made such rapid progress in the affections of a nation, and few ever acquired during any period so large a proportion of personal attachment as did this amiable lady. The object, however, of all this love, was not destined long to enjoy it. She was in a bad state of health at the time of her marriage, and all the happiness which that event brought along with it could not retard the progress of the disease which was consuming her. She daily became worse after her arrival in Scotland, and finally expired within forty days of her land- ing. James was for a long time inconsolable for her loss, and for a time buried himself in retirement, to indulge in the sorrow which he could not restrain. Policy required, however, that the place of the departed queen should, as soon as propriety would admit, be supplied by another ; and James fixed upon Mary of Guise, daughter of the duke of that name, and widow of the duke of Longueville, to be the successor of Magdalene. An embassy having been des- patched to Fiance to settle preliminaries, and to bring the queen consort to 222 JAMES V. Scotland, she arrived in the latter kingdom in June, 1538. Mary landed at Balcomie in Fife, where she was received by the king, surrounded by a great number of his nobles. From thence the royal party proceeded to Dundee, St Andrews, then to Stirling ; from that to Linlithgow ; and lastly to Edinburgh. In all of these places the royal pair were received with every demonstration of popular joy, and were sumptuously entertained by the magistrates and other au- thorities of the different towns. James, by a long and steady perseverance in the administration of justice, without regard to the wealth or rank of the cul- prits, and by the wholesome restraint under which he held the turbulent nobles, had now secured a degree of peace and prosperity to the country which it had not enjoyed for many years before. His power was acknowledged and felt in the most remote parts of the Lowlands of Scotland, and even a great part of the Highlands. But the western isles, and the most northern extremity of the kingdom, places then difficult of access, and comparatively but little known, were still made the scenes of the most lawless and atrocious deeds by the fierce and restless chieftains, and their clans, by whom they were inhabited. James, however, resolved to carry and establish his authority even there. He resolved to " beard the lion in his den ;" to bring these desperadoes to justice in the midst of their barbarous hordes ; and this bold design he determined to execute in person. He ordered twelve ships, well provided with artillery, to be ready against the fourteenth day of May. The personal preparations of the king, and those made for his accommodation in the ship in which he was himself to embark on this expedition, were extensive and multifarious. His cabin was hung with green cloth, and his bed with black damask. Large quantities of silver plate, and culinary utensils, with stores for cooking, were put on board ; and also a vast number of tents and pavilions, for the accommodation of his suite, when they should land in the isles. The monarch himself was equipped in a suit of red velvet, ornamented with gold embroidery, and the ship in which be sailed was adorned with splendid Hags, and numerous streamers of red and yellow serge. The expedition, which had been delayed for fourteen days beyond the time appointed, by the advanced state of the queen's pregnancy, finally set sail for its various destinations in the beginning of June. The royal squadron, on reaching the western shores, proceeded deliberately from island to island, and from point to point of the mainland, the king landing on each, and summoning the various chieftains to his presence. Some of these he executed on the spot, others he carried away with him as hostages for the future peaceful conduct of their kinsmen and followers ; and thus, after making the terror of his name and the sternness of his justice felt in every glen in the Highlands, he bent his way again homewards. James himself landed at Dumbarton, but the greater part of his ships, including those on board of which were the captured chieftains, were sent round to Leith. Having now reduced the whole country to such a state of tranquillity, and so effectually accomplished the security of private property every where, that it is boasted, that, at this period of his reign, flocks of sheep were as safe in Ettrick forest as in the province of Fife, he betook himself to the improvement of his kingdom by peaceful pursuits. He imported superior breeds of horses to improve the native race of that animal. He promoted the fisheries, and invited artisans and mechanics of all descriptions to settle in the country, encouraging them by the offer of liberal wages, and, in many cases, by bestowing small an- nual pensions. With every promise of a long and happy reign, and in the midst of exertions which entitled him to expect the latter, the cup was suddenly dashed from his lips. Misfortune on misfortune crowded on the ill-starred JAMES VI. 223 monarch, and hurried him to a premature grave. Two princes who were born to him by Mary of Guise, died in their infancy within a few days of each other, a calamity which sank deep in the heart of their royal parent. His uncle, the king of England, with whom he had hitherto been on a friendly footing, foi reasons now not very well known, invaded his dominions with an army of twenty thousand men, under the command of the duke of Norfolk. James gave orders to assemble an army of thirty thousand men on the Burrow muir, and with this force he inarched to oppose them. The hostile armies met at Solway moss, but with little disposition on the part of the leaders of the Scottish army to maintain the credit of their sovereign by their arms. James had never been friendly to the aristocracy, and they now retaliated upon him by a lukewarm- ness in his cause in the hour of need. The unfortunate monarch himself in- creased this spirit of defection at tin's critical juncture by appointing Oliver Sin- clair a mean favourite, and a man of no ability, to the command of his army. The intelligence of this appointment excited the utmost indignation in the Scot- tish army. All declared that they would rather submit to be taken prisoners by the English than be commanded by such a general ; and the whole army was thrown into such a state of commotion by this infatuated proceeding of their sovereign, that the English general perceived the disorder, and taking advan- tage of it, attacked the Scottish army with a few hundred light horse. The for- mer making no resistance were instantly put to flight. James was at Carlave- rock, about twelve miles distant, when this disaster took place. When in- formed of the disgraceful flight of his army, he sank into a state of dejection and melancholy from which nothing could rouse him. His proud spirit could not brook the disgrace which had befallen his arms, and the conduct of his nobles excited a degree of irritation which soon threw him into a violent fever. In this state of despondency he retired to Falkland. Here he took to bed and refused all sustenance. While in this condition intelligence was brought him that the queen, then at Linlithgow, was delivered of a girl. " It came with a lass and it will go with a lass," said the dying monarch, reckoning it another misfortune, that it was not a male heir that had been given to him. A little before his death, which was now fast approaching, he was heard mut- tering the words " Solway moss," the scene of that disaster which was now hur- rying him to the grave. On the day of his death, which happened previous to the 13th of December, 1542, but within two or three days of it, although the precise day is not known, he turned round to the lords who surrounded his bed, and with a faint but benignant smile, held out his hand to them to kiss, and in a few minutes thereafter expired. James died in the 31st year of his age, leaving the unfortunate Mary, then an infant, to succeed to his dignities and to more than his misfortunes. Besides Mary, his only surviving legitimate child, James left six natural children. These were — James, abbot of Kelso and Mel- rose ; the regent Murray ; Robert, prior of Holyroodhouse ; John, prior of Coldingham ; Janet, wife of the earl of Angus ; and Adam, prior of the Char- treux at Perth. JAMES VI. of Scotland, and I. of England, was born in the castle of Edin. burgh, June 19, 1566. He was the son of the reigning sovereign Mary, by her husband, Henry, lord Darnley, who was nominally associated with her in the government, and was the eldest son of the existing earl of Lennox. Both by his father and mother, James was the great-grandson of Henry VII. of England, and, failing queen Elizabeth and his own mother, stood nearest to the throne of that kingdom, at the same time that he was heir-apparent to the Scottish crown. The character of his parents and their previous history are so well known, that it is unnecessary to touch upon them here. It may only be mentioned, that 224 JAMES VL while the royal infant brought with him into the world pretensions the most brilliant that could have befallen a mortal creature, he also carried in his con- stitution a weakness of the most lamentable nature, affecting both his body and his mind. About three months before his birth, his father headed a band of conspirators, who broke violently into the privacy of his mother's chamber, and in her presence slew her favourite counsellor, David Riccio. The agitation of the mother on that occasion, took effect upon the child, who, though intended apparently to be alike strong in mental and bodily constitution, showed through life many deficiencies in both respects, though, perhaps, to a less extent than has been represented by popular history. It is well known that a confederation of the Scottish nobles dethroned Mary about a year after the birth of her son. While this ill-fated princess was con- demned to imprisonment in Lochleven castle, her son was taken to Stirling, and there crowned at the age of thirteen months and ten days. The real govern- ment was successively administered by the regents Moray, Lennox, Mar, and Morton, under the secret direction of the English queen, by whom, in time, her rival Mary was put to death. James, after a weakly infancy, was placed under the care of the celebrated Buchanan, whose religious principles and dis- tinguished scholarship seemed to qualify him peculiarly for the task of educating a protestant prince. It would appear that the young king received at the hands of his master a great deal more learning-, classical and theological, than he was able to digest, and thus became liable to as much of the fault of pedantry, as consists in a hoarding of literature for its own sake, or for purposes of ostentation, accompanied by an inability to turn it to its only true use in the ordinary purposes of life. A pliability of temper, subject alike to evil and to good influences ; a sly acuteness in penetrating the motives of men, without the power to make it of any practical advantage ; and a proneness to listen to the flattering counsellors who told him he was a king, and ought to have the power of one, were other characteristics of this juvenile monarch ; whose situation, it must at the same time be acknowledged, was one of such difficulty, as to render a fair development of the best faculties of the mind, and the best tendencies of the heart, hardly to be expected. Though made and upheld as a king, in consequence of a successful rebellion against the monarchical principle, James was early inspired with a high sense of his royal powers and privileges, probably by some of those individuals who are never wanting around the persons of young princes, let their education be ever so carefully conducted. Even before attaining the age of twelve, he had become the centre of a little knot of courtiers, who clustered about him at his residence in Stirling castle, and plotted schemes for transferring the reins of government into his own hands. Morton permitted himself to be surprised in 1578 by this party, who for some time conducted the affairs of state in the name of the king, as if he had been in full possession of his birth-right. Morton, however, soon after regained nearly all his wonted ascendancy, and it was not till two or three years later that the king became completely emanci- pated from this powerful agent of the English queen. A young scion of nobility, named captain Stuart, from his commanding the king's guards, and Esme, earl of Lennox, the king's cousin, were his chief instruments in obtaining the sovereign power, and in raising that prosecution against Morton, which ended in his exe- cution, June 2, 1581. The former is represented as a profligate adventurer, who studied only how, by flattering the king and enforcing his despotic views, to promote his own interest Lennox was a gentler and worthier person, but was obnoxious to popular odium, on account of his professing the catholic faith. The protestant and English interest soon rallied, and, in August, 1532, took JAMES VL 225 place the celebrated Raid of Ruthven, by which a few presbyterian nobler, headed by the earl of Gowrie, were enabled to take possession of the royal person, and use his authority for some time in behalf of liberal government and their own religious principles, while Stuart and Lennox were forbidden his presence. It was not till June, 1583, that James emancipated himself from a control which, however well he appeared to bear it, was far from agreeable to him. Lennox had now been banished to France, where he died of a broken heart ; Stuart was created earl of Arran on the ruins of the Hamilton family, and became almost sole counsellor to the young monarch. The nobles who had seized the king at Ruthven, were pardoned ; but Gowrie, having soon after made a second and unsuccessful attempt, was beheaded at Stirling. During the interval between June, 1583, and November, 1585, the government was of a decidedly anti-popular and anti-presbyterian character, — Arran being permitted to act entirely as he pleased. The presbyterian nobles, however, who had fled into England, were, at the latter period, enabled by Elizabeth to invade their own country, with such a force as overturned the power of the unworthy favourite, and re-established a system agreeable to the clergy and people, and more closely respondent to the wishes of Elizabeth. In this way James grew up to man's estate. In 1584, when eighteen years of age, he made his first appearance as an author, by publishing a small thin quarto, entitled " Essayes of a Prentice in the Divine Art of Poesie, with the Rewlis and Cauteles to be pursued and avoided." This work consists of a mixture of poetry and prose ; the poems being chiefly a series of sonnets, which bear very much the appearance of school exercises ; while the prose consists of a code of laws for the construction of verse according to the ideas of that age. There is little in the king's style or his ideas to please the present age ; yet, compared with the efforts of contemporary authors, these poems may be said to bear a respectable appearance. The main effect of the late revolution was to re-establish the English influ- ence, which had been deranged by the ascendancy of captain Stuart. In June, 1586, James entered into an arrangement Avith Elizabeth, by which, in con- sideration of a pension of five thousand pounds, rendered necessary by his penu- rious circumstances, he engaged to support England against the machinations of the catholic powers of Europe. It was also part of this treaty, that a correspondence which he had entered into with his mother, should be broken oft'; and he even submitted so far to the desires of his new superior, as to write a disrespectful letter to that unhappy princess, who replied in an eloquent epistle, threatening to denounce him as a usurper, and load him with a parent's curse. James, in reality, during the whole of his occupancy of the Scottish throne, was a mere tool in the hands of one party or another ; and had no personal influence or indepen- dence whatever till the advanced age of Elizabeth gave him near hopes of the English crown. Great care is therefore to be taken in judging of his actions, lest that be attributed to his own vicious will, which was only the dictate of a poli- tical system, of which he was the apparent head, but the real slave. In the winter of 1586-7, he had to endure the painful reflection, that his mother was threat- ened with, and ultimately brought to the scaffold, without his being able to make the least movement in her favour. It is but justice to him to say, that so far from his manifesting the levity on this subject attributed to him by several writers, he appears from documents of respectable authority,1 to have manifested the highest indignation, and a degree of grief hardly to be expected from him, 1 See the Life of James I., forming two volumes of Constable's Miscellany, by the editor of the present work. 226 JAMES VI. considering that he was not conscious of having ever seen his parent Mary, in her last prayer in the hall of Fotheringay, while stretched before the block, entreated the favour of God towards her son ; whi' h shows that she had not ultimately found proper cause for putting her threat into execution. In 1588, while the shores of England were threatened with the Spanish armada, James fulfilled, as far as he could, the treaty into which he had entered with Elizabeth, by using his best exertions to suppress the movements of a power- ful catholic party among his own subjects, in support of the invasion. In re- turn for this, Elizabeth permitted him to take a wife; and his choice ultimately fell upon the princess Anne of Denmark, second daughter of the deceased Fre- derick the second. He was married by proxy in August, 1 589 ; but the princess having been delayed in Norway by a storm, which threatened to detain her for the winter, he gallantly crossed the seas to Upslo, in order to consummate the match. After spending some months at the Danish court, he returned to Scot- land in May, 1590; when the reception vouchsafed to the royal pair was fully such as to justify an expression used by James in one of his letters, that " a king with a new married wyfe did not come hame every day." The king had an illegitimate cousin, Francis, earl of Both well, who now for some years embittered his life by a series of plots and assaults for which there is no parallel even in Scottish history. Bothwell had been spared by the king's goodness in 1589, from the result of a sentence for treason, passed on account of his concern in a catholic conspiracy. Soon after James returned from Den- mark, it was discovered that he had tampered with professing witches to take away the king's life by necromancy. He at first proposed to stand a trial for this alleged offence, but subsequently found it necessary to make his escape. His former sentence was then permitted to take effect, and he became, in the language of the times, a broken man. Repeatedly, however, did this bold .id- venturer approach the walls of Edinburgh, and even assail the king in his palace ; nor eould the limited powers of the sovereign either accomplish his seizure, or frighten him out of the kingdom. He even contrived at one time to regain his place in the king's council, and remained for several months in the enjoyment of all his former honours, till once more expelled by a party of his enemies. The king appears to have purposely been kept in a state of power- lessness by his subjects; even the strength necessary to execute the law upon the paltriest occasions was denied to him ; and his clergy took every opportunity of decrying his government, and diminishing the respect of his people, — lest, in becoming stronger or more generally reverenced, he should have used his in- creased force against the liberal interest, and the presbyterian religion. If he could have been depended upon as a thorough adherent of these abstractions, there can be no doubt that his Scottish reign would have been less disgraced by the non-execution of the laws. But then, was his first position under the re- gents and the protestant nobles of a kind calculated to attach him sincerely to that party? or can it be decidedly affirmed that the zeal of the clergy of those rough and difficult times, was sufficiently tempered with human kindness, to make a young prince prefer their peculiar system to one which addressed him in a more courteous manner, and was more favourable to that regal power, the feebleness of which had hitherto seemed the cause of all his distresses and all his humiliation ? In 1585, while under the control of Arran, he had written a paraphrase and commentary on the Revelation of St John, which, however, was not completed or published for some years after. In 1591, he produced a second volume of verse, entiiled " Poetical Exercises ;" in the preface to which he informs the reader, as an apology for inaccuracies, that " scarcelie but at stolen moments had JAMES VI. 227 he leisure to blenk upon any paper, and yet nocht that with free unvexed spirit.*' He also appear to have at this time proceeded some length with his translation of the Psalms into Scottish verse. It is curious that, while the king manifested, in his literary studies, both the pure sensibilities of the poet and the devout aspirations of the saint, his personal manners were coarse, his amuse- ments of no refined character, and his speech rendered odious by common swearing. It is hardly our duty to enter into a minute detail of the oscillations of the Scottish church, during this reign, between presbytery and episcopacy. In pro- portion as the king was weak, the former system prevailed; and in proportion as he gained strength from the prospect of the English succession, and other causes, the episcopal polity was re- imposed. We are also disposed to overlook the troubles of the catholic nobles — Huntly, Errol, and Angus, who, for some obscure plot in concert with Spain, were persecuted to as great an extent as the personal favour of the king, and his fear of displeasing the English papists, would permit. The leniency shown by the king to these grandees procured him the wrath of the church, and led to the celebrated tumult of the 17th of De- cember, 1596, in Avhich the clergy permitted themselves to make so unguarded an appearance, as to furnish their sovereign with the means of checking their power, without offending the people. In February, 1594, a son, afterwards the celebrated prince Henry, Avas born to the king at Stirling castle ; this was followed some years after by the birth of a daughter, Elizabeth, whose fate, as the queen of Bohemia, and ances- tress of the present royal family of Britain, gives rise to so many varied reflec- tions. James wrote a treatise of counsel for his son, under the title of ** Basili- con Doron," which, though containing some passages offensive to the clergy, is a work of much good sense, and conveys, upon the whole, a respectable impression at once of the author's abilities, and of his moral temperament. It was pub- lished in 1599, and is said to have gained him a great accession of esteem among the English, for whose favour, of course, he was anxiously solicitous. Few incidents of note occurred in the latter part of the king's Scottish reign. The principal was the famous conspiracy of the earl of Gowrie and his brother, sons of the earl beheaded in 1584, which was developed — if we may speak of it in such a manner — on the 5lh of August, 1600. This affair has of late been considerably elucidated by Robert Pitcairn, Esq., in his la- borious work, the " Criminal Trials of Scotland," though it is still left in some measure as a question open to dispute. The events, so far as ascertained, were as follows. Early on the morning of the 5th of August, 1600, Alexander, Master of Ruthven, with only two followers, Andrew Henderson and Andrew Ruthven, rode from Perth to Falkland, where king James was at that time residing. He arrived there about seven o'clock, and stopping at a house in the vicinity of the palace, sent Henderson forward to learn the motions of the king. His mes- senger returned quickly with the intelligence, that his majesty was just depart- ing for the chase. Ruthven proceeded immediately to the palace, where he met James in front of the stables. They spoke together for about a quarter of an hour. None of the attendants overheard the discourse, but it was evident from the king's laying his hand on the master's shoulder, and clapping his back, that the matter of it pleased him. The hunt rode on, and Ruthven joined the train; first, however, despatching Henderson to inform his brother that his majesty was coming to Perth with a few attendants, and to desire him to cause dinner to be prepared. A buck was slain about ten o'clock, when the king desired the duke of Lennox and the earl of Mar to accompany him to Perth, to speak with the 223 JAMES VL earl of Gowrie. The master of Ruthven now despatched his other attendant to give the earl notice of the king's approach ; and immediately afterwards James and he set off at a rate that threw behind the royal attendants, who lost some time in changing horses. When the duke of Lennox oveitook them, the king, with great glee, told him that he was riding to Perth to get a pose (treasure). He then asked the duke's opinion of Alexander Ruthven, which proving favour- able, he proceeded to repeat the story which that young man had told him, of his having the previous evening surprised a man witli a large sum of money on his person. The duke expressed his opinion of the improbability of the tale, and some suspicion of Ruthven's purpose ; upon which the king desired him to follow when he and Ruthven should leave the hall — an order which he repeated after his arrival in the earl of Gowrie's house. Meantime, Henderson, on his arrival at Perth, found the elder Ruthven in his chamber, speaking upon business with two gentlemen. Gowrie drew him aside the moment he entered, and asked whether he brought any letter or mes- sage from his brother. On learning that the king was coming, he took the messenger into his cabinet, and inquired anxiously in what manner the master had been received, and what persons were in attendance upon his majesty. Returning to the chamber, he made an apology to the two gentlemen, and dis- missed them. Henderson then went to his own house. When he returned, in about an hour, the earl desired him to arm himself, as he had to apprehend a Highlander in the Shoe-gate. The master of the household being unwell, the duty of carrying up the earl's dinner devolved upon Henderson. He performed this service about half past twelve ; and afterwards waited upon the earl and some friends who wei*e dining with him. They had just sat down when Andrew Ruthven entered, and whispered something in the earl's ear, who, how- ever, seemed to give no heed. As the second course was about to be set upon the table, the master of Ruthven, who had left the king about a mile from Perth, and rode on before, entered and announced his majesty's approach. This was the first intelligence given the inhabitants of Gowrie house of the king's visit, for Gowrie had kept not only his coming, but also the master's visit to Falk- land, a profound secret. The earl and his visitors, with their attendants, and some of the citizens among whom the news had spread, went out to meet the king. The street in which Gowrie house formerly stood runs north and south, and parallel to the Tay. The house was on the side next the river, built so as to form three sides of a square, the fourth side, that which abutted on the street, being formed by a wall, through which the entry into the interior court, or close, was by a gate. The scene of the subsequent events was the south side o» the square. The interior of this part of the edifice contained, in the first story, a dining-room, looking out upon the river, a hall in the centre, and a room at the further end looking out upon the street, each of them occupying the whole breadth of the building, and opening into each other. The second story con- sisted of a gallery occupying the space of the dining-room and hall below, and at the street end of this gallery, a chamber, in the north-west corner of uhich was a circular closet, formed by a turret which overhung the outer wall, in which were two long narrow windows, the one looking towards the spy-tower, (a strong tower built over one of the city-gates,) the other looking out upon the court, but visible from the street before the gate. The access to the hall and gallery was by a large turnpike stair in the south-east corner of the court. The hall like- wise communicated with the garden, which lay between the house and the river, by a door opposite to that which opened from the turnpike, and an outward flair. The access to the chamber in which was the round closet, was either JAMES VL 229 through the gallery, or by means of a smaller turnpike (called the black turn- pike) which stood half-way betwixt the principal one and the street The unexpected arrival of the king caused a considerable commotion in Cowrie's establishment. Craigingelt, the master of the household, was obliged to leave his sick bed, and bestir himself. Messengers were despatched through Perth to seek, not for meat, for of that there seems to have been plenty, but for some delicacy fit to be set upon the royal table. The baillies and other digni- taries of Perth, as also some noblemen who were resident in the town, came pouring in, — some to pay their respects to his majesty, others to stare at the courtiers. Amid all this confusion, somewhat more than an hour elapsed before the repast was ready. To judge by the king's narrative, and the eloquent ora- tions of Mr Patrick Galloway, this neglect on the part of the earl seems to have been regarded as not the least criminal part of his conduct : and with justice ; for his royal highness had been riding hard since seven o'clock, and it was past two before he could get a morsel, which, when it did come, bore evident marks of being hastily prepared. As soon as the king was set down to dinner, the earl sent for Andrew Hen- derson, whom he conducted up to the gallery, where the master was waiting for them. After some short conversation, during which Gowrie told Henderson to do any thing his brother bade him, the younger Ruthven locked this attendant into the little round closet within the gallery chamber, and left him there. Henderson began now, according to his own account, to suspect that something wrong was in agitation, and set himself to pray, in great perturbation of mind. Meanwhile, the earl of Gowrie returned to tike his place behind the chair or his royal guest. When the king had dined, and Lennox, Mar, and the other noblemen in waiting, had retired from the dining-room to the hall to dine in their turn, Alexander Ruthven came and whispered to the king, to find some means of getting rid of his brother the earl, from whom he had all along pre- tended great anxiety to keep the story of the found treasure a secret. The king filled a bumper, and, drinking it off*, desired Gowrie to carry his pledge to the noblemen in the hall. While they were busy returning the health, the king and the master passed quietly through the hall, and ascended the great stair which led to the gallery. They did not, however, pass altogether unob- served, and some of the royal train made an attempt to follow them, but were re- pelled by Ruthven, who alleged the king's wish to be alone. From the gallery they passed into the chamber at the end of it, and the door of this room Ruthven appears to have locked behind him. When the noblemen had dined, they inquired after their master, but were informed by Gowrie that he had retired, and wished to be private. The earl immediately called for the keys of the garden, whither he was followed by Len- nox and part of the royal train ; whilst Mar, with the rest, remained in the house. John Ramsay, a favourite page of the king, says in his deposition, that, on rising from table, he had agreed to take charge of a hawk for one of the servants, in order to allow the man to go to dinner. He seems, while thus engaged, to have missed Cowrie's explanation of the king's absence, for he sought his majesty in the dining-room, in the garden, and afterwards in the gallery. He had never before seen this gallery, which is said — we know not upon what authority — to have been richly adorned with paintings by the earl's father, and he staid some time admiring it. On coming down stairs, he found the whole of the king's attendants hurrying towards the outer gate, and was told by Thomas Cranstone, one of the earl's servants, that the king had rode on before. Ramsay, on hearing this, ran to the stable where his horse was. Len- nox and Mar, who had also heard the report of the king's departure, asked the 230 JAMES VI. porter, as they were passing the gate, whether the king were indeed forth. The man replied in the negative. Gowrie checked him with considerable harshness, and affirmed that the king had passed out by the back gate. " That is impos- sible, my lord," answered the porter, " for it is locked, and the key is in my pocket." Gowrie, somewhat confused, said he would return and learn the truth of the matter. He came back almost instantly, affirming positively that the king had ridden out by the back gate. The greater part of the company were now assembled on the High Street, in front of the house, waiting for their horses, and discussing how they were to seek the king. At this moment, the lung's voice was heard, crying — '* I am murdered! Treason! My lord of Mar, help! help ! " Lennox and Mar, with their attendants, rushed through the gateway into the court, and up the principal stair. Sir Thomas Erskine and his brother James, seized the earl of Gowrie, exclaiming, " Traitor ! this is thy deed ! " Some of the earl's servants rescued their master, who was, however, thrown down in the scuffle, and refused admittance to the inner court On recovering his feet, he retired a short way ; then drawing his sword and dagger, he cried, ** I will be in my own house, or die by the way." During these proceedings, the king had found himself rather critically circum- stanced. Alexander Ruthven, having locked the door of the gallery chamber, led the way to the round closet. James was not a little astonished when, instead of the captive he expected, he saw a man armed at all points except his head. He was more astonished when the master, putting on his hat, drew the man's dagger, and presented it to his breast, saying, " Sir, you must be my prisoner! remember my father's death ! " James attempted to remonstrate, but was inter- rupted with " Hold your tongue, sir, or by Christ you shall die!" But here Henderson wrenched the dagger from Kuthven's hand, and the king, then resuming his remonstrances, was answered that his life was not what was sought. The master even took off his hat when the king, who, amid all his perturbation, forgot not his princely demeanour, reminded him of the impropriety of wearing it in his presence. He then requested James to give him his word not to open the window, nor call for assistance, whilst he went to bring his brother, the earl, who was to determine what farther should be done. Ruthven then left the closet, locking the door behind him ; but, according to Henderson's belief, went no farther than the next room. This is more than probable ; for, by the nearest calculation, Ramsay must have been at that time still in the gallery. The mas- ter re-entered, therefore, almost instantly, and telling the king there was now but one course left, produced a garter, with which he attempted to bind his majesty's hands. James freed his left with a violent exertion, exclaiming, " I am a free prince, man ! I will not be bound!" Ruthven, without answering, seized him by the throat with one hand, while he thrust the other into his mouth, to prevent his crying. In the struggle which ensued, the king was driven against the window which overlooked the court, and, at that moment, Hender- son thrust his arm over the master's shoulder and pushed up the window, which afforded the king an opportunity of calling for assistance. The master, there- upon, said to Henderson, " Is there no help in thee? Thou wilt cause us all to die :" and tremblingly, between excitement and exertion, he attempted to draw his sword. The king, perceiving his intent, laid hold of his hand ; and thus clasped in a death-wrestle, they reeled out of the closet into the chamber. The king had got Ruthven's head under his arm ; whilst Ruthven, finding him- self held down almost upon his knees, was pressing upwards with his hand against the king's face, when, at this critical moment, John Kamsay, the page, who had heard from the street the king's cry for help, and who had got before Mar and Lennox, by running up the black turnpike formerly mentioned, while JAMES VI. 231 they took the principal staircase, rushed against the door of the chamber and burst it open. The king panted out, when he saw his page, " Fy! strike him low! he has secret armour on." At which Ramsay, casting from him the hawk which still sat upon his hand, drew his dagger and stabbed the master. The next moment, the king, exerting all his strength, threw him from him down stairs. Ramsay ran to a window, and called upon Sir Thomas Erskine, and one or two who were with him, to come up the turnpike. Erskine was first, and as Ruthven staggered past him on the stair, wounded and bleeding, he desired those who followed to strike the traitor. This was done, and the young man fell, crying, " Alas! I had not the wyte of it" The king was safe for the mean time, but there was still cause for alarm. Only four of his attendants had reached him ; and he was uncertain whether the incessant attempts of 3Iar and Lennox's party to break open the door by which the chamber communicated with the gallery, were made by friend or foe. At this moment the alarm bell rang out, and the din of the gathering citizens, who were as likely, for any thing the king knew, to side with their provost, Gowrie, as with himself, was heard from the town. There was, besides, a still more immediate danger. Gowrie, whom we left attempting to force his way into the house, was met at the gate by the news that his brother had fallen. Violet Ruthven, and other women belonging to the family, were already wailing his death, screaming their curses up to the king's party in the chamber, and mixing their shrill execrations with the fierce din which shook the city. The earl, seconded by Cranstone, one of his attendants, forced his way to the foot of the black turnpike, at which spot lay the master's body. " Whom have we here?" said the retainer, for the face was turned downwards. " Up the stair ' " was Gowrie's brief and stern reply. Cranstone, going up before his master, found, on rushing into the cham- ber, the swords of Sir Thomas Erskine, and Herries, the king's physician, drawn against him. They were holding a parley in this threatening attitude, when Gowrie entered, and was instantly attacked by Ramsay. The earl fell after a smart contest. Ramsay immediately turned upon Cranstone, who had proved fully a match for the other two, and having wounded him severely, forced him finally to retreat. All this time they who were with the duke of Lennox had kept battering at the gallery-door of the chamber with hammers, but in vain. The partition was constructed of boards, and as the whole wall gave way equally before the blows, the door could not be forced. The party with the king, on the other hand, were afraid to open, lest they should thus give admission to enemies. A servant was at last despatched round by the turnpike, who assured his majesty that it \\as the duke of Lennox and the earl of 3Iar who were so clamorous for admis- sion. The hammers were then handed through below the door, and the belts speedily displaced. When these noblemen were admitted, they found the king unharmed, amid his brave deliverers. The door, however, which entered from the turnpike, had been closed upon a body of Gowrie's retainers, who were calling for their master, and striking through below the door with their pikes and halberds. The clamour from the town continued, and the voices from the court were divided, — part calling for the king, part for their provost, the earl of Gowrie. Affairs, however, soon took a more decided turn. They who assaulted the door grew tired of their ineffectual efforts, and withdrew ; and almost at the same moment the voices of baillies Ray and Young were heard from the street, calling to know if the king were safe, and announcing that they were there, with the loyal burgesses of Perth, for his defence. The king gratified them by showing himself at the window, requesting them to still the tumult At the 232 JAMES VI. command of the magistrates the crowd became silent, and gradually dispersed. In the course of a few hours, peace was so completely re-established, that the king and his company were able to take horse for Falkland. This bird's-eye view of the occurrences of the fifth of August, will be found correct in the main. Although some details have been necessarily omitted, they are sufficient to establish a preconcerted scheme between the brotbers against the king, but of what nature, and to what purpose, it would be difficult, without further evidence, to say. Of all the people that day assembled in Gowrie's house, not one seems to have been in the secret. Henderson, to whom an important share in the execution of the attempt had been assigned, was kept in ignorance to the last moment, and then he counteracted, instead of furthering their views. Even with regard to Cranstone, the most busy propagator of the rumour of the king's departure, it is uncertain whether he may not have spread the report in consequence of the asseverations of his master ; and we have his solemn declaration, at a time when he thought himself upon his death-bed, that he had no previous knowledge of the plot. The two Kuthvens of Freeland, Eviot, and Hugh 3Ioncrieif, who took the most active share in endeavouring to stir the citizens up to mutiny to revenge the earl and his brother, may have been actuated, for any evidence we have to the contrary, solely by the feelings of reckless and devoted retainers, upon seeing their master's fall in an affray whose origin and cause they knew not. To this evidence, partly negative, and partly positive, may be added the deposition of William Rynd, who said, when examined at Falkland, that he had heard the earl declare, — " He was not a wise man, who, having intended the execution of a high and dangerous purpose, should commu- nicate the same to any but himself; because, keeping it to himself, it could not be discovered nor disappointed." Moreover, it does not sufficiently appear, from the deportment of the master, that they aimed at the king's life. He spoke only of making him prisoner, and grasped his sword only when the king had made his attendants aware of his situation. At the same time, it was nowhere discovered that any measures had been taken for removing the royal pri- soner to a place of security ; and to keep him in a place so open to observation as Gowrie-house, was out of the question. Without some other evidence, there- fore, than that to which we have as yet been turning our attention, we can scarcely look upon these transactions otherwise than as a fantastic dream, which is incoherent in all its parts, and the absurdity of which is only apparent when we reflect how irreconcilable it is with the waking world around us. The letters of Logan of Restalrig, which were not discovered till eight years afterwards, throw some further light upon the subject, though not so much as could be wished. Of their authenticity little doubt can be enter- tained, when we consider the number and respectability of the witnesses who swore positively to their being in Logan's handwriting. It appears from these letters that Gowrie and Logan had agreed in some plot against the king. It appears, also, that Logan was in correspondence with some third person who had assented to the enterprise. It would almost seem, from Logan's third let- ter, that this person resided at Falkland: " If I kan nocht win to Falkland the first nycht, I sail he tymelie in St Johnestoun on the morne." And it is al- most certain from the fifth letter, that he was so situated as to have oral com- munication with Gowrie, the master of Ruthven : " Pray let his lo. be qwik, and bid 31. A. remember on the sport he tald me." It does not appear, however, that any definite plan had been resolved upon. The sea excursion, which Mr Lawson, in his History of the Gowrie Conspiracy, supposes to have been con- templated with the design of conveying James to Fast castle, was only meant to afford facilities for a meeting of the conspirators with a view to deliberation- JAMES VI. 233 Logan's fifth letter is dated as late as the last of July, and yet it does not ap- pear that the writer knew at that time of the Perth project. Taking these facts in conjunction with the hair-brained character of Gowrie's attempt, it seems highly probable, that although some scheme might be in agitation with Logan, and perhaps some other conspirators, the outrage of the fifth of August was the rash and premature undertaking of two hot-blooded fantastical young men, who probably wished to distinguish themselves above the rest of their associates in the plot. The very scanty information that we possess respecting the character and previous habits of these two brothers, is quite in accordance with this view of the matter, and goes a good way to corroborate it. They are allowed, on all hands, to have been men of graceful exterior, of winning manners, well ad- vanced in the studies of the times, brave, and masters of their weapons. It is not necessary surely to prove at this time of day, how compatible all these qualifications are with a rash and headlong temper, completely subject to the control of the imagination — a turn of mind bordering upon frenzy. A man of quick perception, warm feeling, and ungoverned fancy, is, of all others, the most fascinating, when the world goes smoothly ; but he is of all others the most liable, having no guiding reason, to err most extravagantly in the serious business of life : being " unstable as water," he is easily irritated and lashed into madness by adverse circumstances. How much Gowrie was the dupe of his imagination, is evident from the fondness with which he clung to the delusions of the cabala, natural magic, and astrology. Armed (according to his own be- lief) with powers beyond the common race of man, doomed by his stars to achieve greatness, he laughed at danger, and was ready to neglect the calcula- tions of worldly prudence alike in his aims, and the means by which he sought their attainment. The true state of his brother's mind is pourtrayed, incidental- ly, by Logan, in his first letter: — " Bot incase ye and M. A. R. forgader, be- cawse he is somqhat consety, for Godis saik be very var with his rakelese toyis of Fadoa ; ftbr he tald me ane of the strangest taillis of ane nobill man of Padoa that ever I hard in my lyf, resembling the lyk purpose." This suggests at once the very picture of a young and hot-blooded man, whose brain had been dis- tracted, during his residence in Italy, with that country's numerous legends of wild vengeance. Two such characters, brooding conjointly over real or fancied wrongs, were capable of projecting schemes, against which the most daring would remonstrate ; and irritated by the coldness of their friends, were, no doubt, induced to undertake the execution alone, and almost unassisted. It only remains to inquire what was the object which Gowrie proposed to himself, in his mad and treasonable attempt, and upon whose seconding he was to depend, suppose his design had succeeded ? These two inquiries are in- separably connected, and have been rendered more interesting, by a late attempt to implicate the presbyterian party in the earl's guilt. We are not a little as- tonished that such an attempt should have been made at this late period, when we recollect, that notwithstanding all the ill odour in which the presbyterian clergymen stood at court, not one of the thousand idle rumours to which Gowrie's enterprise gave birth, tried to direct suspicion towards them. The sole grounds upon which such an accusation can rest for support, are the facts, — that Gowrie's father was a leader among the presbyterians, and his son strictly educated in that faith ; that shortly after his arrival in Italy, he wrote one letter t'o a presbyterian minister; and that some of the Edinburgh clergymen mani- fested considerable obstinacy in throwing discredit upon the reality of the con- spiracy. The two former are of themselves so weak, that we pass them over the more willingly, that we shall immediately point out the motives from which III. 2 G 234: JAMES VI. Gowrie acted, and the sort of assistance upon which he really relied. The con- duct of the clergymen admits of an easy explanation. James, whose perception was nearly as acute as his character was weak, was fully sensible of the ridicule to which lie had exposed himself, by allowing his desire of money to lead him into so shallow a device as Ruthven's. In addition to this, he wished, upon all occasions, to appear as much of the hero as possible. The consequence was, that his edition of the story was so dressed up, as to render it inconsistent ; first, with his well-known character ; secondly, with the most distant possibility of his having been deceived with the master's pretences ; and, thirdly, with the deposi- tions of the witnesses. Inconsistencies so startling were sufficient to justify some preliminary scepticism ; and if ever there was an occasion, where it was allowa- ble openly to call a king's word in question, it was when James demanded, not merely that his party should hypocritically profess a belief which they did not en- tertain, but that they should, daringly and blasphemously, mix up this falsehood in the solemn services of devotion. A short time, however, was sufficient to convince the most incredulous of the truth of the conspiracy, stripped of the adventitious circumstances which the king linked with it; and the obstinate re- cusancy of Bruce the clergyman is sufficiently accounted for, by James's insisting upon prescribing the manner in which he was to treat the matter, and by that individual's overstrained notions of the guilt incurred by a minister, who allowed any one to dictate to him concerning the mode in which he was to conduct pub- lic worship. But Gowrie relied upon the support of no faction, religious or political. His sole motive seems to have been a fantastic idea of the duty incumbent upon him to revenge his father's death. He is reported, on one occasion, when some one directed his attention to a person who had been employed as an agent against his father, to have said, "Aquila non captat mwtcas." Buthven also ex- pressly declared to the king, when lie held him prisoner in the closet, that his only object was to obtain revenge for the death of his father. The letters of Logan (except in one solitary instance, where a scheme of aggrandisement is darkly hinted at, and that as something quite irrelevant to the purpose they had on hand) harp on this string alone, proving that Gowrie and his friends seek only ** for the revange of that cawse." The only members of the conspiracy who are known to us, are men likely enough to engage in such a cause, but most unlikely to be either leaders or followers in a union, where the parties were bound together by an attachment to certain political principles. The three conspirators are, the earl and his brother, such as we have already described them, and Logan of Bestalrig, a broken man — a retainer and partisan of Both- well — a maintainer of thieves and sorners — a man who expressly objects to com- municating their project to one who he fears " vill disswade us fra owr purpose yl ressounes of religion, quhilk I can never abyd." And if any more evidence were required to show how little Gowrie relied upon the presbyterians, we might allude to his anxiety that Logan should sound his brother, lord Home — a catholic. In short, every thing leads us to the opinion we have already announced, that the Buthvens were instigated to their enterprise by feelings of private re- venge alone, and that they did not seek to make any political party subservient to their purposes, it is to this isolated nature of their undertaking — its utter want of connexion with the political movements of the period — that we attribute the circumstance of its history having so long remained unknown, and are satis- fied that much of that history must ever remain a riddle. It is with it, as with the adventures of the Iron Mask, and that whole class of events which seem political, merely because they befall persons who rank high in the state. Ihey JAMES VI. 235 generally appear more mysterious than they really are ; because, if no chance unveils them at the time, they stand too far apart from all other transactions, to receive any reflected light from them.1 On the 9th of November, 1600, was bom Charles, James's second son, after- wards Charles I. of England. With that country the king now carried on a close correspondence ; first, with the earl of Essex, whom, on hearing of his imprisonment, he besought Elizabeth to spare, and afterwards, with the earl of Northumberland, Sir Robert Cecil, and other influential men, on the subject of his title to the English succession, which was generally acknowledged by the distinguished men connected with the English court. On the 28th of March, 1603, Elizabeth expired, having named James as her successor, who was accordingly proclaimed king of England. His claim to the succession arose from his relationship to Margaret, daughter of Henry VII., who married James IV. of Scotland, great-grandfather of James VI. Immedi- ately after Elizabeth's decease, Sir Robert Carey, who had formerly been kindly entertained by James, set off on a private expedition to Scotland, to convey to the new sovereign the message. Leaving London on Thursday morning, and stopping at his estate of Witherington on the way, from which he issued orders for proclaiming James at several places in the north of England, he reached Edinburgh on Saturday night, when the king had gone to bed, but, gaining ad- mission, saluted him as king of England. Next morning Carey was created gentleman of the bed-chamber, and was at last elevated by Charles I. to the title of earl of Monmouth. The regular messengers to James, announcing his succession, soon arrived. One of the attendants, called Davis, the king recog- nized as the author of a poem on the immortality of the soul, which seems to have given him high satisfaction, and promised him his patronage, which he af- terwards faithfully bestowed. Indeed, James, as a patron of literary merit, is entitled to respectful observation. He had already acted a munificent part in the foundation of the university of Edinburgh. On the Sunday after his accession, the king attended at the High church, and, after sermon, addressed the audience on his affection for his Scottish sub- jects ; and after committing his children to the care of trusty nobles, and making arrangements for the management of Scottish business, he set off, with a small number of attendants, from his ancient kingdom, over which he had reigned for thirty-five years. The reception he met with on the way was very magnificent, especially at Sir Robert Cecil's, Sir Anthony Mildmay's, and Mr Oliver Cromwell's.2 In his progress, many petitions were presented and granted — volumes of poems were laid before him by the university of Cambridge, and the honour of knighthood was conferred on no fewer than two hundred and thirty-seven individuals. Even in these circumstances, however, he displayed his notions of royal prerogative, by ordering the recorder of Newark to execute a cut-purse, apprehended on the way. On reaching London, he added to the privy council six Scottish favourites, and also lord Montjoy, and lords Thomas and Henry Howard, the son and brother of the late duke of Norfolk ; and, on the 20th of May, created several peers. Numerous congratulations flowed in upon the king. The marquis de Rosni, afterwards duke of Sully, arrived on the 15th of June. The following sketch of James as he appeared on this oc- casion to the marquis, is strong and striking: — " He was upright and conscien- tious ; he had eloquence and even erudition — but less of these than of penetra- 1 In this account of the conspiracy and summary of the evidence, we use a masterly conden- sation of the matter of Mr Pitcairn's documents which appeared in the Edinburgh Literary Journal. * Uncle of the Protector. 236 JAMES VI. tion and of the show of learning. He loved to hear discourses on matters of state, and to have great enterprises proposed to him, which he discussed in a spirit of system and method, but without any idea of carrying them into effect — for he naturally hated war, and still more to be personally engaged in it — w«? indolent in all his actions, except hunting, and remiss in affairs, — all indication? of a soft and timid nature, formed to be governed." The king entertained the marquis and his attendants at dinner ; when he spoke with contempt of Eliza beth a circumstance which probably arose from the control which he was con- scious she had exercised over him, and especially the idea, which he expresses in one of the documents in the negotiations on an alliance with Spain, that she was concerned in the attempts of his Scottish enemies against him — and also of a double marriage he desired, between the French and English royal families. The queen followed James a few weeks after his arrival, having on the eve of her departure quarreled with the earl of Mar, to whom James had committed the care of prince Henry, and whose letter to her, advising her not to treat him with disrespect, excited the passion of that high-spirited woman. She was crowned, along with her husband, on the 25th of July, by archbishop Whitgift, with all the ancient solemnity of that imposing ceremony. He soon after, by proclamation, called upon his subjects to solemnize the 5th of August in honour of his escape from the Gowrie conspiracy. At the commencement of the following year was held the famous Hampton- court conference. On the first day, a few select individuals only were admitted to the king : on the following, four puritan ministers, chosen by the king him- self, appeared — and his majesty presided as moderator. He conversed in Latin, and engaged in dispute with Dr Reynolds. In answer to an objection against the Apocrypha started by that learned divine, the king interpreted one of the chapters of Ecclesiasticus, according to his own ideas. He also pronounced an unmeasured attack on presbytery, which he said, "agreed as well with monarchy as God and the devil." — " Stay," he added, " I pray, for one seven years, before you demand ; and then, if you find me grown pursy and fat, I may per- chance hearken unto you. For that government will keep me in breath, and give me work enough." On this occasion, Bancroft, bishop of London, flattered him as " such a king, as, since Christ's time, the like had not been," — and Whitgift professed to believe that his majesty spoke under the special influence of the Holy Spirit With such flattery, is it to be greatly wondered at, that the king esteemed himself an accomplished theological disputant ? Indeed, the whole conference seems to have been managed in a most unreasonable manner. It was followed by a proclamation enforcing conformity, and a number oi puritans, both clergy and laity, severely suffered. In March, 1604, the king, the queen, and the prince, rode in splendid pro- cession from the Tower to Whitehall ; and, at the meeting of parliament, a few days after, James delivered his first speech to that assembly. One part of it ex- cited general disapprobation — that in which he expressed himself willing to favour the Roman catholics — a feeling on his part which probably arose from the prospects afforded^ him of friendship with countries so powerful as France and Spain, and also, perhaps, from some degree of attachment to the Romish faith, as that of his royal ancestors. At this meeting of parliament, the king also brought forward his favourite proposal of a union betwixt England and Scotland, the result of which was the appointment of a committee for drawing up articles of union ; one of the most zealous members of which was Sir Francis Bacon. To this great man James showed strong attachment; and, even if Sir Francis had not proved himself to be devoted with peculiar ardour to the king, it may be supposed that he would have been regarded by the latter with peculiar JAMES VI. 237 pride, from that splendid series of publications which he had already begun to publish, and of which "The Advancement of Learning," with a very flat- tering dedication to the king, came forth in 1605. A great part of the summer following the meeting of parliament, the king devoted to his favourite sport of hunting — his attachment to which continued through life, even when corpulence, arising from excess in drinking, which was a noted fault of James, had unfitted him for every active exercise. About this time, we find him engaged in arranging a marriage between Sir Philip Herbert and lady Susan Vere ; writing from Royston to the council, that hunting was the only means to maintain his health, desiring them to take the charge and burden of affairs, and foresee that he should not be interrupted nor troubled with too much business ; and inquiring into the case of Haddock, called the sleeping preacher, from his being said to deliver excellent sermons, and speak excellent Greek and Hebrew in the midst of sleep, although very stupid when awake, who was brought by the king to confess tbat the whole was an imposture. But James was soon placed in a more serious situation, by the celebrated Gunpowdeu Plot, which was discovered on the 5th of November, for which day parliament had been summoned. A letter was found, supposed to have been written by the sister of lord Monteagle, who, though approving of the conspiracy, and the wife of one of the conspirators, wished to preserve her brother from the meditated ruin. On examination, barrels of gunpowder were found deposited below the place where parliament was just about to meet, and the very train and match for the discharge of their contents were in readiness. The conspirators were, with considerable difficulty, discovered, and were found to comprehend some Jesuits ; and to have been united by their common attachment to the Roman catholic religion, which in England had been lately treated' with increased severity. Indeed there is much reason to believe that the plot in some degree depended on Spanish influence. At the meeting of parliament, a few days after- wards, James expatiated at great length on this terrible conspiracy ; but still expressed himself indulgent to the English catholics. Shortly after appeared " A Discourse on the Gunpowder Plot," which is supposed to have been the composition of the king. The conspirators were condemned, and acts against the catholics were passed in parliament; but James continued to discover his unwillingness to treat them with severity. In July, 1606, he received a visit from the king of Denmark, who was wel- comed with imposing splendour. Prince Vandemont, a French relative of James, also paid a visit about this time to his royal kinsman. In November, the king again supported, before the parliament, his favourite scheme of a union between his Scottish and English kingdoms. The following passages give a curious example of his mode of conversation. The circumstances are given by Harrington, as having occurred about this time : — " He engaged much of learning, and showed me his own in such a sort as made me remember my examiner at Cambridge aforetime. He sought much to know my advances in philosophy, and introduced profound sentences of Aristotle, and such-like writers, which I had never read, and which some are bold enough to say, others do not understand." — " The prince did now press my reading to him part of a canto in Ariosto, praised my utterance, and said he had been informed of many as to my learning, in the time of the queen. He asked me what I thought pure wit was made of, and when it did best become ; whether a king should not be the best clerk in his own country ; and if this land did not entertain good opinion of his learning and good wisdom. His majesty did next press for my opinion touching the power of Satan in matters of witchcraft, and asked me with much gravity, if I did truly understand why the devil did work more with ancient 238 JAMES VI. women than others." His majesty asked much concerning my opinion of the new weed tobacco, and said it would, by its use infuse ill qualities on the brain, and that no learned man ought to taste it, and wished it forbidden. After discoursing on religion, at length he said " I pray you, do me justice in your report, and in good season I will not fail to add to your understanding, in such points as I may find you lack amendment." Before this time the king had published not only his " Demonology," but also " A Counterblast to Tobacco." In 1607, he published an answer to a work by Tyrone, and soon after his *• Triplici nodo triplex Cuneus," — a defence of an oath which was imposed on foreigners by an act of parliament, after the Gunpowder Plot. In 1609, he re- published it, with a dedication to all Christian kings and princes, answers having been previously made to it by Bellarmine, and other writers. This has been considered as among the best of the king's productions, and is characterized by a late historian of his court, as " a learned defence of protestant principles, an acute exposure of the false statements and false reasonings of Bellarmine, and a vigorous but not intemperate manifesto against papal usurpation and tyranny ; yet a vain and useless ostentation of parts and knowledge : and a truer judgment, by admonishing the royal author of the incompatibility of the polemi- cal character with the policy and dignity of a sovereign, would have spared him the numerous mortifications and inconveniences which ensued." ' One great cause of the king's unpopularity was his excessive favour for a Scotsman of the name of Carr. In February, 1610, at the meeting of parlia- ment, he did not appear in person, but he had the mortification soon after, of having his plan of a union disapproved by parliament, and a supply to himself refused. They were accordingly summoned to meet the king at Whitehall, where he explained to them his singular views of royal prerogative. The same year, Henry was appointed prince of Wales, on which occasion the ceremonies were continued for three days. I« 1611, James, when on a hunting expedition, received a book on the Na- ture and Attributes of God, by Conrad Vorstius. The king selected several doctrines which he considered heresies, and wrote to the Dutch government, signifying his disapprobation — Vorstius having lately received a professorship of divinity at Leyden, as successor of Arminius. He also ordered the book to be burned in London. Soon after, Bartholomew Legate was brought into his presence, accused of professing Arianism in the capital, after which he continued for some time in Newgate, and was then burned at Smithfield. About the same time a similar example of barbarous intolerance occurred. But it was in the same year that our English translation of the Bible was published — an undertaking which the king had set on foot, at the suggestion of Dr Reynolds, in 1601, which had been executed by forty-seven divines, whom James furnished with in- structions for the work ; and the fulfilment of which has been justly remarked as an event of very high importance in the history of the language, as well as of the religion of Great Britain. About the end of this year, the king founded a college at Chelsea, for controversial theology, with a view to answer the papists and puritans. His own wants, however, now led him to create the title of baronet, which was sold for £1000; and a man might purchase the rank o< baron for £5000, of viscount for £10,000, and of an earl for £20,000. He also suffered about this time, by the death of the earl of Salisbury, whom he visited in his illness. But a domestic loss awaited him which, however, it is said, occasioned him slighter suffering than might have been expected, although the nation felt it as a painful stroke. During preparations for the marriage of the 4 Aiken's Court of James. JAMES VI. 239 princess, the king's daughter, to the elector palatine, who arrived in England for the purpose on the lGth of October, 1612, prince Henry was cut off by death, on the 6th of November, having been taken ill the very day before the elector's arrival. This young prince was eminently distinguished by piety and honour, amiable manners and literary habits. His death-bed was cheered by the practice and consolations of the religion to which, amidst the seductions of a court, he had adhered in life, and he died, lamented by his family and country, in the nineteenth year of his age. In February, 1613, the princess Elizabeth was married to the elector pala- tine— not, it is said, without the dissatisfaction of her father. The preparations, however, were of the most splendid kind ; so that means were again adopted to supply the royal wants, as also in the following year. In 1615, James paid a visit to the university of Cambridge, where he re- sided in Trinity college, and was received with many literary exhibitions, in the form of disputations, sermons, plays, and orations. In this year he wrote his " Remonstrance for the right of kings, and the independence of their crowns," in answer to a speech delivered at Paris in January by cardinal Perron, whe sent it to James. This year also occurred the celebrated trials for the murder of Overbury, in the examinations previous to which James personally engaged. He had now lost his enthusiastic attachment to Carr, the person chiefly accused of this foul deed, whom he had created earl of Somerset, and who had lately been replaced in his affections by Villiers, the royal cup-bearer, whom he knighted, and appointed a gentleman of the bed-chamber, and whom he gradu- ally advanced, until he was created duke of Buckingham. In 1617, after some changes in the court, James paid a visit to Scotland, leaving Bacon as principal administrator in his absence. On this occasion literary exhibitions were presented to him by the universities of Edinburgh and St Andrews, and he also amused himself with his favourite sport. But he soon proceeded to enforce the customs of the English hierarchy on the Scottish people — a measure which, notwithstanding considerable encouragement from a General Assembly, which had been convoked with a view to the proposed altera- tions, the nation in general deemed an infringement of a promise he had made many years before, and which they succeeded, to a considerable degree, in resisting. The following year was marked by another act of cruelty. Sir Walter Ral- eigh, who had been confined in the Tower for twelve years, on the charge of having been engaged in a Spanish conspiracy, but had at last obtained release from his imprisonment, was condemned and executed, in consequence of his marked misconduct in an expedition to explore a mine in Guiana, which he had represented to the king as well fitted to enrich his exchequer. His execution, it will scarcely be doubted, was owing to the influence of Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador, and enemy of Raleigh at the English court, in prospect of a mar- riage between prince Charles and the Spanish infanta. Soon after the queen died, — a woman who seems to have been by no means destitute of estimable qualities, but still more remarkable for the splendour of her entertainments, to which Ben Jonson and other writers contributed largely of their wit Indeed that eminent dramatist seems to have been a person of considerable consequence at tiie English court. At this time James's own literary character was exhibited to the world in a folio edition of his works, edited, with a preface well seasoned with flattery, by the bishop of Winchester. Soon after, on an application from prince Maurice for the appointment of some English divines, as members of a coun- cil for the settlement of the controversy between the Arminians and Gomarists, which was held at Dort in November, 1618, five learned men were nominated on 210 JAMES VI. that commission, directed by James to recommend to the contending parties the avoidance, in public instruction, of the controverted topics. His favour to the church of England was manifested about the same time by his treatment of the cele- brated Selden, who had written a work on " the history of tithes," in which he held the injustice of considering the alienation of what had once been church- lands to any other than ecclesiastical purposes, to be in every case an act of sacri- lege. For this work the king required an explanation, and it was shortly after- wards prohibited by the high commission court. The nation in general was . displeased with the rigour of the king's administration ; with the plan, which he had not yet abandoned, of a marriage between his son and the infanta of Spain ; and with the favouritism which he manifested, especially towards Villiers, whose connexions called on him for bountiful provisions, which the king, at his re- quest, with gross facility, conceded. In 1620, the circumstances of his son-in-law, the elector palatine, began to occupy the particular attention of the king. That prince, after having been chosen king by the Bohemians, who had thrown off the Austrian sway, and re- ceived support from various states of Germany, being at last in a very perilous condition, and on the 8th November, 1620, defeated at the battle of Prague. After much delay, in which he carried on a diplomatic interference, James at last agreed to send a supply of chosen men. But he soon resigned this active in- terference in his behalf; he called in vain for a benevolence from his wealthy subjects, to enable him, as he said, to give him a vigorous support, in the event of future urgency ; and, finally, summoned a parliament, which had not met for many years, to deliberate on the subject. It met in January, 1621, — a par- liament memorable for the investigation it made into the conduct of lord Bacon, and the sentence it pronounced on that distinguished man, who had published only a short time before, the second part of his immortal " Novum Organum." The king, however, had previously promised him either freedom from such a sentence, or pardon after it, and Bacon accordingly was soon released from im- prisonment, and, in three years after, fully pardoned by the king. This parlia- ment also granted supplies to James, but in the same year refused farther sup- plies to the cause of the palatine. James adjourned it in spite of the remon- strance of the house of commons ; and on the same day occurred a well-known conversation of the king and the bishops Neale and Andrews : " My lords," said the king, "cannot I take my subjects' money when I want it, without all this formality in parliament ?" " God forbid, sir," said Neale, " but you should — you are the breath of our nostrils." — " Well, my lord," rejoined his majesty to Andrews, " and what say you ?" He excused himself on the ground of igno- rance in parliamentary matters. "No put-off, my lord," said James, "answer me presently." " Then, sir," said the excellent prelate, " I think it lawful for you to take my brother Neale's money, for he offers it." The king, however, had himself recommended to this parliament the investigation of abuses, and especially inveighed against corruption and bribery in courts of law. In this year he conferred the seals, which Bacon had resigned, upon Williams, afterwards bishop of Lincoln, who induced him to deliver the earl of Northumberland from imprisonment ; and soon after, he very creditably interfered for the continuance of archbishop Abbot in his office, after he had involuntarily committed an act of homicide. Parliament meeting again in February, 1622, the commons prepared a re, monstrance to the king on the dissatisfaction which was generally felt with the position of affairs, both at home and abroad, and calling on him to resist the measures of the king of Spain— to enforce the laws against popery— marry his son to a protestant — support protestantism abroad, and give his sanction to the JAMES VI. 241 bills which they should pass with a view to the interest of the nation. Ou hear- ing of this proceeding, the king addressed an intemperate letter to the speaker, asserting as usual, the interest of his " prerogative-royal.*' It was answered by the commons in a manly and loyal address, to which the king replied in a let- ter still more intemperate than the former. The commons, notwithstanding, drew up and recorded a protest, claiming the right of delivering their sentiments, and of deciding freely, without exposure to impeachment from their speeches in parliamentary debate, and proposing that, should there be objection made to any thing said by a member in the house, it should be officially reported to the king, before he should receive as true any private statement on the subject. This protest the king tore out of the journal of the house, ordered the deed to be registered, and imprisoned several of the individuals concerned, who, how- ever, were soon afterwards liberated. But James still maintained his own au- thority ; he strictly prohibited the general discussion of political subjects, and enjoined on the clergy a variety of rules, guarding them against preaching on several subjects, some of which must be regarded as important parts of the sys- tem which it is the duty of the clergy to proclaim. On the 1 7th of February, 1623, prince Charles and the marquis of Bucking- ham set oft' on a visit to Spain, with a view to the marriage of the former with the infanta — although the king had resisted the proposal of this journey, which had been urgently made by the prince and Buckingham. On the circumstance being known in England, the favourite was loudly blamed, and the prince sus- pected of an attachment to popery. The travellers proceeded in disguise, visited Paris for a single day, and reached Madrid on the 6th of March. The earl of Bristol, the English ambassador, met them with surprise. James corre- sponded with them in a very characteristic manner, and sent a large supply of jewels and other ornaments, as a present for the infanta. The Spaniards were generally anxious for the consummation of the marriage. But the pope, un- willing to grant a dispensation, addressed to Charles a letter entreating him to embrace the Roman catholic religion, to which the prince replied in terms ex- pressive of respect for the Romish church. Accordingly, all was prepared for the marriage, which was appointed to taK© place on the 29th of August But before the day arrived, pope Gregory had died — a circumstance which destroyed the force of the matrimonial articles ; and the prince left Spain in the midst of general demonstrations of attachment to his person, and inclination towards the intended marriage. On his way to England, however, he discovered a coldness towards the measure, and shortly after his arrival in October, the king acceding to the proposal of the favourite, who was displeased at his reception in Spain, a letter was sent to the earl of Bristol, ordering him not to grant the proxy which was required according to the ti'eaty, after the papal dispensation was obtained, before security should be given by Spain for the restoration of the Palatine. But even after the king of Spain had agreed to this proposal, James, persuaded by the favourite, expressed a wish that the matter should be broken oft'. But the low state of pecuniary resources into which these negotiations had reduced the English king, induced him to call a parliament, which met February, 1624, to which he submitted the matters about which he was now particularly interested. It offered supplies to the king for a war with Spain. War was declared, and the favourite of the king became the favourite of a large proportion of the nation. About the same time, an accusation of Buckingham, for his conduct in regard to Spain and Bohemia, was presented secretly to the king by the marquis Inojoso. It threw his majesty into excessive agitation ; and on setting out for Windsor, he repulsed the duke, as ho offered to enter the royal carriage. The duke inquired, with 242 GEORGE JAMESONE. tears, la what respect he had transgressed, but received only tears and reproaches in return. On receiving an answer by Williams, to the charges against the duke, he again received him into favour, and soon after broke off all friendly negotiations with Spain. He resisted, however — though not successfully — the proposal of Buckingham and Charles, that he should impeach the lord treasurer, on the ground of corruption in office. He also resisted — with much better reason — the petition of Buckingham, that the earl of Bristol should be forced to submit, exclaiming " I were to be accounted a tyrant to engage an innocent man to confess faults of which he was not guilty." The earl, however, was pre- vented from appearing in the presence of the king, who also cautioned the par- liament against seeking out grievances to remedy, although they might apply a cure to obviously existing ones. m June, 1624, was occupied by the king and Buckingham in carrying on measures for a marriage between prince Charles and Henrietta Maria, sister of Louis XIII. and daughter of Henry IV. ; and on the 10th of November, a dis- pensation having been with some difficulty obtained from the pope, the nuptial articles were signed at Paris. But in the spring of 1625, the king, whose con- stitution had previously suffered severely, was seized with ague, of which he died at Theobald's on the 27th of March, in the 59th year of his age. He was buried in Westminster abbey, and the funeral sermon was preached by Williams. On the character of James, so palpable and generally known, it is not neces- sary to offer many observations. Much of his conduct is to be attributed in a great measure to his political advisers, who were often neither wise nor faithful. His own character embraced many combinations of what may be almost denomi- nated inconsistencies. He was peculiarly subject to the influence of favour- ites, and yet exceedingly disposed to interfere with the course of political affairs. Indeed, to his warm and exclusive attachments, combined with his ex- travagant ideas of his own office and authority, may be traced the principal er- rors of his reign. He was, accordingly, irresolute, and yet often too ready to comply ; sensible to feeling, and yet addicted to severity ; undignified in man- ner, and yet tyrannical in government. Erring as was his judgment, his learning cannot be denied, though the use he often made of it, and especially the modes in which he showed it in the course of conversation, have been, with reason, the subjects of amusement. His superstition was great, but perhaps not excessive for the age in which he lived ; and it is said, that in his later days he put no faith in witchcraft. His religion was probably in some degree sin- cere, though neither settled nor commanding. Neither his writings nor his political courses, it is to be feared, have done much directly to advance the in- terests ot liberal and prudent policy ; but in both there are pleasing specimens of wisdom, and both may teach us a useful lesson, by furnishing a melancholy view of the nature and tendency of tyranny, even when in some degree con- trolled by the checks of parliamentary influence and popular opinion. JAMESONE, George, the first eminent painter produced by Britain, was born at Aberdeen towards the end of the 1 6th century. The year 1 586 has been given as the precise era of his birth, but this we can disprove by an extract which has been furnished to us from the burgh records of his native town, and which shows that the eldest child of his parents (a daughter) was born at such a period of this year, as rendered it impossible that he could have been born within some months of it.1 It is alone certain that the date of the painter's birth was 1 The marriage of the parents of Jamesone is thus entered in these burgh records; " Thair is promess of marriage bttwix And" Jamesone ? . ._ . , ,,-„„ii Marjore Andersone C ln lnh August, 1585. FROM THS ORIGINAL LW THE POSSESSION OFW C.ATUTF.nTP. ABKPPhf^f BLACioiicSojr, oulsoow; iDnrsrosHi: GEORGE JAMESONE. - 243 posterior to 15S6. Of the private life of this distinguished man few parti- culars are known ; and of these few a portion rest on rather doubtful au- thority. Previously to his appearance, no man had so far succeeded in at- tracting the national attention of Scotland to productions in painting, as to ren- der an artist a person whose appearance in the country was to be greatly marked : at that period of our history, too, men had other matters to occupy their minds ; and it may well be believed, that, in passing through the fiery or- deal of the times, many men who in peace and prosperity might have had their minds attracted to the ornamental arts, were absorbed in feelings of a very dif- ferent order, which hardly allowed them an opportunity of knowing, far less of indulging in the elegant occupations of peace. The father of Jamesone was Andrew Jamesone, burgess of guild of Aberdeen, and his mother was Marjory Anderson, daughter of David Anderson, one of the magistrates of that city. What should have prompted the parents of the young painter to adopt the very unusual measure of sending their son from a quiet' fireside in Aberdeen, to study under Peter Paul Rubens in Antwerp, must remain a mystery. The father is said to have been an architect, and it is probable that he had knowledge enough of art to remark the rising genius of his child, and was liberal enough to per- ceive the height to which the best foreign education might raise the possessor of that genius. If a certain Flemish building projecting into one of the nar- row streets of Aberdeen, and known by the name of '* Jamesone's house," be the production of the architectural talents of the elder Jamesone, as the period of the style may render not unlikely, he must have been a man of taste and judgment. Under Rubens, Jamesone had for his fellow scholar Sir Anthony Vandyke, and the early intercourse of these two artists had the effect of making the portraits of each be mistaken for those of the other. In 1620, Jamesone returned to Aberdeen, and established himself as a portrait- pa inter. He there, on the 12th of November, 1624, married Miss IsobelTosh,2 a lady with whom he seems to have enjoyed much matrimonial felicity, and who, if we may judge by her husband's representation of her in one of his best pictures,3 must have been a person of very considerable attractions ; he had by her several children, of whom the sons seem to have all met early deaths, a daughter being the only child he left behind him.4 * Soon after the above entry, there occurs one regarding the baptism of their eldest child, the sister of the painter, in these terms : " The penult day July, 1586. Ando. Jamesone, Marjore Andersone, dochtar in mareage, callit Elspett; James Robertson, Edward Donaldson, Elspatt (juttes, Elspatt Mydilton, wit- nesses." 3 The marriage is thus entered in the burgh records : " 12th November, 1624, George Jamesoune, Isobell Tosche." i 3 This picture represents the painter himself, and his wife and daughter. The grouping is very neat, and the attitudes of the hands as free from stiffness as those of almost any picture of the age. The daughter is a tine round-cheeked spirited-looking girl, apparently about 12 years old. Walpole says this picture was painted in 16*3. From the date of Jamesone's marriage, this must be a mistake. This picture was engraved by Alexander Jamesone, a descendant of the painter, in 1728, and a very neat line engraving of it is to be found in Dallaway's edition of Wal pole's Anecdotes. 4 The following entry in the council records of Aberdeen relates to the birth of one of Jamesone's children : " 1629 yieris — George Jamesone and Toche, ane sone, bap- tized be Mr Robert Baron the 27lh day of July, caliit William; Mr Patrick Done, Robert Alexander, Andrew Meldrum, William Gordone, god-fathers." The next notice of him which we find in the same authority shows, that on the 2d January 1630, he was present at the baptism of a child of " James Toshe," probably a relation of his wife, at which, it may be mentioned, William Forbes, bishop of Edinburgh, officiated. In October of the same year we find him again demanding a similar duty for his own family : " October, 1630 yeires, George Jamesone and Isobell Toshe, ane sone, baptized the 27th day, callit Paull ; Paull Menzies of Kinmundie, provest, Mr Alexander Jail'ray, bailzie, Mr David Wedderburne, Mr Robert Patrie, Patrick Jack, Patrick Fergusson, Andrew Strachan, godfathers." This 244 GEORGE JAMESONE. A curious evidence of the locality of Jamesone's residence in Aberdeen is to be found in an epigram on that city, by the painter's intimate friend Arthur Johnstone, author of the Latin version of the Psalms. It is interesting, as proving that Jamesone possessed what was then seldom to be found in Scotland, a habitation, which added to the mere protection from the inclemency of the seasons, some attempt to acquire the additions of comfort and taste. The epi- gram proceeds thus — Hanc quoque Lanaris mons ornat, amoenior illis, Hinc ferrugineis Spada colorat aquis : Inde iuburbanum Jamesoni despicii hortum Quern domini pictum suspicior esse maim. In " A Succinct Survey of the famous city of Aberdeen, by Philopoliteius," the passage is thus " done " into what the author is pleased to term " English :" " The Woolman hill, which all the rest outvies In pleasantness, this city beautifies ; There is the well of Spa, that healthful font, Whose yrne-hewed water coloureth the mount •, Not far from thence a garden's to be seen Which unto Jamesone did appertain : Wherein a little pleasant house doth stand, Painted as I guess with its master's hand."5 Jamesone appears to have been in Edinburgh during the visit of king Charles the First in the year 1633. To gratify the taste of that prince he was employed by the magistrates to paint portraits, as nearly resembling probable likenesses as he could devise, of some of the real or supposed early kings of Scot- land. These productions had the good fortune to give satisfaction, and the un- happy king, who had soon far different matters to occupy his attention, sat for his portrait, and rewarded the artist with a diamond ring from his own finger. It is alleged that the painter was on this occasion indulged with a permission to remain covered in the presence of majesty, a circumstance which is made to account for his having always represented himself (and he was not sparing iti is a curious evidence of Jamesone's respectability as a citizen. Paul, afterwards Sir Paul Menzies, a man of considerable note in Aberdeenshire, and provost of the city, appears to have been name-father, and Alexander Jaftrey, another of the sponsors, was himself after- wards provost. The extractor of these entries remarks, that the chief magistrate appears lo have acted as sponsor only at the baptisms of the children of very influential citizens. * With farther reference to this piece of pleasure ground, and an anxiety to collect every scrap of matter which concerns Jamesone, we give the following entry, regarding a petition', of date the 15th of January, 1645, given in to the town council of Aberdeen by "Mr John Alexander, advocate in Edinburgh, makand mention that where that piece of ground callit the play-field besyd )e Wolman-hiil (quhilk was set to umquhill George Jamesone, painter, burges of Edinburgh in liferent, and buildet be him in a garden) is now unprofitable, and that the said John Alexander, sone in law to the said umquhill George Jamesone, is desirous to have the same peice of ground set to him in few heritablie to be houldeii of the piovest, bailees, and of the burg he of Aberdene, for paxment of a reasonable lew dutie uirlie their- for;' prau'ng the magistrates to set to him iir feu tack the foresaid pi.ce of ground : the request is granted by the magistrates, and farther official mention is made of the transaction of date the 10th November, 1646, where the " marches" of the garden are set forth in full. This piece of ground was the ancient » Play-field " of the burgh, which remained disused, alter the Keformation had terminated the pageants and mjsteries there performed. Persons connected with Aberdeen will know the spot when the\ are informed, that it is the pi.ce of flat ground extending from the well of Spa to Jack's brae, bounded on the east bv the Wool. man hill, and the bum running at its foot; on the south by the Denbum, and the ridge of ground on which Skene street now stands; on the west bv Jack's brae, and on the north by the declivity occupied by the Gilcomston brewery. The appropriation of the spot to the garden ot the painter is stiil noted by the name of a fountain, called " The Gurden Neuk Well, i — Council Recurd of Aberdeen, liii. p. 37, 98. GEORGE JAMESONE. 245 portraits of himself,) with his hat on : neither is the permission characteristic of the monarch, nor its adoption by the artist ; and the peculiarity may be better attributed to a slavish imitation of his master Rubens, in a practice which had been sanctioned by the choice of Carracci and Guido. It is probable that the patronage and notice of the monarch were the cir- cumstances which introduced the paintings of Jamesone to the notice of the nobility. He appears, soon after the period we have alluded to, to have com- menced a laborious course of portrait-painting, then, as now, the most lucrative branch of the art ; and the many portraits of their ancestors, still in possession of families dispersed through various parts of Scotland, attest the extent of his industry. The Campbells of Glenorchy, then an opulent and powerful family, distinguished themselves by their patronage of Jamesone. What countenance he may have obtained from other quarters we do not know, and the almost titter silence regarding so great a man on the part of contemporaries, makes a docu- ment which Walpole has rescued from oblivion, relative to his labours for the family of Glenorchy, highly interesting. From a MS. on vellum, containing the genealogy of the house of Glenorchy, begun in 1598, are taken the fol- lowing extracts, written in 1635, page 52 : — " Item, the said Sir Coline Camp- bell, (eighth laird of Glenorchy,) gave unto George Jamesone, painter in Edin- burgh, forking Robert and king David Bruysses, kings of Scotland, and Charles L, king of Great Brittane, France, and Ireland, and his majesties quein, and for nine more of the queins of Scotland, their portraits, quhilks are set up in the hall of Balloch (now Tay mouth), the sum of twa hundreth thrie scor pounds." — " Mair the said Sir Coline gave to the said George Jamesone for the knight of Lochow's lady, and the first countess of Argylle, and six of the ladys of Glen- urquhay, their portraits, and the said Sir Coline his own" portrait, quhilks are set up in the chalmer of deas of Balloch, ane hundreth four scoire punds." There is a further memorandum, intimating that in 1635, Jamesone painted the family tree of the house of Glenorchy, eight feet long by five broad. What may have become of the portraits of Robert and David Bruce, and of the nine queens, which must have taxed the inventive talents of the artist, we do not know. Their loss may be, however, of little consequence, as we can easily ar- gue from the general effect of Jamesone's productions, that his talent consisted in giving life and expression to the features before him, and not in design. The other paintings have, however, been carefully preserved by the family into whose hands they fell. They consist of portraits of Sir Duncan Campbell, the earl of Airth, John earl of Rothes, James marquis of Hamilton, Archibald lord Napier, William earl of Marischal, chancellor Loudoun, lord Binning, the carl of 3Iar, Sir Robert Campbell, Sir John Campbell, and the genealogical tree mentioned in the memorandum. All these are, we believe, still to be seen in good preservation in Taymouth castle, where in 1769 they were visited by Pennant, who thus describes the genealogical tree : " That singular performance of his, the genealogical picture, is in good preservation. The chief of the Ar- gyle family is placed recumbent at the foot of a tree, with a branch ; on the right is a single head of his eldest son, Sir Duncan Campbell, laird of Lochow ; but on the various ramifications are the names of his descendants, and along the body of the tree are nine small heads, in oval frames, with the names on the margins, all done with great neatness : the second son was first of the house of Breadalbane, which branched from the other above four hundred years ago. In a corner is inscribed ' The Geneologie of the House of Glenorquhie, quhair- of is descendit sundrie nobil and worthie houses. Jameson facieb at, 1635.'"' Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, i. 24. Tour, 1769, p. 87. 246 GEORGE JAMESONE. After a life which must have been spent in great industry, and enjoying inde- pendence, and even wealth, Jamesone died at Edinburgh in 1644, and was buried without a monument in the Grey Friars' church there. Walpole, who obtained his information from a relation of the painter, says, " By his will, written with his own hand in July, 1G41, and breathing a spirit of much piety and benevolence, he provides kindly for his wife and children, and leaves many legacies to his relations and friends, particularly to lord Rothes the king's picture from head to foot, and Mary with Martha in one piece : to William Murray he gives the medals in his coffer; makes a handsome provision for his natural daughter ; and bestows liberally on the poor. That he should be in a condition to do all this, seems exti-aordinary, his prices having been so moderate ; for, enumerating the debts due to him, he charges lady Haddington for a whole length of her husband, and lady Seton, of the same dimensions, frames and all, but three hundred marks : and lord Maxwell for his own picture and his lady's to their knees, one hundred marks, both sums of Scots money."8 The average remuneration which Jamesone received for his portraits is calculated at twenty pounds Scots, or one pound thirteen shillings and four pence sterling. People have wondered at the extreme smallness of the sum paid to so great an artist ; but, measured by its true standard, the price of necessary provisions, it was in reality pretty considerable, and may easily be supposed to have enabled an industrious man to amass a comfortable fortune. Walpole continues, " Mr Jamesone (the relation from whom the facts of the account were received), has likewise a memorandum written and signed by this painter, mentioning a MS. in his possession, ' containing two hundred leaves of parchment of .excellent write, adorned with diverse historys of our Saviour curiously limned,' which he values at two hundred pounds sterling, a very large sum at that time ! What is become of that curious book is not known." It is probable that the term " sterling " affixed to the sum, is a mistake. It was seldom if ever used in Scot- land at the period when Jamesone lived. We are not given to understand that the " limning " was of the painter's own work, and we are not to presume he was in possession of a volume, superior in value to the produce of many years labour in his profession. The manuscript, though mentioned with an estimation so disproportionate to that of the works of its proprietor, was probably some worthless volume of monkish illuminations, of which it would waste time to trace the ownership. The description might apply to a manuscript ** Mirror of the Life of Christ," extant in the Advocates' Library. We have already mentioned a considerable number of the portraits by Jame- sone as extant in Tayiaouth castle. An almost equal number is in the possession of the Alva family ; and others are dispersed in smaller numbers. Carnegie of Southesk possesses portraits of some of his ancestors, by Jamesone, who was con- nected with the family. Mr Carnegie, town clerk of Aberdeen, possesses several of his pictures in very good preservation, and among them is the original of the portrait of the artist himself, which has been engraved for this work. Another individual in Aberdeen possesses a highly curious portrait by Jamesone of the artist's uncle, David Anderson of Finzeauch, merchant-burgess of Aber- deen, an eccentric character, the variety of whose occupations and studies pro- cured him the epithet of " Davie do a' thing." Some of Jamesone's portraits hang in the hall of Marischal college in a state of wretched preservation. Sir Paul Menzies, provost of Aberdeen, presents us with a striking cast of counte- nance boldly executed ; but in general these are among the inferior productions of Jamesone. They are on board, the material on which he painted his earlier productions (and which he afterwards changed for fine canvas), and are remark- 8 Anecdotts, i. 250. GEORGE JAMESONE. 247 able for the stiffness of the hands, and the awkward arrangement of the dress ; two defects, which, especially in the case of the former, he afterwards overcame. There is in the same room a portrait of Charles I. of some merit, which the ex- hibitor of the curiosities in the university generally attributes to Vandyke. It is probably the work of Jamesone, but it may be observed, that there is more calm dignity in the attitude, and much less expression, than that artist general- ly exhibits. Walpole and others mention as extant in the King's college of Aberdeen, a picture called the " Sibyls," partly executed by Jamesone, and copied from living beauties in Aberdeen : if this curious production still exists in the same situation, we are unaware of its being generally exhibited to strangers. There is a picture in King's college attributed to Jamesone, which we would fain bestow on some less celebrated hand. It is a view of King's college as ori- ginally erected, the same from which the engraving prefixed to Orem's account of the cathedral church of Old Aberdeen, is copied. It represents an aspect much the same as that which Slezer has given in his Theatrum Scotiae, and, like the works of that artist, who could exhibit both sides of a building at once, it sets all perspective at defiance, and most unreasonably contorts the human figure. In characterizing the manner of Jamesone, Walpole observes that " his excel- lence is said to consist in delicacy and softness, with a clear and beautiful colouring ; his shades not charged, but helped by varnish, with little appear- ance of the pencil." This account is by one who has not seen any of the artist's paintings, and is very unsatisfactory. It is indeed not without reason, that the portraits of Jamesone have frequently been mistaken for those of Vandyke. Both excelled in painting the human countenance, — in making the flesh and blood project from the surface of the canvas, and animating it with a soul within. That the Scottish artist may have derived advantage from his association with the more eminent foreigner it were absurd to deny ; but as they were fellow students, candour will admit, that the advantage may have been at least partly repaid, and that the noble style in which both excelled, may have been formed by the common labour of both. It can scarcely be said that on any occasion Jamesone rises to the high dignity of mental expression represented by Vandyke, nor does he exhibit an equal grace, in the adjustment of a breast plate, or the hanging of a mantle. His pictures generally represent hard and characteristic features, seldom with much physical grace, and representing minds within, which have more of the fierce or austere than of the lofty or elegant ; and in such a spirit has he presented be- fore us the almost breathing forms of those turbulent and austere men connected with the dark troubles of the times. The face thus represented seems generally to have commanded the whole mind of the artist. The background presents nothing to attract attention, and the outlines of the hard features generally start from a ground of dingy dark brown, or deep grey. The dress, frequently of a sombre hue, often fades away into the back ground, and the attitude, though frequently easy, is seldom studied to impose. The features alone, with their knotty brows, deep expressive eyes, and the shadow of the nose falling on the lip — a very picturesque arrangement followed by Vandyke — alone demand the attention of the spectator. Yet he could sometimes represent a majestic form and attitude, as the well-known picture of Sir Thomas Hope testifies. We shall notice one more picture by Jamesone, as it is probably one of the latest which came from his brush, and exhibits peculiarities of style not to be met with in others. This portrait is in the possession of Mr Skene of Kubislaw, and represents his ancestor Sir George Skene of Fintray, who was born in 1619. The portrait is of a young man past twenty ; and it will be remarked, that the subject was only twenty-five years of age when the artist died. The picture is 248 GEORGE JARDINE, A.M. authenticated from the circumstance of a letter being extant from the laird of Skene to Sir George Skene, requesting a copy of his portrait " by Jamesone," and in accordance with a fulfilment of this request, a copy of the portrait we al- lude to is in the family collection at Skene. Jamesone has here indulged in more fullness and brilliancy of colouring than is his general custom : the young man has a calm aspect ; his head is covered with one of the monstrous wigs then just introduced ; he is in a painter's attitude, even to the hand, which is beautifully drawn, and far more graceful than those of Jamesone generally are. On the whole, tins portrait has more of the characteristics of Sir Peter Lely, than of Vandyke. Jnmesone has been termed the " Vandyke of Scotland," but he may with equal right claim the title of the Vandyke of Britain. Towards the latter end of Elizabeth's reign, Hrlliard and Oliver had become somewhat distinguished as painters in miniature, and they commanded some respect, more from the in- feriority of others, than from their own excellence ; but the first inhabitant of Great Britain, the works of whose brush could stand comparison with foreign painters, was Jamesone. A Latin elegy was addressed to the memory of Jamesone by David Wedder- burn ; and his friend and fellow townsman Arthur Johnston, (nhose portrait had been painted by Jamesone), has left, in one of his numerous epigrams, a beauti- ful poetical tribute to his memory. After his death, the art he had done so much to support, languished in Scotland. His daughter, who may have in- herited some portion of plastic genius, has left behind fruits of her industry in a huge mass of tapestry, which still dangles from the gallery of the church of St Nicholas in Aberdeen. This lady's second husband was Gregory, the mathe- matician. A descendant of the same name as the painter has already been al- luded to, as an engraver in the earlier part of the 1 8th century, and John Alexander, another descendant, who returned from his studies in Italy in 1720, acquired celebrity as an inventor of portraits of queen Alary. JARDINE, George, A.3I., for many years professor of logic in the university of Glasgow, was born in the year 1742, at Wandal, in the upper ward of Lanarkshire, where his predecessors had resided for nearly two hundred years. The barony of Wandal formerly belonged to the Jardines of Applegirth ; a younger son of whom appears to have settled there about the end of the six- teenth century, and to have also been vicar of the parish during the time of episcopacy. The barony having passed from the Applegirth to the Douglas family, Mr Jardine's forefathers continued for several generations as tenants in the lands of Wandal, under that new race of landlords. His mother was a daughter of Weir of Birkwood in the parish of Lesmahagow. After receiving his elementary education at the parish school, he, in October, 1760, repaired to Glasgow college, and entered as a member of a society, where, with very little interruption, he was destined to spend the whole of his life. After going through the preliminary classes, where his abilities and dili- gence attracted the attention and acquired for him the friendship of several of the professors, he entered the divinity hall under Dr Trail, then professor of theology, and in due time obtained license as a preacher from the presbytery of Linlithgow. He did not, however, follow out that profession, having, from the good wishes of several of the professors of Glasgow college, reason to hope that he might eventually be admitted to a chair, which was the great object of his ambition. In 1771, he was employed by baron Mure of Caldwell, to accompany his two sons to France, and to superintend their education at an academy in Paris. The baron, who was at that time one of the most influential men in Scotland, GEORGE JARDINE, A.M. 240 and who lived much in the literary circle of Edinburgh, obtained from his friend David Hume, letters of introduction to several of the French philosophers of that day; by means of which 3Ir Jardine had the advantage of being acquainted with Helvetius and with D'AIembert, who were then in the zenith of their fame, and whose manners he used to describe as presenting a striking contrast, — Helvetius having all the style and appearance of a French nobleman of the first fashion, while D'AIembert preserved a primitive simplicity of dress and manner, at that time quite unusual in Paris. During his residence there, he lived a good deal in the society of Dr Gemm, the uncle of Mr Huskisson, who was then settled as a physician in Paris, and noted not only for his emi- nence in his profession, but for his talents as a philosopher. Dr Gemm was an ardent friend to liberty, and at that time did not scruple to anticipate, to those with whom he was intimate, the fall of the French monarchy as an event at no great distance. Soon after his return from France, in July, 1773, a vacancy occurred in the humanity chair of Glasgow, by the death of Mr Muirhead ; for which a very keen competition arose between him and Mr Richardson, the result of which was doubtful until the very morning of the election, when, notwithstanding every exertion made in behalf of Mr Jardine, by lord Frederic Campbell, the lord rector, Mr liichardson carried the election by a majority of one vote. Upon this occasion, Mr Clow, the professor of logic, who had always befriended Mr Jardine, though, from a prior engagement, he, on this occasion, felt himself obliged to support the other candidate, told him not to be discouraged, for that there might ere long be an opportunity of his being admitted into their society. The expectations which 3Ir Clow thus kindly threw out, he very soon realized, for, towards the end of the following session, he intimated to the college, that, from his advanced age, he required to be relieved from the labour of teaching, and expressed a wish that Mr Jardine might be associated with him in the pro- fessorship. About this time, too, Dr Moor, professor of Greek, gave in his resig- nation ; and in June, 1774, upon the same day, the faculty of Glasgow college elected Mr Young to the Greek chair, and appointed the subject of this memoir assistant and successor to Mr Clow. By this arrangement, the chai'ge of the three junior classes of Glasgow college came, at the same time, to devolve upon three men in the vigour of life, who all entered most zealously into the business of their respective departments, in which they soon introduced vei'y material improvements : — in particular, they contrived to infuse a spirit of emulation among their pupils by the institution of prizes publicly distributed at the end of each session, to those who had dis- tinguished themselves during the course — an institution which was gradually extended to other classes at Glasgow, and which has now been generally intro- duced into the other uuiversities. These prizes have been increased during recent years, by the munificence of several of the Lords Rectors, and the generosity of public-spirited individuals. There are prizes bearing the names of James Watt, Lord Jeffrey, Mr James Ewing, the Marquis of Breadalbane, &c, arising from large sums of money permanently invested for that purpose. The business of the logic class had hitherto consisted in an explanation of the Dialectics of Aristotle, followed up, towards the end of the course, by an exposi- tion of the most abstruse doctrines of metaphysics and ontology, embracing the general attributes of being, existence, essence, unity, necessity, &c, and other similar abstract conceptions of pure intellect. For the first year or two, the new professor followed the same track ; but he soon discovered, from the examination of his students, that by far the greater number of them comprehended very little ofthe doctrines explained ; that a few only of superior abilities could give any account of 250 GEORGE JARDINE, A.M. them at all, and that the most of the young men remembered only a few peculiar phrases or technical expressions which they delivered by rote, unaccompanied by any distinct notion of their meaning. Besides, even when these abstract doctrines were understood, intelligent persons who sent their sons to tbe logic class, could not fail to observe, that the subjects to which their attention was directed had no relation to any profession or employment whatever, and that little could be derived from prelections on such topics, which was likely either to adorn con- versation, or to qualify the student for the concerns of active life. Mr Jardine soon perceived, therefore, the necessity of a thorough and radical change on the subjects of his lectures, and after a simple analysis of the different powers of the understanding, with the means of their improvement, accompanied with a short account of Aristotle's logic, he devoted by far the greater part of the course to the original progress of language ; the principles of general grammar ; the elements of taste and criticism ; and to the rules of composition, with a view ta the promotion of a correct style, illustrated by examples. His course of lectures was, accordingly, entirely new-modelled, and he soon found that a great pro- portion of the students entered with awakened interest upon the consideration of these subjects, instead of the listless inattention which had been bestowed on the abstract doctrines of metapbysics. But the greatest improvement which he introduced into the mode of conduct- ing the business of the class, Mas a regular system of examinations and exercises. He was of opinion with Dr Barrow, " that communication of truth is only one half of the business of education, and is not even the most important half. The most important part is the habit of employing, to some good purpose, the acqui- sitions of memory by tbe exercise of the understanding ; and till this be acquire.!, the acquisition will not be found of much use." The mere delivery of a lecture, especially to very young persons, he held of very little advantage, unless they Mere placed in the situation of those who Mere boimd to give an account of it ; and the exposition of the rules of composition to be of little avail, unless accom- panied by the application of those rules by the student himself. Accordingly, at a separate hour in the forenoon, the students Mere examined each day on the lecture of the morning, and written essays were required from time to time on subjects more or less connected Mith these embraced in the lectures. These Mere regularly criticised by the professor in the presence of the class ; and after the principles of criticism had been explained, they Mere, towards the end of the session, distributed among the students themselves, Mho Mere required to subjoin a Mritten criticism upon each other's performances, under the superin- tendence of the professor ; and prizes Mere bestowed at the end of the session, according to the determination of the students, to those who excelled in these daily examinations and exercises. This system of practical instruction is explained in all its details in a work published by Mr Jardine before he relin- quished the charge of the logic class, entitled " Outlines of Philosophical Edu- cation," in which is to be found a full exposition of a system of academical discipline, which Mas pursued in the logic class of GlasgoM-, during the period of fifty years it Mas under his direction, and Mhich was found by experience to be attended with the most beneficial effects. The details of this system Mere, of course, attended Mith no small additional labour to the professor ; for, besides two and occasionally three hours each day of public teaching, he had every evening to examine and correct the essays of the students, Mhich Mere in such numbers as to occupy a large portion of his time. He Mas reconciled, however, to this tedious and laborious occupation by a thorough conviction of its great practical utility, Mhich each year's additional experience tended more and more to confirm. He had the satisfaction, too, cf GEORGE JARDINE, A.M. 251 knowing that his labours were not without success, both from his students them- selves, many of whom did not hesitate to ascribe their advancement in after-life to the active and industrious habits acquired in the logic class, and also from the opinion of the public at large, which was very clearly evinced by the progressive increase of the number of students ; the average of which, when he entered upon the office, in the public class was about fifty, but which increased to nearly two hundred. This was, no doubt, partly owing to general causes, applicable to the times, but to a certain extent it was assuredly to be attributed to the great esti- mation in which this class was held by the public at large. Few teachers have ever enjoyed so large a portion of the respect and affection of their pupils. This was owing not a little to the warm interest which they could not fail to perceive he took in their progress, — to his strict impartiality, which admitted of no pre- ference or distinction of any sort except that of talents and industry, — and to a kindly, affectionate, and almost paternal regard, which marked the whole of his demeanour to his students — who, dispersed, as they afterwards came to be, into all quarters of the globe, have very generally concurred in expressions of cordial esteem to their old preceptor. With such a hold upon the regard and affection of his class, he scarcely ever required to have recourse to the ordinary means of enforcing academical discipline. From 1774, when he first entered upon his office, till 1824, when he gave up teaching, the business was systematically carried on in the way here described, with such improvements from time to time as were suggested by his experience ; and he possessed such an excellent constitution, aided by a tempor remarkably cheerful, that during the whole fifty years he was scarcely a single day absent from his class on account of indisposition. His predecessor, Mr Clow, survived till 1788, having the year before his death resigned to his successor the whole privileges of the office, with his seat in the faculty ; and, notwithstanding the very labo- rious duties which he had imposed on himself by his mode of teaching, he still contrived to devote a portion of his time to the extrication of the patrimonial affairs of the college, and the arrangement of their accounts, which his business habits enabled him to undertake without much difficulty, and which, chiefly by his exertions, were brought from a state of comparative confusion into a very satisfactory arrangement. In 1792, likewise, when the royal infirmary was erected at Glasgow, lie bestowed very great labour in promoting the undertaking, and for more than twenty years afterwards officiated as secretary, taking on himself the chief management of the affairs of the institution, from which he only retired a short time before his death, when he received the thanks of the mana- gers for the unwearied attention he had bestowed on their business for nearly thirty years. The private life of Mr Jardine did not present any great variety of incident. During the session he lived in college in terms of great friendship with several of his colleagues, particularly with the late professors Millar and Young, whose views in college affairs generally coincided with his own ; and in summer he resided at a small property which he purchased in the neighbourhood of Hamil- ton, which he took great delight in adorning, and entered with much relish upon the employments of a country life, which formed an excellent relaxation after his winter labours. His residence in that quarter naturally occasioned a connexion with the presbytery of Hamilton, who, for upwards of thirty years, returned him as their representative to the General Assembly, which he regularly attended, taking a considerable share in the business, and generally coinciding in opinion with the late Sir Henry Moncrieff" Wellwood, with whom he lived for a great many years in habits of the most unreserved friendship. One of the last public appearances which he made was in May, 1825, upon the question of 252 SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. pluralities, to which he had, on all occasions, been a determined adversary; when he opened the second day's debate by a forcible speech on the impolicy of uniting professorships with church livings ; which, considering his great age, was viewed at the time as a very remarkable effort, and was listened to with profound attention. In 1824, after having taught for fully half a century, he thought himself fairly entitled to retire from his labours. Those who attended the class during that last session did not perceive any abatement either of his zeal or energy ; and during that winter he was not absent from his class a single hour. But he fore- saw that the time could not be far distant when these exertions must cease, and he preferred retiring before he was actually compelled to do so by the infirmi- ties of age. At the end of that session, he accordingly requested his colleagues to select a person to fill his place ; declaring that he left the arrangement entirely to them, and that he would not interfere either directly or indirectly in the appointment, farther than by expressing an earnest wish that they might select one who would take a zealous interest in the prosperity of the class, and would continue the same system of active employment on the part of the stu- dents which had been found to be attended with so much benefit. Their choice fell upon the Rev. Robert Buchanan, minister of Peebles, who had himself carried off the first honour at this class, whose literary attainments are of a high order, and who zealously continues to follow out the same system of daily examinations and regular exercises, which was introduced by his predecessor. Upon the occasion of his retirement from public teaching, a number of those who had been his pupils determined to show their respect by giving him a public dinner in the town hall of Glasgow, which was attended by upwards of two hundred gentlemen, many of whom came from a great distance to evince their respect for their venerable instructor. Mr Mure of Caldwell, his earliest pupil, was in the chair, and the present Marquis of Breadalbane, who had been peculiarly under his charge at Glasgow college, and to whom he was very much attached, came from a great distance to officiate as croupier. Mr Jardine survived about three years after his retirement from public duties ; during which time he resided as usual during winter in college, and continued to take an active interest in the affairs of the society. While attending the General Assembly in May, 182G, he was seized with a bilious attack — almost the first illness he ever experienced — from which he never completely recovered, and he sank under the infirmities of age on the 27th of January, 1827, having just completed his 85th year ; contemplating his dissolution with the composure of a Christian, and expressing his gratitude to the author of his being for the many blessings which had fallen to his lot ; of which he did not consider as the least the numerous marks of esteem and regard evinced by his old pupils, with whom he Mas ever delighted to renew a kindly intercourse. His death was deeply regretted by the society of which he had been so long a member, and by the inhabitants of Glasgow, where he was very generally respected and esteemed. In 1776, Mr Jardine married Miss Lindsay of Glasgow, whom he survived about twelve years, and by whom ho had one son, John Jardine, advocate, who held the office of sheriff of Ross and Cromarty, and died in 1850. JOHNSTON, (Sir) Archibald, of Warriston", (a judge by the designation of lord Warriston,) an eminent lawyer and statesman, was the son of James Johnston of Beirholm in Annandale, a descendant of the family of Johnston in Aberdeen- shire, and who for some time followed a commercial life in Edinburgh, being mentioned in a charter of 1G08, as " the king's merchant" The mother of the subject of our memoir was Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Thomas Craig, the first great lawyer produced by Scotland, and whose life has already been given in the SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. 2f>3 present work. Of the date of the birth of Archibald Johnston, and the circum- stances of his education, no memorial has been preserved: he entered as advo- cate in 1633. In the great national disturbances which commenced in 1637, Johnston took an early and distinguished part; acting, apparently, as only second to Sir Thomas Hope in giving legal advice to the covenanters. The second or general supplication of the nation to Charles I. for relief from his episcopal innovations was prepared by the earl of Rothes and Archibald John- ston ; the former being preferred on account of his distinction as an active and influential partisan, and the latter from the general character given of him by his friends, as singularly well acquainted with the history and constitution of the genuine presbyterian church of Scotland. This document, which was presented to the privy council on the 24th of September, 1637, in the presence of a band of the supporters of its principles, which made the act more solemn than a regal pageant, leaves for the politicians of all ages a fine specimen of that calmness in reasoning and statement which men of judgment and principle know to be necessary for the preservation of order in a state, when they are representing grievances, however deep, to a governor, however unreasonable ; and of that firmness of position, which, when supported by a hold of popular opinion, must either be allowed to prevail, or leave to him who obstructs it the odium of the confusion which may follow. After the supplicants, who had increased to a vast body of men, spreading over the whole of the southern part of Seotland, had united themselves under a representative constitution, termed " the Tables," a renewal of the national covenant was judged a useful measure for a combination of effort, and the insurance of a general union and purpose. Johnston and the celebrated Alexander Henderson were employed to suit the revered obliga- tion to which their ancestors had sworn, to the new purpose for which it was applied, by including the protestations against the liturgy of the episcopal church, under the general declarations which it previously bore against the doc- trine of the church of Rome, and adducing authorities in support of the new ap- plication. The obligation was signed in March, 1638, under circumstances too well known to be recapitulated.1 Johnston, although from his secondary rank, he did not then assume the au- thority of a leader, was, from his knowledge and perseverance, more trusted to in the labours of the opposition than any other man, and his name continually recurs as the agent in every active measure. To the unyielding and exasperat- ing proclamation, which was read at the market-cross of Edinburgh on the 22nd of February, 1638, he prepared and read aloud, on a scaffold erected for the purpose, the celebrated protestation in name of the Tables, while the dense crowd who stood around prevented the issuers of the proclamation from depart- ing before they heard the answer to their challenge. On the 8th of July, the king issued another proclamation, which, though termed " A proclamation of favour and grace," and though it promised a maintenance of the religion 'pre- sently professed, voithinthe kingdom without innovation, an interim suspension of the service book, a rectification of the high commission, and the loudly called for general assembly and parliament, was, with reason, deemed more dangerous than a defiance. Johnston had a protestation prepared for the delicacy of this trying occasion, which, with the decorum from which he seems on no occasion to have departed, he, " in all humility, with submissive reverence," presented in presence of the multitude.8 When, on the 22nd of September, the parliament and 1 For such matters connected with this period as are here, to prevent repetition, but slight- ly alluded to, vide the memoirs of Henderson ; of Montrose ; and of the first duke of Hamil- ton, in this collection. 'Balfour's Annals, ii. 27G. 25-i SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. general assembly were proclaimed, he prepared another protestation in a similar tone to the former, which he read in his own name, and in that of the earl of Montrose, for the nobles ; Gibson younger of Durie for the barons ; George Por- terfield, merchant in Glasgow, for the burghs ; and Hem-y Pollock, minister of Edinburgh, for the clergy. It will be easily conjectured that, at the period when he was thus publicly employed, Johnston was privately acting as a partisan of the covenant, and an enemy of prelacy and arbitrary power, by all the means which a political agent invariably uses. At such a period the more we can trace the private proceeding's and feelings of the public man, the better can we hold him up as a biographical example. As the only curious document con- nected with our subject at this period of his existence, we give the following somewhat mutilated letter to Johnston, from a person who did not choose to sign his name ; it is characteristic of the feeling of the party, and of the occu- pation of the subject of our memoir; and if to a speculative politician it may breathe an illiberal spirit, let him remember that there never existed a party, however pure, which did not wish to suppress the opposite party, and that not having power and numbers on their side, the opponents of the covenant were in the situation of disturbers of society, in as far as they wished to impose rules on the whole kingdom. " For Mr Archibald Johnston of Warriston, advocate. u Dear Christian brother and courageous Protestant, — Upon some rumour of the Prelate of St Andrews, his coming over the 'water, and finding it altogether inconvenient that he or any of that kynd should show themselves peacabl y in publicke, some course was taken how kee might be enterteyned in such places as he should come unto : Tfe are now informed that hee (will) not come, but that Broughen is in Edinburgh or thereabout; it is the advyce of your friends here, that in a private way some course may be taken for his terror and disgrace if he offer to show himself in puhlick. Think upon the best r . . . by the advyce of your friends there. I fear that their publick appearance at Glasgow shall be prejudiciall to our cause. We are going to take order (with) his cheefe supporters there, Glaidstaines, Skrymgoor, and Hall}burton . . . Wishing you both protection and direction from your maister, I con- tinew, youre owne whome you know. G." " 28th October, 1638." 3 Such was the feeling in which the leaders of the Covenant prepared them- selves for the renowned General Assembly held at Glasgow in November and De- cember, 1638. On that occasion Johnston was, by a unanimous vote, chosen clerk of the assembly. On its being discovered that his precursor had been enabled to procure only two of the seven volumes of minutes of the general as- semblies held since the Reformation, the moderator, probably in pursuance of a preconcerted measure, called upon all those who were aware of the existence of any others, to give information on the subject to the assembly. Johnston here- upon produced the other five volumes — how obtained by him we know not — by which service he greatly increased the confidence previously placed in him. On the day before the session terminated, the assembly elected him procurator for the church, and, as was afterwards ratified by act of parliament, he received for the former of these offices 500, and for the latter 1000 nierks yearly.4 Johnston was one of the commissioners appointed by the Scots to conduct the treaty at Berwick. The General Assembly, which was the consequence of that pacification, passes over, and the unsatisfactory parliament which followed,- is commenced, ere we again observe Johnston's name connected with any public affairs, beyond the usual routine of his duties. The parliament commenced its 8 Wodrow's Collection, Advoc. Lib., vol. lxvi. No. 58 • Balf. An. ii. 301,313-, Scots Worthies, 271 •, Act. Pari. v. cl6. SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. 255 sittings on the 31st of August, 16' 3 9. On the 14th of November, Sir Thomas Hope, in his official capacity as lord advocate, produced a warrant from the king addressed to the commissioners, which, on the ground that the royal pre- rogative was interested in the proceedings, ordered a prorogation to the 2nd of June, 1640. The warrant was read by Sir Alexander Gibson of Durie, one of the clerks of session, on which the lord advocate took the usual protest, calling on the clerk actually to dissolve the meeting. On this, the clerk, who was per- forming an unpleasing office, answered, ** that he had already read the said warrant containing the said prorogacioun, and Avas readie to read the same as oft as he should be commanded, but could not otherways prorogat the parlia- ment." The earl of Rothes added to his embarrassment, by challenging him to u do nothing but as he would be answerable to the parliament, upon payne of his life." And the junior clerk, Mr William Scott, being called on to dissolve the meeting, sagaciously declined officiating in the presence of his senior. Johnston then came forward, and, in name of the three estates, read a declara- tion, purporting that his majesty, having, in compliance with the wish of his faithful subjects, called a free assembly and parliament, and submitted mat- ters ecclesiastical to the former, and matters civil to the latter ; the com- missioner had (it was presumed) without the full permission of the king, attempted to dissolve the parliament — a measure which, the estates main- tained, could not be constitutionally taken, without the consent of the parliament itsel£ With that respect for the person of the king which, as the advo- cates of peaceful measures, the covenanters at that period always professed to maintain, the document proceeds to state that the estates are constrained to the measure they adopt by " our zeal to acquit ourselfs according to our place, both to the king's majesty, whose honour at all tymes, but especially convened in parliament, we ought to have in high estimation, and to the kingdom which we represent, and whose liberties sail never be prostituted or vilified by us." Having denounced the prorogation as unconstitutional, this remarkable state- paper thus proceeds — ** But becaus we know that the eyes of the world ar upon us, that declarations have been made and published against us, and malice is prompted for hir obloquies, and wateth on with opin mouth to snatch at the smallest shadow of disobedience, disservice, or disrespect to his majesty's com- mandments, that our proceedings may be made odious to such as know not the way how thes commandments are procured from his majesty, nor how they are made knowin and intimat to us, and doe also little consider that we are not now private subjects bot a sitting parliament, quhat national prejudices we have sus- tenit in tyme past by misinformation, and quhat is the present state of the king- dom ;" so arguing, the presenters of the declaration, that they may put far from them " all shaw or appearance of what may give his majesty the least discontent,'' resolve, in the mean time, merely to vindicate their rights by their declaration, and, voluntarily adjourning, resolve to elect some of each estate, as a perman- ent committee, endowed with the full powers of a parliamentary committee, to " await his majesty's gracious answer to our humble and just demands, and far- ther to remonstrat our humble desires to his majesty upon all occasions; that hereby it may be made most manifest, against all contradiction, that it wes never our intention to denie his majesty any parte of the civill and temporal obedience which is due to all kings from their subjects, and from us to our dread soverane after a special maner, bot meerlie to preserve our religion, and the liberties ot the kingdome, without which religion cannot continue long in safetie." — " And if it sail happen," continues this prophetic declaration, " (which God forbid) that, efter we have made our remonstrances, and to the uttermost of our power and duetie used all lawfull meanes for his majesty's information, that our mali- 256 SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. cious enemies, who are not considerable, sail, by their suggestions and lyes, pre- vaill against the informations and generall declarations of a whole kingdom, we tak God and men to witness, that we are free of the outrages and insolencies that may be committed in the mean tyme, and that it sail be to us no imputation, that we are constrained to tak such course as may best secure the kirk and kingdome from the extremitie of confusion and miserie." It is to be remarked, that this act of the covenanters did not assume the autho- rity of a protest ; it was a statement of grievances to which, for a short time, they would submit, supplicating a remedy. The assertion that the crown had not the sole power of proroguing parliament, may be said to be an infringement of prerogative; but this very convenient term must owe its application to practice, and it appears that the royal power on this point had not been accurately fixed by the constitution of the Scottish parliament. The choice of the lords of articles by the commissioner — a step so far a breach of " privilege " (the op- posite term to prerogative), that it rendered a parliament useless as an indepen- dent body — was likewise remonstrated against, along with the application of supplies without consent of parliament. The earls of Dunfermline and Loudon were sent as commissioners to represent the declaration to the king. " They behaved themselves," says Clarendon, u. in all respects, with the confidence of men employed by a foreign state, refused to give any account but to the king himself; and even to the king himself gave no other reason for what was done, but the authority of the doers, and the necessity that required it ; that is, that they thought it necessary : but then they polished their sturdy behaviour with all the professions of submis- sion and duty which their language could afford." As connected with this mission, some historians have alluded to, and others have narrated, a dark intrigue, of which Johnston was the negative instrument ; a matter which has never been cleared up. We shall give it in the words of Burnet, the nephew of Johnston, and who had therefore some reason to know the facts. M After the first pacification, upon the new disputes that arose, when the earls of Loudoun and Dumfermling were sent up with the petition from the covenanters, the lord Saville came to them, and informed them of many parti- culars, by which they saw the king was highly irritated against them. He took great pains to persuade them to come with their army into England. They very unwillingly hearkened to that proposition, and looked on it as a design from the court to ensnare them, making the Scots invade England, by which this nation might have been provoked to assist the king to conquer Scotland. It is true, he hated the earl of Strafford so much, that they saw no cause to suspect him; so they entered into a treaty with him about it. The lord Saville assured them, he spoke to them in the name of the most considerable men in England, and he showed them an engagement under their hands to join with them, if they would come into England, and refuse any treaty but what should be con- firmed by a parliament of England. They desired leave to send this paper into Scotland, to which, after much seeming difficulty, he consented : so a cane was hollowed, and this was put within it; and one Frost, afterwards secretary to the committee of both kingdoms, was sent down with it as a poor traveller. It was to be communicated only to three persons — the earls of Rothes and Argylc, and to Warriston, the three chief confidants of the covenanters. * * * * To these three only this paper was to be showed, upon an oath of secrecy : and it was to be deposited in Warriston's hands. They were only allowed to publish to the nation that they were sure of a very great and unexpected assistance, which, though it was to be kept secret, would appear in due time. This they published ; and it was looked on as an artifice to draw in the nation : but it was SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. 257 afterwards found to be a cheat indeed, but a cheat of lord Saville's, who had forged all those subscriptions. * * * The lord Saville's forgery came to be discovered. The king knew it ; and yet he was brought afterwards to trust him, and to advance him to be earl of Sussex. The king pressed my uncle (Johnston) to deliver him the letter, who excused himself upon his oath : and not knowing what use might be made of it, he cut out every subscription, and sent it to the person for whom it was forged. The imitation was so exact, that every man, as soon as he saw his hand simply by itself, acknowledged that he could not have denied it."3 Burnet had certainly the best opportunities for both a public and private acquaintance with such an event, and the circum- stance has been at least hinted at by others ; but Mr Laing justly remarks that " in their conferences with these noblemen, and with Pyra and Hambden, the Scottish commissioners during their residence in London must have received such secret assurances of support, that, without this forged invitation, the com- mittee of Estates would have chosen to transfer the war into England." At the parliament which met on the 2nd of June, 1640, the representative of majesty in that body choosing to absent himself, or dreading the danger of a journey to Scotland, the Estates proceeded to reduce themselves to a formal and deliberative body, by the choice of a president. To this convention Johnston produced a petition from the General Assembly, which had been ratified by the privy council, praying for a legislative ratification of the covenant, and an order that it should be enforced on the inhabitants of the country with all civil pains,7 — a requisition which the convention was not in a disposition to refuse. On the 11 th of June, by the 34th act of this parliament, the celebrated commit- tee of forty, having, in absence of the superior body which called it into existence, the full legislative power of a republican congress, was elected, and the members were divided betwixt the camp and Edinburgh. Our surprise that so influential and laborious a man as Johnston was not chosen a member of this body, is re- lieved by the place of higher, though somewhat anomalous trust to which we find him appointed, as general agent and adviser to the body — a sort of leader, without being a constituent member. " And because," says the act, " there will fall out in the camp a necessitie either of treatties, consultations, or public declarations, to schaw the reasones of the demands and proceedings in the as- 6emblie and parliament, and the prejudices agains either of them, the Estates ordaynes Mr Archibald Johnston, procurator for the^kirk, as best acquaint with these reasons and prejudices, to attend his excellence (the general) and to be present at all occasions with the said committee, for their farther information, and clearing thairanent"3 Johnston was one of the eight individuals appointed to treat with the English commissioners at Rippon, by an act of the great com- mittee of management, dated the 30th of September, I640.9 When this treaty was transferred to London, Johnston was chosen a member of the committee, along with Henderson, as supernumeraries to those appointed from the Estates, and probably with the peculiar duty of watching over the interests of the church, " because many things may occurre concerning the church and assemblies thereof."10 The proceedings and achievements of this body are so well known, that, in an article which aims at giving such memorials of its subject, as are not to be readily met with in the popular histories, they need not be repeated. On the 25th day of September, 1641, Johnston produced in parliament a petition that he might be exonerated from all responsibility as to the public measures with which he had for the previous four years been connected, mentioning the * Burnet, 37, 39. 41. • Laing, iii. 104. 7 Act. Pari., v. 293. * \ct. Par , v. 311. » Balfour's An., ii. 408. ™ Ball-. An., ii. 4l(j. III. 2 K 258 SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. important office which he held as adviser to the commissioners attending on the motions at the camp, and the duties he was called on to perform at the treaty of Rippon and London ; and observing, that it has been considered necessary that others so employed should have their conduct publicly examined in parlia- ment, he craves that all requisite inquiry may immediately be made as to his own proceedings ; that, if he has done any thing " contrair to their instructions, or prejudiciall to the publict, he may undergoe that censure which the wrongers of the countrey and abusers of such great trust deserves ;" but if it has been found that he has done his duty, " then," he says, " doe I in all humility begg, that, seing by God's assistance and blessing the treattie of peace is closed, and seeing my employment in thir publict business is now at an end, that before I returne to my private affaires and calling, from the which these fouryeires I have been continually distracted, I may obtaine from his gracious majesty and your lordships, an exoneration of that charge, and an approbation of my former ca- riage." The exoneration was granted, and the act ratifying it stated, that after due examination, the Estates found that Johnston had ** faithfullie, diliegentlie, and cairfullie behaved himselff in the foresaid chairge, employments, and trust put upon him, in all the passages thairof, as he justly deserves thair treu testi- monie of his approven fidelitie and diligence."11 In 1641, when the king paid his pacificatory visit to Scotland, Johnston ob- tained, among others, a liberal peace-offering. He had fixed his eyes on the office of lord register, probably as bearing an affinity to his previous occupa- tions ; but the superior influence of Gibson of Durie prevailed in competition for that situation : he received, however, the commission of an ordinary lord of session, along with a liberal pension, and the honours of knighthood. During the sitting of the parliament we find him appointed as a commissioner, to treat with the king on the supplementary matters which were not concluded at the treaty of Rippon, and to obtain the royal consent to the acts passed during the session. Much about the same period, he was appointed, along with others, to make search among the records contained in the castle, for points of accusation against the " incendiaries ;" the persons whom he and his colleagues had just displaced in the offices of state and judicature. It- may be sufficient, and will save repetition, to mention, that we find him appointed in the same capacity which we have already mentioned, in the recommissions of the committee of Es- tates, and in the other committees, chosen to negotiate with the king, similar to those we have already described, among which may be noticed the somewhat menacing committee of 1641, appointed to treat as to commerce, the naturaliza- tion of subjects, the demands as to war with foreigners, the Irish rebellion, and particularly as to " the brotherlie supplie and assistance" of the English parlia- ment to the Scottish army.12 In the parliament of 1643, Sir Archibald Johnston represented the county of Edinburgh, and was appointed to the novel situation of speaker to the barons, as a separate estate. In this capacity, on the 7th of June, 1644, he moved the house to take order concerning the " unnatural rebellion" of Montrose,13 and somewhat in the manner of an impeachment, he moved a remonstrance against the earl of Carmvath, followed by a commission to make trial of his conduct, along with that of Traquair, of which Johnston was a member.14 During the period when, as a matter of policy, the Scots in general suspended their judg- ment between the contending parties in England, Warriston seems early to have felt, and not to have concealed, a predilection for the cause of the parliament, 11 Act Pari., v. 414. 13 Balfour's Anecdotes, iii. 177. » Act. Par., v. 357, 371, 372. 489, &c. 11 Act Pari., vi. 6. 8. SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. 259 "( ! ami was the person who moved that the general assembly should throw the weight of their opinion in that scale.15 Johnston had been named as one of the commissioners, chosen on the 9th August, 1643, for the alleged purpose of mediating betwixt Charles I, and his parliament ; but Charles, viewing him as a dangerous opponent, objected to providing him with a safe conduct, and he appears to have remained in Edin- burgh. He, however, conducted a correspondence with the commissioners who repaired to London, as a portion of which, the subjoined letter to him from the earl of Loudon, which throws some light on the policy of the Scots at that juncture, may be interesting.16 15 A curious evidence of his opinion;:, and the motives of his political conduct at this period, exists, in the form of some remarks on the aspect of the times, which appear to have been addressed to his friend lord Loudon. The manuscript is in scroll, very irregularly written, and with numerous corrections; circumstances which wi 1 account for any unintelligibility in the portion we extract. It bears date the 21st of June, 1642. " Seeing "thir kingdoms most stand ai.d fall together, and that at the first design in all thir late troubles, so the hist ef- fort of ttaes evil counsels prevailing stil to the suppression of religion and liberty and the erec- tion of poperye and arbitrary power, it is earnestlye desyrd by good Christians and patriots that the question of the warr be right stated, as a warr for religion and libertie, against p:ipists and prelates, and their abackers and adherents; and that now, in thair straits and dif- ficulties, they might enter in a covenant with God and amongst themselves, for the reforma- tion of the churche, abolishing of popery and prelacy out of England and Scotland, and preservation of the roule and peace of thir kingdoms, qk without dimunition of his majes- ty's authorities, might not only free them of fears from this, bol also fill them with hopes or their bearing alongst with their proceedings the hearts and confidence of thir kingdoms. Pitmaylie may remember weal what of this kjnd was motioned at Kippon, and spoken of agayne, when the English army e was reported to be comyng up." — ^Yodrotv,s Papers, Ad. Lib. vol. Ixvi. 16 " My lord,' — The sending of commissioners from the parliament here to the parliament of Scotland at this tj me, was upon the sudden moved in the House of Commons (befcir wee wer acquainted thereof) by the solicitor, and seconded by some who profes to be or freinds as a greater testimonie of respect than the sending of a letter alone, arid was in that sens ap- proved by the whole hous, who, I believe, does it for no other end, neither is ther any other instructions given by the house than these, whereof the copy is sent to you, which ar only generall for a gooel correspondence betwixt the two kingdomes. Bot I cannot forbear to tell you my appre-hensiones, that, the intention and designs of some particular persons in sending down at this tyme, and in such a juncture of affaires (when ther is so great rumor of division and factiones in Scotland), is by them to learne the posture of business ther in the pari', assemblies, and kingdome, that they may receave privat information from them, and make ther applications and uses thereof accordinglie. That which confirms this opinion to me the more, is, that the sending of these persones to Scotland was moved and seconded by- such as profes themselves to be or freinds w'out giveing us any notice thereof till it was done ; and the day before it was motioned, they and yor old friend Sir Henry Vaine younger, wer at a consultation together, and yor loP : knowes how much power Sir Henrie Vain lies with Sir \V» Arimne and Mr Bowlls.* Sir William Armjne is a very honest gentle- men, but Mr Bowlls is very deserving, and doubtless is sent (thoghe not of intention of the pari') as a spy to give privat intelligence to some who are jealous and curious to understand how all affairs goe in Scotland. Thomsone I hear is a Independent, and (if he goe not away hefore I can meitt with some freinds) I shall c'trwe that there may be a snare laid in his gaitt to stay his journey ; they wold be used with all civili- tie when they come, bot yor loP : and others wold be vtrie warie and circomspect in all yor proceedings and deallings w* them ; seeing the hous of pari' and all such heir as desyres a happie and weell-grounded peace, or a short and prosperous warre, ar desyr- ous that the Scottish armie advance southward (although I dare not presume to give any positive judgment without presyse knowledge of the condition and posture of or own kingdom), I cannot see any human means so probable and lyklie to setle religion and peace, and make or nation the more considerable, as the advancing of or armie southward if the turbulent comotions and rud distractions of Scotland may permitt, nor is it possible that so great an armie can be longer entertained by the northern counties, so barren and much waist« d with armies; nor can it be expected that the pari' of England can be at so great charge as the entertainment of that armie (if they did reallie interiain them), unless they be more useful for the caus and publick service of both kingdomes than to .je still in dies northern counties, being now reduced, and the king to vexe the south with forces equall to theirs; bot there needs not arguments to prove this poynt, unless that base crewe of Irish re bells and their perfidious confederates, and the unnatural factions of o1- countrymen for- • The English commissioners were — the earl of Rutland, Sir William Armync, Sir Henry Van, (younger), Thomas Thatcher, and Henry Davnly. 2G0 SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. We find Johnston sent to London, on the 4th of July, 1644, and it is pro- bable that, before tbat time, be had managed to visit England without the cere- monial of a safe-guard from the falling monarch ; and on the 9th of January, 1645, we find him along with Mr Robert Barclay, " tuo of our commissioners lattlie returned from London," reporting the progress of their proceedings to the house.17 The proceedings of this commission, and of the assembly of divines at Westminster, with which Warriston had a distinguished connexion, may be passed over as matters of general history. Warned, probably, by the cautious intimations of the letter we have just quoted, Johnston was the constant atten- dant of the English commissioners on their progress to Scotland, and was the person who moved their business in the house.13 On the death of Sir Thomas Hope, in 1646, Johnston had the influence to succeed him as lord advocate, an office for which he seems to have seasoned himself by his numerous motions against malignants. AVith a firm adherence to his previous political conduct, Johnston refused accession to the well-known engagement which the duke of Hamilton conducted as a last effort in behalf of the unfortunate monarch. On the 10th of January, 1649, the marquis of Argyle delivered a speech, " wich he called the brecking of the malignants' teith, and that he quho was to speake after him, (viz. Warriston) wolde brecke ther jawes." Argyle found the teeth to be five, which he smashed one by one: — " His first was against the ingagers being statesmen, and intrusted with great places, quho had broken their trust II. Against the engagers' committee-men, quho by ther tyranny had opprest the subjects. III. Against declared malignants, formerlye fyned in parliament, or remitted, and now agayne relapsed. IV. Against tbesse that wer eager promotters of the laitt ingagement with England. V. Against suche as had petitioned for the advancement of the levey." After these were demo- lished, Johnston commenced his attack on the toothless jaws ; he " read a speache two houres in lenthe, off" his papers, being ane explanatione of Argyle's five heads, or teith, as he named them ; with the anssuering of such objects he thought the pryme ingagers wolde make in their awen defence against the housse now convened, wich they did not acnouledge to be a lawfull parliament."19 On the 6th of January, the imminent danger of the king prompted the choosing a committee to act for his safety under instructions. The instructions were fourteen ; and the most remarkable and essential, was, that a protest should be taken against any sentence pronounced against the king. " That this king- dome may be free of all the dessolatione, misery, and bloodshed, that incertablie will follow thereupone, without offering in your ressone, tbat princes at eximed from triall of justice."20 This was by no means in opposition to the principles which Johnston had previously professed, but his mind appears to have been finally settled into a deep opposition to all monarchy. Along with Argyle- he distin- guished himself in opposing the instructions, by a method not honourable to their memory — a proposition that the measure should be delayed for a few days, to permit a fast to be held in the interim. One of the last of his ministerial getting or covenant, ar grown to such a hight of mischeef and misery, as to make sucli a rent at home as to disable us to assist or frtinds, and prosecute that cause which 1 am em ndent God will carrie one and perfyte against all oppositione •, and in confidence thereof 1 shall encourage myselfe, and rejovce under hope, aUhoghe 1 should never sie the end of itt. 1 beseache \ou to haist back this bearer, and let me know with him the condition of aliairs in Scotland -, how or good freinds are, and how soon we may expect vor returne hither, or if I must come to you befoir ye come to us. I referr the m'arquiss of Argjle and mv lord Bal- mennoch, and other freinds to you for intelligence, to spair paines and" supply the want ot leasure; and will, say noe more at this tyme, bot that I am \our most affectionate and faithfull friend, Loudounk. — Wodrow s MS. Collection, vol. Ixvi. The letter is dated from Worcester house, January 6, 1644. " Half. An". 113. 204, 248. M Ibid, 2C2. * Ibid, 377. » Ibid, 3S4. SIR ARCHIBALD JOIINSTON. 261 acts as lord advocate, was the proclamation of Charles 11. on the 5th of February, 1649 ; and he was on the 10th of March, in the same year, appointed to his long-looked-for post of lord register, in place of Gibson of Durie, super- seded by the act of classes. At the battle of Dunbar, in 1650, he was one of the committee of the estates appointed to superintend the military motions of Leslie, and was urgent in pressing the measure which is reputed to have lost the day to the Scots. He was naturally accused of treachery, but the charge has not been supported. " Waristoun," says Burnet, " was too hot, and Lesley was too cold, and yielded too easily to their humours, which he ought not to have done;"21 and the mistake may be attributed to the obstinacy of those, who, great in the cabinet and conventicle, thought they must be equally great in war. Warriston was among the few persons who in the committee of estates refused to accede to the treaty of Charles II. at Breda ; an act of stubborn consistency, which, joined to others of a like nature, sealed his doom in the royal heart. After the battle of Dunbar, the repeal of the act of classes, which was found necessary as a means of re-constructing the army, again called forth his jaw-breaking powers. He wrote " a most solid letter" on the subject to the meeting held at St Andrews, July 18, 1651, which appears never to have been read, but which has been preserved by the careful Wodrow22 for the benefit of posterity. He wrote several short treatises on " the sinfulness of joining malignants," destroying their jaws in a very considerate and logical manner. One of these is extant, and lays down its aim as follows : " The first question concerning the sinfulness of the publick resolutions, hath bene handled in a former tractat. The other question remaines, anent ye sin- fulness and unlawfulness of the concurrence of particular persons." The ques- tion is proposed in the following terms : — " viz', when God's covenanted people intrusts God's covenanted interest to the power of God's anti-covenanted ene- mies, though upon pretence to fight against ane other anti-covenanted enemy — whether a conscienscious covenanter can lawfullie concurre with such a partie in such a cause, or may lawfullie abstane, and rather give testimonie by suffering against both parties and causes, as sinfull and prejudicial! to God's honour and interest It is presupposed a dutie to oppose the common enemie. The ques- tion is anent the meanes of resisting the unjust invader." " Three things premitted. I. The clearing of terms. II. Some distinctions. III. Some conjunctions handled."23 The postulates are, perhaps, rather too sweeping for general opinion, but, presuming them to be granted, the reasonings of this lay divine are certainly sufficiently logical within their naiTow space, and may have appeared as mathematical demonstrations to those who admitted the deep sin of accepting assistance from opponents in religious opinion. This re- sistance appears, however, to have been of a negative nature, and not to have extended to the full extremity of the remonstrance of the west ; at least when called on for an explanation by the committee of Estates, he declined owning connexion with it : " Warreston did grant that he did see it, was at the voting of it, but refussed to give his votte therin. He denayed that he wes accessorey to the contriving of it at first."-4 After this period he appears to have been for some time sick of the fierce politics in which he had been so long engaged, and to have retired himself into the bosom of a large family. He is accused by a contemporary — not of much credit — of peculation, in having accepted sums of money for the disposal of offices under him ; and the same person in the same page states the improba- ble circumstance of his having restored the money so gained, on all the office:; 2> Burnet, 83. ■ Wodrow's Collection, Ad. Lib. xxxii. 5, 15. » Ibid, 16. ^ Bull". An. iv. 169. Scots Worthies, 275. 262 SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. being abolished by Cromwell, and that he was not affluent, having " conquest no lands but Warriston,25 of the avail of 1000 raerks Scots a-year, where he now lives freed of trouble of state or country." '6 He was a member of the committee of protestors, who in 1G57, proceeded to London to lay their complaints before the government. Cromwell knew the value of the man he bad before him, and persuaded hiin to try the path of am- bition under the new government. Wodrow and others have found it convenient to palliate his departure from the adberence to royalty, as an act for which it was necessary to find apologies in strong calls of interest, and facility of temper. It will, however, almost require a belief in all the mysteries of divine right, to discover why Warriston should have adhered to royalty without power, and how the opinions he always professed should have made him prefer a factious support of an absent prince to the service of a powerful leader, his early friend and co- adjutor in opposing hereditary loyalty. On tbe 9th of July, 1657, he was re-appointed clerk register, and on the 3rd of November in the same year, he was named as one of the commissioners for the administration of justice in Scotland.-" Cromwell created Johnston a peer, and he sat in the protector's upper house, with the title of lord Warriston, oc- cupying a station more brilliant, but not so exalted as those he had previously filled. After the death of Cromwell, Warriston displayed his strong opposition to the return of royalty, by acting as president of the committee of safety under Richard Cromwell. Knowing himself to be marked out for destruction, he fled at the Restoration to France. It is painful, after viewing a life spent with honour and courage, in the highest trusts, to trace this great man's life to an end which casts a blot on the times, and on the human race. He was charged to appear before the Estates ; and having been outlawed in the usual form, on the 10th October, 1661, a reward of 5000 merks was offered for his apprehension. By a fiction of law, the most horrible which a weak government ever invented for protection against powerful subjects, but which, it must be acknowledged, was put in force by Warriston and his confederates against Montrose, an act ot forfeiture in absence passed against him, and he was condemned to death on the 15th of May, 1661. The principal and avowed articles of accusation against him were, his official prosecution of the royalists, and particularly of Gordon of Newton, his connexion with the Remonstrance, his sitting in parliament as a peer of England, and his accepting office under Cromwell. It was necessary that the victim of judicial vengeance should be accused of acts which the law knows as crimes ; and acts to which the best protectors of Charles the Second's throne were accessary, were urged against this man. For the hid- den causes of his prosecution we must however look in his ambition, the in- fluence of his worth and talents, and the unbending consistency of his political principles ; causes to which Wodrow has added his too ungracious censure of regal vice. In the mean time, Johnston had been lurking in Germany and the Low Coun- tries, from which, unfortunately for himself, he proceeded to France. A con- fidant termed " major Johnston," is supposed to have discovered his retreat ; and a spy of the name of Alexander Murray, commonly called " crooked Mur- ray,'' was employed to hunt him out. This individual, narrowly watching the motions of lady Warriston, discovered his dwelling in Rouen, and with consent of the council of France, he was brought prisoner to England, and lodged in the Tower on the 8th of June, 1663 ; thence he was brought to Edinburgh, not » A small estate so near Edinburgh as to be now encroached upon bv its suburbs. *° Scot of Scotstarvct s Stag. State, 127. "7 Haig and Brunton's Hist. College of Justice, 308. SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON. 2G3 for the purpose of being tried, but to suffer execution of the sentence passed on him in absence. When presented to parliament to receive sentence, it was ap- parent that age, hardship, and danger, had done their work effectually on his iron nerves ; and the intrepid advocate of the covenant exhibited the mental im- becility of an idiot. His friends accused Dr Bates of having administered to him deleterious drugs, and weakened him by bleeding ; an improbable act, which would have only raised unnecessary indignation against those who already had him sufficiently in their power. The apostate Sharpe, and his other enemies, are said to have ridiculed the sick lion ; but there were at least a few of his op- ponents not too hardened to pity the wreck of a great intellect before them.'8 Probably affected by the circumstances of his situation, some of the members showed an anxiety for a little delay ; but Lauderdale, who had received impera- tive instructions regarding him, fiercely opposed the proposition. He was sen- tenced to be hanged at the cross of Edinburgh on the 22nd of July, his head be- ing to be severed from his body, and placed beside that of his departed brother in the cause, Guthrie. Of the mournful pageant we extract the following char- acteristic account from Wodrow : " The day of His execution, a high gallows or gibbet was set up at the cross, and a scaffold made by it. About two o'clock he was taken from prison ; many of his friends attended him in mourning. When he came out, he was full of holy cheerfulness and courage, and as in perfect serenity and composure of mind as ever he was. Upon the scaffold he acknowledged his compliance with the English, and cleared himself of the least share of the king's death. He read his speech with an audible voice, first at the north side and then at the south side of the scaffold: he prayed next, with the greatest liberty, fervour, and sense of his own unworthiness, frequently using the foresaid expression. After he had taken his leave of his friends, he prayed again in a perfect rapture ; being now near the end of that sweet work he had been so much employed about through his life, and felt so much sweetness in. Then the napkin being tied upon his head, he tried how it would fit him, and come down and cover his face, and dii-ected to the method how it should be brought down when he gave the sign. When he was got to the top of the ladder, to which he was helped, because of bodily weakness, he cried with a loud voice, ' I beseech you all who are the people of God, not to scar [be scared] at sufferings for the interests of Christ, or stumble at any thing of this kind falling out in those days ; but be encouraged to suffer for him ; for I assure you, in the name of the Lord, he will bear your charges.' This he repeated again with great fervour, while the rope was tying about his neck, adding, ' The Lord hath graciously comforted me.' Then he asked the executioner if he was ready to do his office, who answering he was, he bid him ■88 One of these was M'Kenzie, who, with uncharitable and improbable inferences, draws the following graphic picture of the scene: — " He was brought up the street discovered [un- covered]; and being brought into the council house of Edinburgh, where the chancellor and others waited to examine him, he fell upon his face roaring, and with tears entreated the}' would pit}- a poor creature who had forgot all that was in his bible. This moved all the spec- tators with a deep melancholy; and the chancellor, reflecting upon the man's former esteem, and the great share he had in all the late revolutions, could not deny some tears to the frailty of silly mankind. At his examination he pretended that he had lost so much blood by the unskillfulness of his chirurgcons, that he lost his memory with his blood; and I really believe that his courage had indeed been drawn out with it. "Within a few days he was brought before the parliament, where he discovered nothing but much weakness, running up and down upon his knees begging mere)'. But the parliament ordained his former sentence to be put into execution, and accordingly he was executed at the cross of Edinburgh. At his exe- cution he showed more composure than formerly, which his friends ascribed to God's miracu- lous kindness for him, but others thought that "he had only formerly put on this disguise of madness to escape death in it, and that, finding the mask useless, he had returned, not to his wit, which he had lost, but from his madness, which he had counterfeited. " — SirG. M'Kenzie s Annals, lot. 2G4 DR. ARTHUR JOHNSTON. do it, and, crying cut, ' O, pray, pray ! praise, praise !' was turned oyer, and died almost without a struggle, with his hands lift up to heaven." * The same partial hand has thus drawn his character : " My lord Warriston was a man of great learning and eloquence ; of very much wisdom, and extra- ordinary zeal for the public cause of religion and reformation, in which he was a chief actor ; but above all, he was extraordinary in piety and devotion, as to which he had scarce any equal in the age he lived in. One who was his inti- mate acquaintance says, he spent more time, notwithstanding the great throng of public business upon his hand, in prayer, meditation, and close observation of providences, and self-examination, than ever he knew or heard of: and as he was very diligent in making observations on the Lord's way, so he was visited with extraordinary discoveries of the Lord's mind, and very remarkable provi- dences. He wrote a large diary, which yet remains in the hands of his rela- tions ; an invaluable treasure of Christian experiences and observations ; and, as I am told by one who had the happiness to see some part of it, there is mixed in sometimes matters of fact very little known now, which would bring a great deal of light to the history of Scots affairs, in that period wherein he lived."30 But his nephew Burnet, has in his usual characteristic manner, drawn a more happy picture of the stubborn statesman and hardy zealot, too vivid to be neg- lected : " Warristoun was my own uncle ; he was a man of great application, could seldom sleep above three hours in the twenty-four: he had studied the law carefully, and had a great quickness of thought, with an extraordinary memory. He went into very high notions of lengthened devotions, in which lie continued many hours a-day : he would often pray in his family two hours at a time, and had an unexhausted copiousness that way. What thought soever struck his fancy during these effusions, he looked on it as an answer of prayer, and was wholly determined by it. He looked on the covenant as the setting Christ on his throne, and so was out of measure zealous in it. He had no regard to the raising himself or his family, though he had thirteen children ; but prosperity was to him more than all the world. He had a readiness and vehemence of speaking that made hiin very considerable in public assemblies ; and he had a fruitful invention ; so that he was at all times furnished with expedients." JOHNSTON, (Dr) Arthur, a poet and physician, was born in the year 15S7, at Caskieben, the seat of his family, a few miles from Aberdeen. He was the fifth son of George Johnston of that ilk and of Caskieben, the chief of the family of Johnston, by Christian Forbes, daughter of William, seventh baron Forbes. He appears to have been named after his uncle the honourable William Forbes of Logie, who was killed at Paris in the year 1574.1 This poet, whose chief characteristic was the elegance with which he expressed his own simple feelings as a poet, in the language appropriate to the customs and feelings of a past nation, has left in his Epigrammata an address to his native spot ; and, although Caskieben is a piece of very ordinary Scottish scenery, it is surprising how much he has made of it, by the mere force of his own early associations. With the minuteness of an enthusiast, he does not omit the circumstance, that the hill of Benochie, a conical elevation about eight miles distant, casts its shadow over Caskieben at the periods of the equinox. As we shall be able, by giving this epigram, to unite a specimen of the happiest original efforts of the author's ' genius, with circumstances personally connected with his history, we beg leave to extract it : — 23 Wodrow, L 3-5. » Wodrow, i. 3(31. Much search has lately been made for this interesting document, but has proved vam. 1 Johnston's History of the Family of Johnston, 36. DR. ARTHUR JOHNSTON. 265 Mmula Thessalicis en hie Jonstonia Tempe, Hospes ! hyperboreo fusa sub axe vides. Mille per ambages nitidis argenteus uadis, Hie trepidat lastos Urius inter agros. Expliciit hie seras ingens Bennachius umbras, Nox ubi llbratui lance diesque pari. Gemmifer est amnis, radiat mons ipse lapillis, Queis nihil Eous purius orbis habet. Hie pandit natura sinum, nativaque surgens Purpura felicem sub pede ditat humuni. Aera per liquidum volucres, in flumine pisces^ Adspicis in pratis luxuriare pecus. Hie seges est, hie poma rubent, onerantur aristis Arva, suas segre susiinet arbor opes. ! i i I Propter aquas arx est, ipsi contermina ccelo, Auctoris menti lion tamen a;qua sui. Imperat ha;c arris et vectigalibus uudis. Et famula stadiis distat ab urbe tribus. Ha;c mi hi terra parens: gens has Jonstonia lymphas, Arvaque per centum missa tuetur avos. Clara Maronasis evasit Mantua cunis; Me mea natalis iiobiliiabit humus. TRANSLATION. Here, traveller, a vale behold As fair as Tempe, famed of old, Beneath the northern sky ! Here Urie, with her silver waves, Her banks, in verdure smiling, laves, And winding wimples by. Here, towering high, Bennachie spreads Around on all his evening shades, When twilight grey comes on : With sparkling gems the river glows; As precious stones the mountain shows As in the East are known. Here nature spreads a bosom sweet, And native dyes beneath the feet Bedeck the joyous ground : Sport in the liquid air the birds, And fishes in the stream ; the herds Iu meadows wanton round. Here ample barn-yards still are stored With relics of last autumn's hoard And firstlings of this year ; There waving fields of yellow corn, And ruddy apples, that adorn The bending boughs, appear. Beside the stream, a castle proud Rises amid the passing cloud, And rules a wide domain, (Unequal to its lord's desert :) A village near, with lowlier art, Is built upon the plain. 1 i ! ! 1 1 i j ! in. Here was I born ; o'er all the land Around, the Johnstons bear command, Of high and ancient line : Mantua acquired a noted name As Virgil's birthplace ; I my fame Inherit shall from mine. 2 L 1 266 . ARTHUR JOHNSTON. In a similar spirit he has left an epigram on the small burgh of Inverury, in the neighbourhood of Caskieben, in which he does not omit the circumstance, that the fuel of the inhabitants (vulgo, the peats) comes from the land in which he Mas born. A similar epigram to another neighbouring burgh, the royal burgh of Kintore, now holding- the rank of a very small village, informs us that at the grammar school of that place he commenced the classical studies, which afterwards acquired for him so much eminence : " Hie ego sum memini musarum factus alumnus, Et tiro didici verba Latina Ioqui." After leaving this humble seat of learning, he is said to have studied at Mari- schal college in Aberdeen ; a circumstance extremely probable, but which seems to have no other direct foundation than the conjecture of Benson, from the vicinity of his paternal estate to that institution, and hi3 having been afterwards elected rector of the university, an honour generally bestowed on illustrious alumni.2 Johnston, intending to study medicine, a science which it would have been in vain at that period to have attempted in Scotland, proceeded to' Rome, and af- terwards to Padua, where he seems to have acquired some celebrity for the beauty of his earlier Latin poems, and took the degree of doctor in medicine.3 He afterwards travelled through Germany, Holland, and Denmark, and finally fixed his abode in France. If he remained for a considerable period at Padua, he must have early finished his curriculum of study at Aberdeen, as he is said by Sir Thomas Urquhart, to have been laureated a poet in Paris at the age of twenty- three. He remained for twenty years in France, a period during which he was twice married, to ladies whose names are unknown, but who bore him thirteen children, to transmit his name to posterity. On his return to Britain about the year 1632, probably at the recommendation of Laud, who was his friend, and had commenced the career of court influence, Johnston Mas appointed physician to Charles I., a circumstance which must have preceded or immediately followed his arrival, as he styles himself in the first edition of his Parerga and Epigram- mata, published at Aberdeen in 1632, " Medictis Regius." The Parerga con- sists, as its name may designate, of a variety of small pieces of poetry, which cannot be conveniently classed under a more distinct name. A few are satirical, but the lyrical (if they may be said to c(,n;e correctly under that designation) form the most interesting portion. Johnston seldom indulges in the nietaphoric brilliancy which characterized the native writers iu the language which he chose to use ; but he has a considerable portion of their elegance, while much of the poetry is founded on association and domestic feeling, of which he has some ex- quisitely beautiful traits, which would have been extremely pleasing had he used bis vernacular tongue. He is said to have wished to imitate Virgil ; but those who have elevated Buchanan to the title of " the Scottish "Virgil," have designated Johnston the " Scottish Ovid;" a characteristic which may apply to the versification of his Psalms, but is far from giving a correct idea of the spirit of his original pieces. It may not be displeasing to the reader who is unac- quainted with the works of this neglected author,, to give an extract from one of the Parerga, addressed to his early friend and school companion Wedder- * Benson's Life, prefixed to Johnston's Psalms, \i. * - qjuod ex carmine manuscript© in Advoeatorum KiWiothcea, Edinburgi servalo, intelli- gimus. ' The circumstance is mentioned ki Sir U ob«rt Sibbald's Bibliographia Scotica, which though not a " carmen," mav be the MS. referred to. DR. ARTHUR JOHNSTON. 207 burn, — a piece strikingly depictive of the author's affectionate feelings, and pro- bably detailing the effects of excessive study and anxiety : " Cernis ut obrepens mihi, Wedderburne, scnecta Sparserit indignus per caput omne nives. Debile fit corpus, pulsis melioribus annis, Nee vigor ingenii, qui fuit ante, mihi est. Tempore mutato, mores mutantur et ipsi, Nee capior studiis, quae placuere prius. Ante leves risus, et erant jocularia cordi, Nunc me morosum, difficilemque vides. Prona fit in rixas mens, et proclivis in iras, Et senio pejor cura senilis edit. His ego, quae possum, qusero medicamlna morbis, Et mala, qua fas est, pellere nitor ope. Saepe quod exegi pridem, juvenile revolvo Tempus, et in mentemtu mihi sjepe redis. Par, memini, cum noster amor se prodidit, aetas, Par genius nobis, ingeniumque fuit. Unus et ardor erat, Phoebi conscendere collem, Inque jugo summo sistere posse pedem," &c.* Benson mentions, that Johnston was a litigant in the court of session in Edinburgh, at the period of his return to Britain ; and probably the issue of his suit may account for a rather unceremonious attack in the Parerga, on advocates and agents, unblushingly addressed " Ad duos rabulas forenses, Advo- catum et Procuratorem," of whom, without any respect for the college of Jus- tice, the author says, " Magna minorqiie ferae, quarum paris altera lites; Altera dispensas, utraque digna mori," &c. On approaching the period when Johnston published his translation of the Psalms of David, we cannot help being struck with the circumstances under which he appears to have formed the design. Dr Eaglesham had, in the year 1620, pub- lished a criticism of considerable length, for the purpose of proving that the public voice had erred in the merit it allowed to Buchanan's version of the Psalms, and modestly displaying a translation of the 104th psalm, of his own workmanship, between which and the psalms of Buchanan he challenged a comparison.5 Dr William Barclay penned a critical answer to this challenge,6 and Johnston made a fierce stroke at the offender, in a satirical article in the Parerga, which he calls " Consilium Collegii Medici Parisiensis de Mania Hypermori Medicastri," commencing " Quae Buchananaeis medicaster crimina musi3 Objicit, et quo se jactat inane melos ; Vidimus: et quotquot tractamus Paeonis artes, Hie vates, uno diximus ore, furit," &c. Johnston, however, did not consider himself incapacitated to perform a work in which another had failed, and he probably, at that period, formed the reso- lution of writing a version of the psalms, which he afterwards produced, under 4 Mr George Chalmers has stated that Werlderbum -was the master of Johnston. Dr Irving aptly considers that the verses we have quoted above disprove the statement. 5 Eglisemii certamen cum Georgio Buchanano pro dignitate Paraphraseos Psalmiciv. Lon- don, 1620.; 8 Barclaii Judicium dc ccrlamine Eglisemii cum Buchanano pro dignitate Paraphi-a- scos Psalmi civ. 2C8 . PR. ARTHUR JOHNSTON. the auspices, and with the advice of his friend Laud, which he published at London and Aberdeen, in 1637. No man ever committed a more imprudent act for his own fame ; as he was doomed by the nature of his task, not only to equal, but to excel, one of the greatest poets in the world. His fame was not increased by the proceedings of his eccentric countryman Lauder, who many years afterwards endeavoured with a curious pertinacity to raise the fame of Johnston's version far above that of Buchanan. Mr auditor Benson, a man better known for his benevolence than his acuteness, was made the trumpet of Johnston's fame. This gentleman published three editions of Johnston's psalms ; one of which, printed in 1741, and dedicated to prince George, afterwards George III., is ornamented with a very fine portrait of the poet by Vertue after Jamesone, and is amply illustrated with notes. The zealous editor received as his reward from the literary world, a couplet in the Dunciad, in which, in allusion to his having procured the erection of the monument to the memory of Milton in Westminster abbey, it is said " On two unequal crutches propt he came, Milton's on this, on that one Johnston's name.'' Benson has received much ridicule for the direction of his labours ; but if the life of Johnston prefixed to the edition of the psalms is from his pen, it does credit to his erudition. Many controversial pamphlets were the consequence of this attempt, — Mr Love answering Lauder, while Benson had to stand a more steady attack from the critical pen of Ruddiman. It would tire our readers here to trace a controversy which we may have occasion to treat in another place. The zeal of these individuals has not furthered the fame of Johnston : and, indeed, the height to which they attempted to raise his merit, has naturally rendered the world blind to its real extent. It cannot be said that the version of Buchanan is so eminently superior as to exclude all comparison ; and, indeed, we believe the schools in Holland give Johnston the preference, with almost as much decision, as we grant it to Buchanan. The merit of the two, is, indeed, of a different sort, and we can fortunately allow that each is excellent, without bringing them to a too minute comparison. Johnston has been universally allowed to have been the more accurate translator, and few exceptions can be found to the purity of his language, while he certainly has not displayed either the richness, or the majesty of Buchanan. Johnston is considered as having been unfortunate in his method : while Buchanan has luxuriated in an amazing- variety of measure, he has adhered to the elegiac couplet of hexameter and pentameter, excepting in the 1 19th psalm, in which he has indulged in all the varieties of lyrical arrangement which the Latin language admits : an inapt choice, as Hebrew scholars pronounce that psalm to be the most prosaic of the sacred poems.7 ' An esteemed correspondent supplies us with the following note: — " It may be enough to prove the elegance and accuracy of Arthur Johnston's Latinity, to say, that his version of the 104th psalm has frequently been compared with that of Buchanan, aiid that scholars are not unanimous in adjudging it to be inferior. As an original poet, he does not aspire to the same high companionship, though his compositions are pltasing, and not without spirit. One curi- ous particular concerning these two authors has been remarked by Dr Johnson, from which, it would appear, that modern literature owed to the more distinguished of them a device very convenient for those whose powers of description were limited. When a rhymer protested liis mistress resembled Venus, he, in fact, acknowledged his own ineapacitv to celebrate her charms, and gave instead a sort of catchword, by means of which, referring back to the ancients, a general idea of female perfections might be obtained. This conventional language wHs introduced by Buchanan-, « who,' says the critic just named, ' was the first who compli- mented a Jady, by ascribing to her the different perfections of the heathen goddesses ; but Johnston, he adds « improved upon this, by making his mistress at the same time, free from their defects '. BR. ARTHUR JOHNSTON. 209 A writer in the Scots Magazine for the year 1741, has noticed one excellence in the psalms of Dr Johnston, distinct from those which have been so amply heaped on him by Lauder ; and as we agree with the author in his opinion of the quality, Ave shall quote his words : " There is one perfection in the doctor's version, which is not sufficiently illustrated ; and that is, the admirable talent ho has of expressing things which are peculiar to the sacred writings, and never to be met with in classic authors, in the most pure and elegant Latin. This the reader will perceive if he looks into the 83rd and 108th psalms : and still more so upon perusing the Te Deum and the apostles' creed. ' To thee all angels cry aloud, the heavens and all the powers therein ; To thee cherubim and sera- phim continually do cry, Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of Sabaoth.'" •' Grex sacer auratis qui pervolat rethera pennis Imperio nutuque tuo ; supremaque mundi Templa, tua cxelata manu ; cselique potestas Omiiis*, et igne micans acies; et lucidus ordo, Agminisaligeri princeps, tibi, niaxime rerum," &a. How poetically are the angels described by Grex sacer auratis qui pervolat asthcra pennis. And in like manner the cherubim and seraphim, who are mentioned with the powers of heaven,8 " Cselique potestas," &c. A late writer, considerably versed in classical and biblical criticism — Mr Ten- nant — whose opinion coincides to a certain extent with that which we have just quoted, finds, that even after the luxuriant fervidness of Buchanan, there is much to admire in the calm tastefulness and religious feeling of Johnston, and that the work of the latter is not only a more faithful translation, but given in a manner better suited (in his opinion,) to the strains of the holy minstrel, than that followed by the fiery genius of Buchanan, when restricted to translation. " He is not," remarks this author, " tempted like Buchanan, by his luxuriance of phraseology, and by the necessity of filling up, by some means or other, metrical stanzas of prescribed and inexorable length, to expatiate from the psalmist's simplicity, and weaken, by circumlocution, what he must needs beat out and expand. His diction is, therefore, more firm and nervous, and, though not absolutely Hebraean, makes a nearer approach to the unadorned energy of Jewry. Accordingly, all the sublime passages are read with more touching effect in his, than in Buchanan's translation : he has many beautiful and even powerful lines, such as can scarce be matched by his more popular competitor ; the style of Johnston possessing somewhat of Ovidian ease, accompanied with strength and simplicity, -while the tragic pomp and worldly parade of Seneca and Pruden tius are more affected by Buchanan."3 Let us conclude this subject with remarking the peculiar circumstance, that while Scotland has produced two Latin versions of the psalms, rivals in excel- lence, the talent of the whole nation has been unable to produce any English version which can be considered as their equal in point of versification. In 1641, Johnston died at Oxford, where he had gone on a visit to a daughter mar- ried to a divine of the church of England. Besides the works already mentioned, he wrote Musee Aulica?, addressed to his eminent contemporaries, translated Solo- mon's Song, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, and edited the Delitiae Poetarum 8 Scot. Mag. iii. 255. • Ed. Lit. Journal, iii. 289. 270 JAMES JOHNSTONE. Scotoruiu, in which he introduced not a few of his own productions. His works were published at Middleburg, in 1612, by his friend Scott of ScoUtarvot. The present representatives of his family are, Sir William Johnston of Hilton, in Aberdeenshire, and 3Ir Johnston of Viewfield in the same county. The brother of the poet was a man of some local celebrity ; he was Dr William Johnston, professor of mathematics in the 3Iarischal college of Aberdeen. " He was," says Wodrow, u ane learned and experienced physitian. He wrote on the mathematics. His skill in the Latin was truly Ciceronian."10 JOHNSTONE, James, a physician of some eminence, was born at Annan ia the year 1730. He was the fourth son of John Johnstone, Esq. of Galabank, one of the oldest branches of the family of that name. He received the rudi- ments of his classical education from Dr Henry, the well known author of the History of Great Britain. The science of medicine he studied first in Edinburgh and afterwards in Paris ; and such was his progress in these studies, that he took the degree of doctor of medicine before he had completed his twenty-first year. On this occasion he published a thesis, " De Aeris Factitii Imperio in Corpore Humano," which discovered an ability that procured him many valuable friends. On completing his education, Dr Johnstone commenced practice at Kid- derminster, in Worcestershire, where he quickly acquired a great degree of celebrity by the successful manner in which he treated a peculiar epidemic, called, from its remarkable virulence in that locality, the Kidderminster fever. Of this fever, and his mode of treating it, he published an account in 1758, an exceedingly important treatise, from the circumstance of its pointing out the power of minerals and vapours to correct or destroy putrid febrile contagion. This discovery, now so frequently and successfully employed in arresting the progress of infection, and in purifying infected places, though since claimed by others, belongs beyond all doubt to Dr Johnstone ; who pointed out also the simple process by which it was to be effected — viz., by pouring a little vitriolic acid on common salt Dr Johnstone was well known in the learned world by several interesting pub- lications on subjects connected with his profession, and by several important ad- ditions which he made to the general stock of medical knowledge. Amongst these Avas the discovery of a cure for the ganglion of the nerves, and of the lym- phatic glands. From Kidderminster he removed to Worcester, where he continued to prac- tise till within a few days of his death, which happened in 1802, in the seventy- third year of his age. His death was much regretted, and it was then consi- dered that the medical science had by that event lost one of its brightest ornaments. Dr Johnstone acquires no small degree of additional celebrity from his having been the intimate friend of the amiable George lord Lyttleton, and from his being the author of the affecting account of that nobleman's death, in- serted by Dr Johnson in his Lives of the Poets. * In a letter which he addressed to the editor of Doddridge's Letters, he says — Lord Bacon reckons it a great deficiency in biography that it is for the most part confined to the actions of kings and princes, and a few persons of high rank, while the memory of men distinguished for worth and goodness in the lower ranks of life has been only preserved by tradition." The latter character was Dr Johnstone's, and the deficiency would indeed have been great had his name been omitted in the list of those who have deserved well of their country and of posterity. His general character and conduct are spoken of in terms of hifh admiration by all his contemporaries and biographers ; and the serenity of his death, the cheerful and resigned spirit in which he contemplated and awaited "Catalogues of Scottish Writers, published by Mr Moment, Edinburgh, 1S33, p. 114. JOHN JOHNSTON. 271 that event, is made a conspicuous feature in the history of his useful but unob- trusive life. His celebrity as a medical practitioner was very great, and his professional skill was fortunately associated with a singular degree of kindness and amenity of manner — qualities to which the Rev. Job Orton, a man himself celebrated for piety and talent, thus bears testimony : " I left Shrewsbury and came to Kid- derminster, that I might have the advice of a very able and skilful physician, Dr Johnstone, who hath always proved himself a faithful and tender friend, to whose care as a physician I. under God, owe my life, and to whose friendship I am indebted for some of the greatest comforts of it." Several of Dr Johnstone's physiological inquiries were published in the Phi- losophical Transactions, and are to be found in the 54th, 57th, and COth volumes of that work. They were afterwards enlarged and printed separately. JOHNSTON, John-, a Latin poet and classical scholar of considerable emi- nence in the earlier part of the 17th century. Though this individual is one of the ornaments of a very distinguished age of Scottish literature, the date of his birth is not accurately ascertained, but it must have been previous to the year 1570, as in 1537 he began to be known to the world. He styles himself " Abredonensis ;" and as he was a member of the house of Crimond, he was probably born at the family seat near Aberdeen. Dr M'Crie, whose minute la- bours have thrown so much light on the literary history of this period, has, among other facts connected with Johnston, (which we shall here carefully re- capitulate.) discovered the name of his master, from the last will of the poet, in which he affectionately leaves to that individual his white cup with the silver foot."1 The same instrument appoints, as one of his executors, " Mr Robert Johnston of Creimond," probably his brother, a person who appears to have been in 1635 elected provost of Aberdeen.3 Johnston studied at King's college in Aberdeen, whence, after the usual custom of the age, he made a studious pere- grination among the continental universities, which he continued during a period of eight years. In 1587, we find him at the university of Ilelmstadt, whence he transmitted a manuscript copy of Buchanan's Sphaera, to be re-edited by Pincier, along with two epigrams of his own.3 In 15S7, he was at the uni- versity of Rostock, where he enjoyed the intimacy and correspondence of the elegantly learned but fanciful Justus Lipsius. An epistle from this veteran in classical criticism to his younger associate, is preserved in the published corres- pondence of the former, and may interest from the paternal kindness of its ?pirit, and the acknowledgment it displays of the promising genius of the young Scottish poet. " You love me, my dear Johnston, and you praise my constancy. I heartily second the former statement, but as to the latter, I am afraid I must receive it with some diffidence, for I fear I have not achieved the praiseworthy excellence in that quality which your affectionate feelings have chosen to assign to me. I am, however, not a little flattered by the circumstance that David Chytraius (by the way, who is that man ?) is, as you say, of the same opinion with yourself in this matter, whether by mistake or otherwise. Whatever may be in this, I love — indeed I do — that constancy which has secured me so many friends ; in the number of which, my dear Johnston, I not ©nly ask, but command you to con- sider yourself as henceforth enrolled. Should God again grant to me to stand on and behold the soil of Germany, (and such an event may perhaps happen 1 Item — I leave to Mr Robert Merser, Persoun of Banquhorfe, (Banchory, near Aber- deen,) my auld kynd maister, in taiken of my thankful dewtie, my quhyit cope with the sil- ver fit."— M'Crie' s Melville, i. 351. * History of the Family of Johnston, 29. ' M'Crie's Melville, i. 331. 272 JOHN JOHNSTON. sooner than we wish, as matters are now moving,) I shall see thee, and we shall shake hands as a token of truth and affection. For your verses I return you thanks, which shall be doubly increased, if you will frequently favour me with your letters, in which I perceive evident marks of your wonted elegance and erudition Leyden, the 20th March, 158S."1 Johnston appears to have early embraced the doctrines of the presbyterian church of Scotland, and to have retained them with the characteristic firmness of the body. He was the intimate friend of its accomplished supporter Andrew Mel- ville, whose influence probably procured him the appointment to the professor- ship of divinity in the new college of St Andrews, as successor to John Robert- son,— an advancement which lie obtained previously to the year 1594, as he is discovered, under the term " maister in the new college," to have been elected one of the elders of St Andrews, on the 28th November, 1593. Johnston was a useful assistant to his illustrious friend, in the opposition to tli3 harassing efforts of king James to introduce episcopacy. He must have been included in the interdict of the visitation of the university commission, by which the pro- fessors of theology and philosophy, not being pastors of the church, were pro- hibited from sitting in church courts, except through an election regulated by the council of the visitation : and in the General Assembly which met at Dundee in 159S, whithar both had resorted to oppose the too great tenderness of James for the church, in proposing to admit its representation in parliament, Melville and Johnston were charged to quit the city, with the usual formality of the pain of rebellion in case of refusal. In 1603, these friends again appear acting in concert, in a correspondence with Du Plessis, on the subject of the synod of Gap in France having censured certain peculiar opinions on the doctrine of justification. " They did not presume to judge of the justice of the synod of Gap, but begged leave to express their fears that strong measures would inflame the minds of the disputants, and that a farther agitation of the question might breed a dissension very injurious to the interests of the evangelical churches. It appeared to them that both parties held the protestant doctrine of justification, and only differed a little in their mode of explaining it. They, therefore, in the name of their brethren, entreated Du Plessis to employ the authority which his piety, prudence, learned writings, and illustrious services in the cause of Chris- tianity had given him in the Gallican church, to bring about an amicable ad- justment of the controversy."5 Without inquiring into the minutia of the con- troversy, the knowledge that it was a theological one is sufficient to make us appreciate the advice as exceedingly sound ; and we have the satisfaction to know, as a rare instance; that it produced the desired effect. During the pre- vious year Johnston had published at Amsterdam his first complete poetical 4 ** Joanni Jolmstono, Scolo. " Quod et me amas, et constantiam meam laudas, mi Jonston?: aiterum valdeamplector et approbo, aiterum timide, quia scio reipsa non attingere me culmen hoc laudis, in quo col- locat me tuus aflectus. Etsi tamen nonnihil blanditur, quod David C by trails (quis illc vir ?) panter tecum, ut ais, sive judicat, sive errat. Quidquid hujus est, amo, jam amo con- stantiam meam qua; tarn multos mihi conciliat amicos. In quo numero ut fidenter te dein- ceps censeas, mi Jonstone, jubeo, non solum rogo. Quod si Deus mibi tangere et videre bermanisE solum iterum dederit (fiet fortasse voto citius, ut res hie fluunt) te videbo, et dex- teram jungam, tesseram fidei et amoris. De carmine gratiam tibi babeo, magis magisque habiturus, si crebro me epistolis tuis salutaveris, in quibus notas claras video elegantiae priscse et doctnnsB. Lugd. Batav., xi Kalends, April. 1588."— Lipm Opera, ii. 29. Letter xxxviii. David Lhytraus, whom Lipsius singularly does not appear to hava known, was a man of much eminence ; he was professor of divinity at Rostock, and died pretty much advanced in years about the year 1600. He wrote several" works, among which his continuation of Albert Crantzs History of the Saxons and Vandals, and his " Histoire De la Confession d'Aux- -urg, were published previously to the date of this epistle. Linsius had every reason to be odest on the subject of his " constancy." mo;: 5 M'Crie's Melville, ii. 101. JOHN JOHNSTON. 273 work, entitled " Inscriptiones Histories Regum Scotorum, continuata annorum serie a Fergusio I. ad Jacobum VI. Praefixus est Gathelus, sive de gentis ori- gine, Fragmentum Andreas Melvini. Additas sunt icones omnium regum nobilis Familias Stuartoruin," 4to; and in 1603, he published at Leyden, " Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica Lectissimi," 4to. Both these productions have been preserved in the Delitia? Poetarum Scotorum, by the author's relative, Arthur Johnston. The former is a series of epigrammatic addresses to the Scottish monarchs, commencing with Fergus I., and duly passing through the ex- tended list, to the reigning monarch James VI ; regarding whom it is worthy of commendatory remark, that the author is more lavish of commendations on the good fortune -which Providence had bestowed on him, than on his talents or kingly qualities. The " Heroes " is a tissue of similar epigrams, addressed to the heroes who distinguish the reigns of the same line of kings, commencing with Ferchard, the great commander-in-chief of king Reuther. Of course, both works laud the virtues of many men who never drew breath. The merits cf Johnston as a poet cannot be said to rise beyond those of the mere epigramma- tist : to the classical elegance of his Latinity, we believe few objections can be found, but he displays more of the neatness of illustration, and precise aptness of association, which may be taught, than of the inborn poetic fire ; and his works are perhaps more pleasing in the restrictions of a classical tongue, than they might have been had he allowed himself to range in the freedom of his ver- nacular language. When treating those who never existed, or of whom little is known, the absence of all interest from the subject adds to the coldness of the epigram, and leaves room for the mere conceit to stand alone ; but in treating of interesting or remarkable events, Johnston could sometimes be lofty, and strike a chord of feeling. We might instance, as favourable specimens, the epigram to the family of the Frasers, massacred by the Clanranald in 1544, and that to Robert the Bruce. In 1609, Johnston published at Leyden, " Consolatio Christiana sub Cruce, et Iambi de Felicitate Hominis Deo reconciliati, 8vo; in 1611, he published " Iambi Sacri ;" and in 1612, 1822, lord Keith was permitted by the king to accept the last additional honour he was to receive on earth, in the shape of a grand cross of the royal Sardinian order of St Maurice and St Lazare. He died at Tulliallan house, on the 10th of March, 1823, in the 78th year of his age. KEITH, George, fifth earl Marischal, founder of the Marischal college of Aberdeen. The period of this nobleman's birth is unknown ; his father was William lord Keith, (eldest son of the fourth earl Marischal,) a person known in history as having been taken prisoner into England in 1558, and released for a ransom of £2000. This individual married Elizabeth Hay, daughter to the earl of Errol, by whom, at his death in 1580, he left, besides the subject of our memoir, three sons and four daughters.1 George succeeded his grandfather in the year 1581, and we find him towards the end of the year following, doing his duty in parliament2 We are led to understand, that, previously to his suc- ceeding to the title, he had spent some time among the seats of learning on the continent. As with all men who have been remarkable in advanced life, it was recollected of him after his death, that in youth he showed an extreme desire for knowledge, and a facility in its acquisition. We aro informed that he studied at the King's college of Aberdeen,3 and that at the age of eighteen he was an adept in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, and in the studies of anti- quities, history, and literature ; when, discontented with the scope allowed in his own country, he resolved to study in France.4 On this journey, it is said that he was courteously received by the Landgrave of Hesse, (the chief among the descendants of that celebrated tribe of " Catti," from which the fabulous historians have traced the family of Keith,) along with the other noble youths of the age. While he was accumulating knowledge, he did not forget the oppor- tunities afforded him in France, of perfecting himself in the knowledge of arms, and the feats of athletic jugglery then in vogue. After some time, Keith left France, preferring a residence in Geneva, with the illustrious Theodore Beza, by whom he was instructed in divinity, history, and the art of speaking. During his residence there, an accident of a melancholy nature happened. His younger brother, William, who had accompanied him on bis journey, and had apparently, with high promise of fdture eminence, shared in his studies, Mas killed in a tumult, during an excursion into the country. Bis eminent master, 1 Douglas' Peerage, 193. s Act. Pari., iii. 326. 8 Middleton's account of the King's college of Aberdeen and of the great men there, MS. Bib. Ad. M. 6, 15. 4 Oratio Funebris, in obitum maximi virorum Georgii Marischalli comitis, D, Keith ct Altre, &o., Academic Marischallame Aberdoniae fundatoris, et Mecsentttis munificentissimi ; scripta et pronuiiciata a Gulielnio Ogstono, philosophise moralis ibidem professore. Abrr. Uaban, 1623, 4to, p. 11. 294 GEORGE KEITH. alono- with Gaulter and Andrew Melville, have celebrated the memory and talents of this young man. Beza, in the dedication of his " Icones virorum doctrina et pietate illustrium," to king James, mentions, with much satisfaction, the circumstance of having been intrusted with the education of pupils so illus- trious. After the death of his brother, Keith left Geneva, and visited the courts of Europe, where his rank and great wealth admitted his making a con- siderable figure. It is said that, even in this employment, presumed to be full of gayety, he was a grave and accurate student : that he indulged in the splendour of courts more for the purpose of acquiring historical knowledge, than of pur- suing pleasure, and that he travelled less for the purpose of recreation and variety, than for the acquisition of correct knowledge of the various countries of the world, having seldom seen a country of which he did not show his acquain- tance, by embodying his knowledge in a map.5 He returned to his native country, after an absence of seven years. The Scottish peer who in the six- teenth century founded a university, and encouraged learning, must have been a man whose penetration and grasp of mind were very different from those of his colleagues in rank, yet he appears not to have been totally exempt from the bar- barous habits and feelings of the day. On the 8th of June, 1585, we find him obtaining a remission under the great seal, for " art and part" of the slaughter of his relative William Keith, apparent of Luduquhairn ;6 and in 1595, he is charged to appear before the king and council, as a person entertaining a deadly feud with the laird of Mel- drum.7 Soon after his accession to the earldom, the celebrated raid of Ruthven took place, a political movement, as to which it is difficult to discover his view, but with which his connexion seems to have somewhat displeased the king. He was, apparently, not present at the " raid," nor does he appear to have approached so hot a political atmosphere, until the king's escape from Falkland to St Andrews, whither he repaired, apparently as a neutral person ; but he is represented as having retired to his own home in disgust, on the king changing the lenient measure he had at first proposed towards the rebels.8 The earl was a member of that parliament which, on the 19th of October, 1582, approved the acts of the conspirators, holding their proceedings as legal, and protecting their persons from punishment, by an act which was afterwards expunged from the statute book.9 It is not without surprise, that, after such a measure, we find him acting as chancellor of the assize of peers, which, with considerable par- tiality in its proceedings, found the earl of Gowrie guilty of treason, on account of his share in the raid of Ruthven.10 It can scarcely be doubted, that in these proceedings he was guilty of inconsistency : it is not likely that any one attended a parliament held under the auspices of the conspirators, for the purpose of voting against them, and it was not customary for the crown to choose assizors who would acquit, while his having acted as chancellor leaves no doubt that he voted for a verdict of guilty ! Charity can only palliate this tergiversation, on the circumstance, that Gowrie had, in the interval between these events, been guilty of additional acts of disobedience. After the singular proceedings on the part of James towards the court of Denmark, in attempting a negotiation of marriage with the eldest daughter of Frederick the II., which terminated in that monarch (not presuming the king of Scotland to be serious in his proposals) marrying his daughter to the duke of Brunswick ; the lover, disappointed of one daughter, was resolved to try more consistent plans for obtaining the other, and James proposed to send lord Altry, • Oratio Funebris nt sup. » Melville's Memoirs, 270-74. • Douglas^ Peerage, i. 193. • t Act Pnrl ( uu ^g Pitcaim s Criminal Trials, i. 353. io Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, i. 116. GEORGE KEITH. 295 uncle to the earl 3Iarischal, to Denmark, to make serious proposals to Freder- ick's second daughter, Anne. The disposition of the council of Scotland, was such as prompted Altry, an old and infirm statesman, averse to engaging in the excite/Rent of politics, to decline the high office, and his nephew, the earl Maris- chal, showed a desire to officiate in his stead. " Now the earl Marischal," says Sir James Melville in his cautious manner, " was desirous to supply the place of his uncle, my lord of Altry : and his majesty was content that he should be sent thither. Whereupon I took occasion to represent to his majesty, that the said earl was very well qualified for that employment, and that he would go the better contented, if he might have in commission with him some of his own friends and acquaintance. His majesty answered, that it was his part to choose his own ambassadors ; that the earl Marischal should have the first place as a nobleman, but," continues Sir James with his usual complacency, a that he would repose the chief handling with the regent and council of Denmark upon me."11 It is probable that the great wealth of the earl, who was then the richest noble- man in Scotland, was a cogent reason for appointing him to superintend an expensive expedition. It was the policy of queen Elizabeth to object to the proposed alliance, and the privy council of Scotland showed a disposition to accede to her wishes. In the mean time, the tradesmen of Edinburgh, insti- gated, it is said, by the secret interference of James, took the matter into their hands, threatening the px-ivy council, and denouncing vengeance against Thirle- stane, the chancellor, whom they looked upon as the chief agent of Elizabeth. James had made his resolution, and the earl was finally despatched to Denmark, along with the constable of Dundee, and lord Andrew Keith, whom he had requested permission to take as an associate. Owing to the vacillating policy of James, ** his power to conclude was so limited, and his commission so slender, that he was compelled to send back again my lord Dingwall, either for a license to come home, or for a sufficient power to conclude."12 Dingwall found the king at Aberdeen, who, as the chancellor and most part of the council were absent, was now in a situation to give more ample powers. The storm which interrupted the voyage of the princess is well known as an amusing portion of Scottish history; in the mean time, tho chancellor, who was the deadly enemy of the earl Marischal, had, from his opposition to the measure, sunk in the favour of James, and did not recover his former estimation, without suffering the expense of procuring the handsome fast-sailing vessel, in which the monarch made that voyage to Denmark which has been considered so unaccount- ably inconsistent with his general character. We shall give, in the words of Sir James Melville, an account of the very characteristic squabbles which took place between the two rival peers at the court of Copenhagen. *? The company who were with his majesty put him to great trouble to agree their continual janglings, strife, pride, and partialities. The earl Marischal, by reason that he was an ancient earl, and had been first employed in this honourable commission, thought to have the first place next unto his majesty so long as he was there. The chancellor, by reason of his office, would needs have the pre-eminence. There were also contentions between him and the justice-«lerk. The constable of Dundee and my lord Dingwall could not agree about place. George Hume did quietly shoot out William Keith from his office of master of the wardrobe. At length they were all divided into two factions ; the one for the earl Maris- chal ; the other for the chancellor who was the stronger, because the king took his part; so that the chancellor triumphed."13 The munificence and great wealth of the earl, prompted him to bear, in the first instance, the expense of the mission ; he could not have done a service more acceptable to his sovereign, 11 Melville's Memoirs, 357. 12 Ibid, 358. 13 Ibid, 363. 296 GEORGE KEITH. and it appears to have finally reinstated him in farour. In 1592, the earl received a parliamentary ratification of his acts as concerned the mission, and was at the same time empowered to recover, from a forfeited estate, the expense he had incurred, stated as amounting to 3156 merits.14 Up to the commence- ment of the eighteenth century, the debt was, however, unrecovered,10 and it is not probable that after that period it was ever paid. In 1583, the earl was one of the commissioners appointed to superintend the " new erection'' or alteration in management of the King's college of Aberdeen ; and it is probable that the duties in which he was then engaged, prompted him, ten years afterwards, to perform that act of enlightened munificence, which has perpetuated his name as the founder of Marischal college. The charter of the university was granted by the earl on the 2nd April, 1593 ; it was approved of by the General Assembly of Dundee on the 24th of the same month, after having been submitted to the examination of a committee, and was ratified by Parlia- ment on the 21st of July following. The college was endowed to maintain a principal, three regent professors, and six bursars. By the foundation, the languages and sciences appointed to be taught, were, Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac, natural history, geometry, geography, chronology, and astronomy. In opposition to the principle previously pursued, by which each professor con- ducted a class of students through all the branches of knowledge taught in any university, the subjects taught in Marischal college were divided among separate masters, each of whom adhered to his peculiar branch — an excellent regulation, afterwards departed from, but resumed in the middle of the eighteenth century.10 Without descending to the particular benefits of this institution, the circumstance that many eminent names are connected with Marischal college, and that its small endowments have cultivated intellects which might have long lain unpro- ductive, are sufficient of themselves to speak to the honour of its noble founder. There are 114 bursaries connected with the college, of the annual value oi £1150. About 70 of these are open to competition. Two of them are of the annual value of £30 each, and are adjudged for excellence in mathematics to students who have studied that science for two sessions, and are held for two years. The bursaries range in value from £3 to £15 annually — the smallest paying the full fee of the possessor for the four years during which he remains at the university, and the larger frequently forming for a time the chief support of one or two individuals who would otherwise remain uneducated. They are carefully protected, as the rewards of talent and labour, and held by those who gain them as their right, independently of the authority of the officials of the university. The ancient buildings of the university having fallen into decay, the foundation of a splendid new building, in the Gothic style, from designs by Mi- Archibald Simpson, architect, was laid, with masonic honours, by the Duke of Richmond, chancellor of the university, on the 18th of October, 1837. The builder's contract amounted to £21,420, of which sum £15,000, with interest thereon from 1826, was granted by government, the remainder being raised by private subscription. The new buildings were completed in 1842. Several new chairs have been instituted. The average number of students for the last twenty years has been — in arts, 190 ; in divinity, 120 ; in law, 35 ; in medicine, 84. Within the same year, when Marischal college was founded, we find its patron ** Act. Pari , iii. 541. » A short relation of the origin of the Keiths in Scotland, with a list of the predecessors of the present earl Marischal of that kingdome, being ane abstract of the history of that noble family, anno Domini, 1600. Aberdeen, x die Aprilis, An. Dom. 1700. !■ For a farther account of this matter, vide the memoir of Alexander Gerard in this col- lection. GEORGE KEITH. 297 engaged in other works of public utility. He granted a charter to Peterhead. And by the act 1593, c. 48, we find him empowered to exact a toll of twenty pence for every last of goods entering or leaving a harbour he had attached to that town.17 At the same period, the secret transactions with the court of Spain, of which some of the northern peers were suspected, and the discovery of those mysterious documents known by the name of " the Spanish blanks," created alarm in the nation, and consternation at court ; and by the same act of 1593, the earl Marischal, as a trusty statesman, was empowered to act the part of king's commissioner in the shires of Kincardine, Aberdeen, and Banff, and to inquire into the conduct of the earls of Errol, Huntly, Angus, and others.18 A trust of still higher order was reposed in the earl, in June 6th, 1609, when, by commis- sion under the great seal, he was appointed lord >:igh commissioner to the par- liament of Scotland. In the year 1622, in the old age of a well-spent life, the earl felt his last illness come upcnhim, and he retired to his fortress of Dunnotter, where he is said to have borne his sickness with patience and religious resignation. Dr Dun, one of the professors of his college, attended him as physician, and the dis- ease for a time yielded to medicine, but finally relapsed.13 The latter days of tliis great and useful man do not appear to have been permitted to pass in domestic peace, and his death-bed was disturbed by the desertion and crime of an unfeeling wife. The circumstance to which we refer is one of a very singular nature ; and as it is impossible at this period to trace all the motives from which it originated, we shall state it, almost verbatim, as it occurs in the criminal re- cord, avoiding antiquated orthography. "On the 3rd of March, 1624, Dame Margaret Ogilvie, countess dowager of Marischal, along with her then husband, Sir Alexander Strauchane of Thornetoun, knight, and Robert Strauchan, doctor in physic, were accused before the high court of justiciary, of the ignoble crimes of masterful theft and stouthrief, in having stolen from the place of Benholm, be- longing to the earl, certain jewels, silver plate, household stuff, gold, silver, and title deeds, in October, 1622, a little before the said earl's decease." On the same day, James Keith of Benholme was cited to answer for a similar crime, committed at the same time, and in the same place. The two cases are evidently connected together, and the minute in the latter provides us with the following inventory of articles stolen, which is an evidence of the magnificence and wealth of the earl, and an extraordinary feature in the transaction. Of Portugal ducats, and other species of foreign gold, to the avail of 26,000 pounds or thereby ; thirty-six dozen gold buttons ; a rich jewel set with diamonds, which the deceased earl received as a gift when he was ambassador in Denmark, worth 6,000 merks ; the queen of Denmark's picture in gold, set about with rich diamonds, estimated at 5,000 merks ; a jasper stone for stemming of blood, esti- mated at 500 French crowns ; a chain of " equall perle," wherein were 400 pearls great and small ; two chains of gold, of twenty-four ounce weight ; an- other jewel of diamonds set in gold, worth 3,000 merks; a great pair of brace- lets, all set with diamonds, price thereof 500 crowns ; the other pair of gold bi\icelets at 600 pounds the pair ; a turquois ring worth ten French crowns ; a diamond set in a ring, worth twenty-eight French crowns, with a number of other small rings set with diamonds and other rich stones in gold, worth 300 French crowns; also 16,000 merks of silver and gold ready coined, which was within a green coffer ; together with the whole tapestry, silver-work, bedding, goods, gear, and plenishing within the said place. The case, as regarded the counte.s, and Sir Alexander and Dr Strauchane, was postponed by a royal war- 17 Act Par., iv. 33. " Act. Pari., iv. 44. Piteairn's Crim. Trials, i 233. 19 Oratio Funebris ut sup. TIT „ « * 298 HON. JAMES KEITH. rant to the 2nd of July, from thence to the 27th of July, and from thence to the Sth of December, of which date no entry appearing, the lord advocate seems to have been prevailed with to give up the pursuit ; Keith of Benholme, Avho seems to have occupied, or been steward of, the house so strangely dilapidated, was outlawed for not appearing.20 The earl died at five o'clock on the morning of the fifth day of April, 1623, and a monument with a poetical inscription was erected to his memory. The funeral oration so frequently referred to, was read at Marischal college on the 30th June, 1G23, by Ogston, the professor of moral philosophy; it compares his death to an earthquake, and sundry other prodigies of nature — heaps too great a load of virtues on his shoulders for mankind to bear with comfort, and in detailing the perfections of the dead Mecasnas, the author does not neglect those of the living Solomon. A book of " Tears" was also published to his me- mory, chiefly composed by Massy and Alexander Wedderburn.21 The lady al- ready so equivocally mentioned was his second wife, a daughter of James, sixth lord Ogilvie : he had previously married Margaret, daughter cf Alexander, fifth lord Hume,23 and by both he had several children. KEITH, (the Honourable) Jambs, commonly called marshal Keith, the younger son of William, ninth earl Marischal, and lady Mary Drummond, daughter to the earl of Perth, Avas born in the year 1696. His aptness for learning seems to have been very considerable, since he acquired in after-life a reputation for letters scarcely inferior to his military renown ; a circumstance which was possibly in no small degree owing to his having had the good fortune to receive the rudiments of his education from the celebrated bishop Keith, who was allied to his family by consanguinity, and who officiated as tutor to himself and his elder brother, the tenth earl Marischal. Mr Keith was originally designed for the law, and with the view of making it his profession, ho was sent to Edinburgh to complete his studies. It was soon discovered, however, that he entertained a much stronger predilection for the camp than the bar ; — he seems indeed to have been very early attached to the military profession. His language, when the subject happened at any time to be alluded to, was always full of martial enthusiasm, even while yet a mere 6tripling. " I have begun to study the law," he said, " in compliance with the desires of the countess of Marischal, (his mother,) but commend me, gentlemen, to stand before the mouth of a cannon for a few minutes ; this either makes a man in an instant, or he dies gloriously in the field of battle." Such was the spirit in which the young soldier entered on his career of fame. The earl Marischal, elder brother of the subject of this memoir, was one of those Tory noblemen who signed the proclamation of George I. The party being disappointed in their hopes of office under the new dynasty, he re- turned in a state of high irritation to Scotland, and at York met his brother James, who was on his way to London for the purpose of asking a commission in the army. The two young men returned home together, burning with resent- ment, and on the commencement of the insurrection of 1715, they were incited at once by their own feelings, and by the advice of their mother, who was a ca- tholic, to declare for the Pretender. The meeting held by the earl of Mar, (who was their cousin,) under the semblance of a hunting match, was attended by the two brothers, and they continued, throughout the remainder of the campaign, 20 Pitcairn's dim. Trials, iii. 562. 21 "Lachrimaj Academise Marischallancc sub obitum Mecsenatis et Fundatoris sui, mu- nificentissimi, nobilissimi et illustrissimi, Georgii Comitis Marischalli, Domini de Keith et AHre, &c." — Aberd. Rabun, 1623. 22 Douglas' Peerage. HON. JAMES KEITH. 299 to act a bold and conspicuous part under that unfortunate leader. The imme- diate subject of this memoir is said to have manifested a degree of resolution and conduct which attracted much attention, and inspired hopes of his future fortune. On the final dispersion of the rebel army at Ruthven in Badenoch, they had no resource but to make the best of their way to a foreign land, where they might be safe from the consequences of their enterprise. They proceeded, in company with many other Lowland gentlemen, to the Westerfl Isles, where they designed to wait till a vessel could be procured to convey them to France. While in the isles, where they were detained nearly a month, the fugitives were frequently alarmed by reports of their retreat having been discovered, and that an armament had been despatched in quest of them ; and on one occasion they were informed that three frigates, with two battalions of foot on board, were within ten miles of them. They, however, were not molested. On the 20th of April, a ship which had been despatched from France for the purpose, arrived at the island on which they were concealed. Losing no time, they, along with about a hundred com- panions in misfortune, embarked on board of this vessel, and arrived in safety at St Paul de Leon in Brittany, on the 12th of May, 1716. On their arrival at this port, the greater part of them proceeded immediately to wait upon the Pretender, who was then at Avignon ; the others, amongst whom was Keith, went straight to Paris, where the latter had at that time several relations resid- ing. On reaching Paris, Keith waited upon the queen-mother, by whom he was most graciously received, and who, amongst other flattering things, said, that she had heard of his good services in her son's cause, and that neither of them should ever forget it. Keith now proposed to the queen-mother to visit the king, by which he meant the Pretender, and asked her permission to do so. She, however, dissuaded him from taking this step, saying that he was yet but young, and had better remain in Paris and recommence his studies, and con- cluded by proposing to bear the charge of his future education. Notwithstand- ing this flattering reception, a whole month elapsed before Keith heard any thing further from the queen-mother, and, in the mean time, he was reduced to great straits for want of money, living principally by selling horse furniture, which military officers were at this period in the habit of carrying about with them, and which, being sometimes richly ornamented with silver, was a very valuable article. There were many friends of himself and his family in Paris, who would readily have afforded him any pecuniary assistance he might have required, but, as he himself says, in a MS. memoir of his life, written with his own hand, to which we have access, " I was then either so bashful or so vain, that I would not own the want I Avas in." His wants, however, of this kind were soon amply provided for, and from various unlooked for sources. The queen-mother at length sent him 1000 livres, and much about the same time a Parisian banker waited upon him, and informed him that he had instructions from Scotland to supply him with money, and an order from king James to pay him 200 crowns a-year, with an apology for the smallness of the sum, as it was all that his (the king's) circumstances enabled him to do. Relieved now from his pecuniary difficulties, he betook himself to study, to which he devoted the whole of the remaining part of the year 1716, and a great part of the following year. Previous to this, and while pursuing his studies, he received a commission as colonel of horse in the service of the king of Sweden, who entertained a de- sign of making a descent on Scotland in favour of king James. The project, however, was discovered long before it could be carried into execution, and thus both the intended invasion and Keith's commission fell to the ground. Another opportunity, although equally fruitless in its results, presented itself to the young soldier, now in his twentieth year, of pushing his fortune with his sword. This 300 HON. JAMES KEITH. was the appearance in Paris of Peter the first, emperor of Russia. Keith made every effort to obtain admission into the service of that potentate, but without effect, he himself supposes on account of his not having employed the proper means. In the following year, 1718, learning that there was an inten- tion on the part of Spain, similar to that which had been entertained by the king of Sweden, viz., to attempt the restoration of king James by invad- ing Scotland — Keith and hTs brother the earl Marischal set out for Madrid, with the view of offering their services in the proposed expedition. These were readily accepted, and the two brothers, after repeated interviews with car- dinal Alberoni, then prime minister of Spain, were furnished with instruc- tions regarding the intended descent, and with means to carry that part of it which was intrusted to them into execution. By previous appointment, Keith and his brother the earl Marischal were met at Havre de Grace, the point at which they had fixed to embark for Scotland, by several of the Scottish leaders in the rising of 1715, who were still lurking about France. All of them hav- ing been advised of the undertaking, were furnished with commissions from the king of Spain, to apply equally to the Spanish forces which were to be sent after them, and to those which they should raise in the country. The co-operation in this enterprise which they were led to expect was the landing in England of the duke of Ormond with an army, which it was proposed should immediately take place. Two frigates, with Spanish troops on board, were also to follow them within a day or two, to land with them in Scotland, and enable them to commence their operations in that kingdom. On the 19th of March, the expatriated chiefs embarked on board a small vessel of about twenty- five tons, and after encountering some stormy weather and running great risk from some English ships of war which they fell in with, they reached the island of Lewis on the 4th of April. They were soon afterwards joined by the two frigates, and a debarkation on the main land was immediately determined upon. In the expectation of being joined by large bodies of Highlanders, they pro- posed to march forward to Inverness, from which they hoped to drive out the small force by which it was garrisoned. The whole enterprise, however, hurried on to a disastrous conclusion. The dulce of Ormond's fleet was dispersed : the Highlanders refused to embark in the desperate undertaking ; a very few only joining the invaders, and these showing little enthusiasm in the cause : and to complete their ruin, they were attacked and defeated by a body of troops which had been despatched to arrest their pro- gress. They were, however, not so completely routed but that they were enabled to retire in partial order to the summit of some high grounds in the vicinity of the scene of action. Here a council of war was held during the night, in which it was resolved that the Spaniards should on the next day surrender them- selves prisoners of war, that the Highlanders should disperse, and that the of- ficers should each seek his safety in the best way he could. Thus Keith found himself placed in exactly the same desperate circumstances in which he was after the rising of 1715, — an outlawed fugitive, without means and without a home. After lurking some months in the Highlands, during the greater part of which, to add to his misfortunes, he was in bad health, he found his way to Peterhead, where he embarked for Holland, whither his brother had gone before him. Being here joined by the latter, they both proceeded to the Hague, and sometime afterwards to Madrid. Here Keith's pecuniary difficulties be- came as pressing and infinitely more desperate than they were in Paris on his arrival there in 1715. "I was now," he says, " as the French have it, au pie de la lettre sur le pave. I knew nobody and was known to none, and had not my good fortune brought rear-admiral Cammoek to Madrid, whom I had known HON. JAMES KEITH. 301 formerly in Paris, I don't know what would have become of me ; he immediate- ly offered me his house and his table, both which I was glad to accept of." Thus shifting, together with the aid of some arrears of pay which he received from the king of Spain, he remained the greater part of the year 1720, and, with the exception of some short absences, all the year 1721, at Madrid. He then removed to Paris, where he lived for the next three or four years, receiv- ing the pay of a Spanish colonel, but without being attached to any regiment. At the end of this period Keith again returned to Spain, and was employed in active service up to the year 172S. Thinking himself, however, rather over- looked, he in this year addressed a letter to the king, soliciting his patronage, and requesting that he might be appointed to the command of the first Irish regiment which should become vacant. The answer of his majesty to this ap- plication was, that so soon as he knew that he Mas a Roman catholic he should not only have what he asked, but that his future fortunes should be cared for. Finding all hopes of promotion in the Spanish service thus cut off on account of his religious belief, Keith solicited a recommendation from his Spanish majesty to the court of Russia, where he now determined to try his fortunes. The re- commendation which he sought was at once granted, and forwarded to the em- peror of Russia, who soon after intimated to him his admission into his service as a major-general. On Keith's leaving Madrid for Moscow, the king of Spain presented him with a douceur of 1000 crowns, and soon after his arrival in Russia he was promoted to the command of a regiment of guards, an appoint- ment of great trust, and which had hitherto been bestowed on none but especial favourites of the sovereign. He was further named one of three inspectors ot army details, and awarded as his department the frontier of Asia, with the country on both sides of the Volga and Don, together with part of the frontier of Poland. About this time one of his early instructors, a Mr Morton, hearing of his good fortune, wrote to him a letter of congratulation on his prosperity. The general's reply partook of his nature ; it was kind and unaffected. ** I am a true Scotsman indeed," he said amongst other obliging things, " wise behind the hand ; for had I been more careful to imbibe the excellent instructions I re- ceived under your inspection, I had still made a better figure in the world." Hitherto the general, though he had proven himself at once a zealous and an able officer in the discharge of his military duties, had had no opportunity of exhibiting his talents for active warfare. Such an opportunity, however, at length offered. On the death of the king of Poland, that unhappy kingdom was entered by a Russian army to overawe, or rather control the election of a new king. On this occasion the general was despatched into Poland with six battalions of foot, 600 dragoons, and 4000 Cossacks. While on this service he was ordered by the commander-in-chief, prince Schahofskoi, to ravage the coun- try. With a feeling of humanity and in a spirit of honour which reflects much credit on his character, both as a soldier and a man, he endeavoured to evade the painful, and as he felt it, dishonourable duty. Finding that no dictates of humanity would weigh with the commander-in-chief, he tried the effects of in- terested considerations ; representing to him, that if the system of devastation was continued, not only would the inhabitants, but the Russian army also be re- duced to a state of absolute starvation. This had the desired effect. The general was immediately ordered to desist from further spoliation. During the whole of this war the general conducted himself with a degree of judgment and gallantry, and in short, discovered throughout such a possession of the best and most valuable qualities of the soldier, as now ranked him indisputably amongst the first captains of the age. He was severely wounded in the knee in this service at Ocrakow. The injury was of so serious a nature that the Russian 302 HON. JAMES KEITH. surgeons recommended that the wounded limb should be amputated, and the general at once gave his consent to the operation being performed. But his brother, who had. gone to visit him on this occasion, would not listen to the pro- posal. " I hope," he said, " James has yet more to do with that leg, and I will not part with it so easily, at least not until I have the best advice in Europe." In the spirit of brotherly affection which these expressions bespeak, he immediately removed the general to Paris, to procure the a"dvice of the surgical skill of that city, and the result was highly favourable. The French surgeons, doing what those of Russia had neglected, laid open the general's knee, and extracted some pieces of cloth which had been driven into the wound by the shot, and had all along prevented that cure which was now soon effected. The military fame of general Keith was now spread over all Europe, and had attracted in a particular manner the notice of the warlike Frederick of Prussia, who lost no time in inviting him into his service, offering him the rank of a field marshal and the governorship of Berlin, with ample means to support the dignity of these situations. These oilers were too tempting to be refused. The general accepted them, and immediately proceeded to the Prussian court His affable manners and military genius soon won him the personal esteem of his new master, who not only admitted but invited him to the most familiar inter- course, travelled with him throughout his own dominions and those of the neigh- bouring states, and acknowledged him as an adviser in matters of military business, and as his companion in his hours of relaxation. For some time after his ar- rival in Prussia the marshal enjoyed a respite from military service, Frederick happening then to be, we cannot say at peace, but not at actual war with any of the European powers. This leisure he devoted to literary pursuits, entering into and maintaining a correspondence with some of the most eminent politicians and philosophers of the day, all of whom bear testimony to the great talent and ability with which he discussed the various subjects on which he wrote, and not the smallest portion of their praise was bestowed upon the elegance and felicity of language which his correspondence exhibited. Frederick's, however, was not a service in which much repose of this kind could be expected. He, of whom it is said, that he looked upon peace only as a preparation for war, was not likely either to remain long idle liimself, or to permit such a man as marshal Keith to be so. The outrageous conduct of Frederick in repeated instances had long given great umbrage to many of the European powers, but none of them had dared to come to open hostilities with him. At length, however, they fell upon the plan of combining their efforts for the chastisement of the warlike monarch, whom none of them would venture to face singly. Austria, Russia, Germany, and France, all took the field against the Prussian monarch. During the vicissitudes and operations which ensued, in attacking at one time and resisting at another, the various efforts of his numerous enemies, Frederick intrusted the most important, next to those which he himself assumed, to marshal Keith, whose military talents and sound judgment he found during the arduous struggle which followed, had not been over-rated. When summoned by the prince of Saxe-Hildburg to surrender Leipsic, which Frederick had left him to defend with 8000 men, the gallant soldier, then upwards of 60 years of age, replied to the messenger, "-Let your master know that I am by birth a Scotsman, by inclination as well as duty, a Prussian, and shall defend the town in such a manner that neither the country which gave me birth nor that wluch lias adopted me shall be ashamed of me. The king my master has ordered me to defend it to the last extremity, and he shall be obeyed." Early on the HON. JAMES KEITH. 303 following morning, the marshal summoned the magistrates of the town together told them of the communication which he had from the enemy, and advised them to wait upon the prince, and beg of him, for their own sakes and that of the inhabitants in general, to refrain from proceeding to extremities against the city ; " for," said he, with a tact which showed the consummate soldier, " if he proceeds in this resolution, I will myself begin to set lire to the suburbs, and if that be not sufficient to oblige the enemy to desist from his enterprise, I will go further, and not spare even the city itself;" and with many expressions of reluctance to have recourse to such dreadful measures, to which he said neces- sity alone could compel him, he dismissed the terrified citizens, who instantly despatched a deputation to wait upon the prince. All, however, they could ob- tain from the latter was a modification of the terms of the original summons. Another was sent, in which the Prussians were offered the liberty of marching out of the town without molestation. This summons marshal Keith rejected with the same determination as the former, to the great provocation of the prince, who, in his resentment at the tone of defiance assumed by the Prussian commander, declared that if the latter carried his threat into execution regard- ing the burning of the town, he would lay Berlin or Potsdam in ashes. The extremities which were thus threatened on both sides were, however, prevented by the approach of the Prussian monarch, who arrived in the neighbourhood of Leipsic with a large force, and averted the destruction of the city by bringing on the celebrated battle of Rosbach, in which he was completely victorious. Soon after this, marshal Keith marched into Bohemia with an army, and laid that kingdom under contribution, having previously dislodged the Austrians from the mountains of Saxony, where they had been strongly posted. The brilliant career, however, of this soldier of fortune was now about to close for ever ; the death which became him awaited him, and was close at hand. Frederick had taken up a position in the village of Hochkirchen, which he was particularly desirous of retaining, and which the enemy were equally desir- ous of possessing. The consequence was, that this point was attacked during the night following its first occupation. On the first alarm of the enemy's motions, marshal Keith mounted his horse, and hastily collecting what troops were in his immediate neighbourhood, marched towards the village. On arriving there he found it already in the hands of the enemy. Charging, however, at the head of his troops, he drove them from the position. Fresh bodies of the enemy came up, and the marshal was in turn forced to retire. Again he returned to the com- bat, leading on his men, and cheering them as he advanced ; and again he cleared the village of the enemy. Determined on possession of the position, the latter once more returned with increased numbers, until latterly the whole flower of the Austrian army were concentrated on this sanguinary spot, defended by a handful of Prussians. At eight o'clock in the morning, and while the combat was yet at the hottest, although it had now lasted several hours, the marshal received a severe and dangerous wound. He refused, however, to quit the field, but continued to conduct the desperate encounter Avith unabated en- thusiasm and gallantry. At nine o'clock, an hour after he had received his first wound, a second shot passed through his breast, and instantly stretched him lifeless on the ground. His body Avas stripped by the Austrians, Avho had now driven the Prussians from the field, and Avas thus left exposed until it Avas re- cognized by count Lasci, who had been one of his pupils in the art of Avar. That nobleman immediately gave orders for its interment'; but this having been done Avith little reverence, it Avas shortly aftenvards taken up by the curate of Hochkirchen, and again committed to the earth, Avith every mark of decency and respect. The remains of the marshal Avere, by the special orders of the 304 HON. JAMES KEITH. king, finally removed to Berlin, and buried there with all the honours which a nation and a great monarch could pay to splendid talent and great moral worth. If any thing were wanting to complete the illustrious character of this great man, it is to be found in the circumstance of his death having been nearly as much lamented by the Austrians, then the enemies of Prussia, as by the Prus- sians themselves. His humanity was ever on the alert to protect even those against whom he fought from any unnecessary violence, and the Austrians had, in a thousand instances, been indebted to this ennobling trait in a character admirably calculated in all its parts to gain the esteem and admiration of man- kind. Marshal Keith died in the sixty-third year of his age. He was never married, but to whatever chance this was owing, it does not appear to have pro- ceeded from any want of susceptibility, for, while in Paris in 1718, on being first urged by some of his friends to offer his services to the court of Spain, which he was then informed meditated some designs on Sicily, he says, " But I was then too much in love to think of quitting Paris, and, although my friends forced me to take some steps towards it, yet I managed it so slowly, that I set out only in the end of that year ; and had not my mistress and I quarreled, and that other affairs came to concern me more than the conquest of Sicily did, it's probable I had lost many years of my time to very little purpose — so much was I taken up with my passion." Of the final result of this attachment we are not informed ; but it does not appear that he ever formedanother. Some years after his death, a monument was erected in the church-yard of Hochkirchen to the memory of the marshal, by his relative Sir Robert Mur- ray Keith. It bore the following inscription, composed by the celebrated 3Ietastasio : Jacobo Keith, Gulielmi Comitis Marescelli Hered. Regni Scotia, Et Marise Drummond, Filio, Frederici Borussomm Regis Summo Exercitus Prsefecto; Viro Antiquis Moribus et Militari Virtute claro, Qui, Dum in praelio non procul liinc, Inclinatam suorum aciem Mente, Manu, Voce, et Exemplo Restituebat, Pugnans ut Heroas deoet, Occubuit, Anno 1768, Mense Oct The earl 3Iarischal, elder brother of marshal Keith, also deserves some notice in the present work, as an enlightened and distinguished man. Attainted for his share in the insurrection of 1715, his fate continued for some time identi- fied with that of his younger brother; till, in 1750, he was appointed by Frederick II. of Prussia as ambassador extraordinary to the court of France, lie afterwards served the same sovereign as ambassador to the court of Spain, and in this capacity had an opportunity of reconciling himself to his native court. Having discovered the secret of the family compact, by which the dif- ferent princes of the house of Bourbon had bound themselves to assist each other, he communicated that important intelligence through Mr Pitt, to the British government, to whom it was of the highest importance. The consequence- was ROBERT KEITH. 305 a pardon extended by the king to earl Marischal, and an act of parliament to enable him to inherit property in Great Britain. After this happy event, he proceeded to London, and was introduced to the king (George II.) who received him very graciously. It afterwards was dis- covered that, by this movement, he escaped a very considerable danger, for within thirty-six hours of his departure from Madrid, notice was received by that court of the communication he had made. The reconciliation of the earl to the house of Brunswick appears to have given great offence to the relics of the Jacobite party, who, it is needless to mention, still retained all their pristine antipathy to that family. Among the papers of bishop Forbes of Leith, is an anecdote to the following effect : " It had been a constant practice in the parisli of Langside in Aberdeenshire, to have bonfires, and even to ring the parish bell, on the 2nd of April, O.S., the birth-day of earl Marischal. On Thursday, the 12th February, being a general fast throughout Scotland, when the bellman was ringing the first bell, the news came to Langside, containing the accounts of the earl Marischal having taken the oaths at London ; and at that very in- stant, the said bell rent from the top downwards, and then across near the mouth, and that soon after the bell had begun to ring. "A gentleman," continues this^curious memorial, "walking in his garden, about a quarter of a mile from the church of langside, asked a man passing by, what the matter Mas with the bell, in stopping so suddenly. The answer being that she was rent, ' Well,' said the gentleman, ' do you know what the bell says by that? — even, the deil a cheep mair sail I speak for you, earl Mari- schal !' " l The earl resided in Britain for several years, purchased back some of his family property, and intended finally to settle for the remainder of his life in Scotland. The king of Prussia, however, pressed him so warmly to return to his dominions — saying, in one of his letters, " if I had a fleet, I would come and carry you off by force," — that he once more became an exile from his na- tive land. He spent the rest of his life in Prussia, in the most intimate terms of friendship with its extraordinary monarch, and the enjoyment of every plea- sure that a cultivated mind and a virtuous course of life can secure for mortals. Frederick had discovered that the earl was sincerely attached to his person, and he therefore bestowed upon him in return more of his own friendship than was ever experienced by any other individual. The earl was also the friend and correspondent of Hume, and other literary men of his own country, besides the European literati in general. He died at Potsdam, May 28, 1778, in the SGth year of his age, — two days before Voltaire, who had nearly attained the samo age, expired at Paris. An " Eloge de My-lord Marischal," by the celebrated D'Alembert, was published at Berlin in 1779. KEITH, Robert, commonly called bishop Keith, an eminent scholar and anti- quary,'was born at Uras in Kincardineshire, February 7, 1G81. He was named liobert after the viscount of Arbuthnot, who had been suckled by his mother. His father, Alexander Keith, having died while he was only two years of age, the care of his education devolved upon his mother, a most exemplary woman, who spared no pains and no expense within the reach of a very limited income, to inculcate those lessons of virtue and religion, and that knowledge of letters which afterwards procui-ed her son so much honourable distinction. The bishop seems to have entertained, during his whole life, a deep sense of the obligations under which he lay to this amiable parent, and to have taken great pleasure in expressing it. Though in but indifferent circumstances in the 1 The worthy bishop gives this anecdote as one related at his table by the celebrated Mi John Skinner, episcopal minister at Langside. III. JQ 306 ROBERT KEITH. early period of his life, he was yet closely related to one of the most ancient and noble families in the kingdom, being lineally descended from Alexander, the youngest son of William, third earl Marischal. When he had attained the age of seven years, his mother removed with him to Aberdeen, where he obtained the earlier part of his education. In 1703, he procured the situation of tutor to the young lord Keith and his brother, and in this employment he remained till 1710, when he was admitted to the order of deacons in the Scottish episcopal church, by Haliburton, (titular) bishop of Aberdeen ; and in November following became domestic chaplain to Charles, earl of Errol, and his mother, the countess. Two years after, he accompanied his lordship to the baths of Aix-la-Chapelle, and had thus an opportunity of visiting some of the most celebrated towns and cities on the continent Leaving the earl at Aix-la-Chapelle, he returned to England and landed at Dover, where he was compelled to remain for several months, in consequence of a severe illness, brought on by exposure during a violent storm which he had encountered in cross- ing the channel. On recovering sufficiently to enable him to undergo the fatigue of travelling, he set out for Edinburgh, where he arrived in February, 1713. He was shortly after this invited by a congregation of Scottish episcopalians in that city, to become their minister, and was accordingly raised to the priesthood by bishop Haliburton, on the 26th May, in the year just named. His talents and learning had already attracted some notice, and had procured for him a considerable degree of influence in the church to which he belonged, and of which he was always a steady, zealous, but rational supporter ; for, although firmly attached to the faith in which he was educated, he was yet extremely liberal and tolerant in his religious sentiments. In June, 1727, he was raised to the episcopate, and was consecrated in Edinburgh by bishops Miller, Rattray, and Gadderar. He was, at the same time, intrusted with the superintendence of the district of Caithness, Orkney, and the Isles, and in 1733, was preferred to that of Fife. For upwards of twenty years after this period, bishop Keith continued to exercise his duties in Edinburgh, filling a respectable, if not a dignified place in society, and employing his leisure, it would appear, chiefly in the compilation of those historical works which have transmitted his name to posterity. In a manu- script memoir by Mr Murray of Broughton, secretary to prince Charles Stuart — which the present writer has perused — it is clearly signified that, previous to the insurrection of 1745, the bishop corresponded on subjects relating to his depressed and suffering communion, with the court of the Pretender, and that the latter personage, as the supposed head of a supposed church, gave the conge dy elire necessary for the election of individuals to exercise the episcopal office. The first historical work published by the bishop, appeared in 1734, in a folio form, under the title of a " History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland, from the beginning of the Reformation in the reign of James V., to the retreat of queen Mary into England." Though tinged here and there with high-church prejudices, the original narrative is a useful, and, upon the whole, a candid record of a very controverted part of our history ; while the state docu- ments quoted in the body of the work and at its close, have proved of incalcula- ble service to every later writer upon the same subject. The list of subscribers prefixed to this work is highly curious, as being an almost complete muster-roll of the Jacobite nobility and gentry of the period : among the rest is the famous Rob Roy. In 1755, the bishop published his well-known " Catalogue of Scot- tish Bishops," which has also been a mine of valuable knowledge to later writers. The latter years of this venerable person appear to have been spent at a villa called Bonnyhaugh, on the banks of the water of Leith, which belonged to JAMES KENNEDY. 307 himself." Here he died on the 20th of January, 1757, in the seventy-sixth year of his age. He was buried in the Canongate church-yard, a few feet from the wall on the western side, where a plain tomb-stone, inscribed simply with his name, has recently been erected. Besides his eminent qualifications as an historian and antiquary, the subject of this notice possessed those of an acute and pains-taking genealogist, a study to which he was probably directed by the high value which he always attached to the dignity of his own descent, and which he was at much pains to establish. An instance of his tenacity in this particular, and of his pecu- liar talent for genealogical research, was exhibited in a dispute into which he entered with Mr Keith of Ravelstone, on the subject of the comparative prox- imity of their several families to the house of the earls Marischal. On that occasion he printed a " Vindication of Mr Robert Keith, and of his young grand-nephew Alexander Keith, from the unfriendly representation of Mr Alexander Keith, jun. of Ravelston." In this vindication he not only suc- ceeded in establishing his superior claims to the particular honour in dispute, but showed that he was also related to the dukes of Douglas and Hamilton. His reason for being at so much pains in vindicating the nobility of his descent, is thus spoken of in the document above alluded to : " For although he him- himself, (he speaks in the third person,) now in the close of the seventieth year of his age, and having only one daughter, might be pretty indifferent about any thing of this nature, yet he suspects his young grand-nephews, (for there are no less than three of them, Alexander, Robert, and John,) when they came of age, might reproach the memory of their uncle, and justly perhaps, for his not endea- vouring to set their birth at right against so flagrant an attack, seeing the one was capable, and the others might not have the same means of knowing, or the same abilities to perform it." The good bishop seems to have been no hoarder of money, for at his death he left only £450, while his colleague and assistant, died worth £3000. KENNEDY, James, bishop of St Andrews, Mas the younger of the two sons of James Kennedy of Dunure, and his wife, the countess of Angus, daughter of Robert III. king of Scotland. He was born about the year 1405 or 1406. The earlier part of his education he received at home, under the eye of his mo- ther, and was afterwards, agreeably to the practice of the times, sent abroad to complete it. Being early destined to the church, the only road to preferment at that period, and the only profession, besides, worthy his dignified descent, he devoted himself to the study particularly of theology and the canon law ; but, be* sides his acquirements in these departments of knowledge, he made a singular pro- ficiency in the languages and other branches of learning, and was altogether looked upon as by far the most accomplished prelate of his day. On his entering into holy orders, he was preferred (1437) by his uncle James I. to the see of Dunkeld. The good bishop was no sooner installed in his office than he set assiduously to work to reform abuses in the church, and to compel his vicars and parsons to a faithful discharge of their duties. He enjoined them to remain in their parishes, and to instruct their parishioners in the knowledge of religion, to preach to them regularly, and to visit, comfort, and encourage the sick. He himself visited all the churches within his diocese four times every year, preaching in each of them as he went along. On these occasions he never failed to inquire of the people if they were duly instructed by their pastors ; if they had no complaints against them ; whether their poor were properly cared for ; and if their youth were brought up in the fear of God. Such were the pious labours of this excellent man at the outset of his career, and he never deviated from them during the whole of a long and active after-life. Finding 30S JAMES KENNEDY. his own authority insufficient to enable him to accomplish all the good which he was desirous of doing, in reforming the abuses which had crept into the church, he went over to Florence to procure additional powers for this purpose from the pope, Eugenius IV. On this occasion his holiness, as a mark of his esteem for the worthy prelate, bestowed upon him the commendam of the abbacy of Leone. On the death of Wardlaw, bishop of St Andrewe, an event which happened on Gth April, 1410, Kennedy was chosen as his successor in that see; and to this new and more important charge, he brought all that activity and anxiety to do good which had distinguished him while he filled the bishopric of Dunkeld. He continued his efforts to reform the manners and practice of the clergy, and in 1446, set out on a second journey to Italy, to consult with and obtain the co-op- eration of the pope in his work of reformation. On this occasion he was accom- panied by a train of thirty persons ; for though moderate and temperate in all his pursuits and enjoyments, he was yet of an exceedingly liberal and generous dis- position, and a scrupulous maintainer of the dignity of the sacred office which he held, and he had sufficient penetration to discover how much of this, as of all human dignities, depends upon extrinsic aids. His dislike of turbulence and anarchy, and his constant efforts to reconcile differences where they existed, and to discountenance oppression, and to restrain illegal power, rendered him pecu- liarly obnoxious to the house of Douglas, which, during the minority of James II., had nearly accomplished the total overthrow of the hereditary royalty of Scotland. In revenge of the part he took in restraining the power of that ambitious family, his lands were plundered by the earl of Crawford and Alexan- der Ogilvie of Inveraritie, at the instigation of the earl of Douglas, who had farther instructed them to seize, if possible, the person of the bisln p, and to put him in irons. This fate he avoided by confining himself to his castle, the only mode of resistance which he thought consistent with his sacred character a? a minister of religion. He was, however, eventually the means of reducing the power of the Douglases within limits more consistent with the peace and safety of the kingdom. James II., almost driven from his throne by the increasing insolence and influence of the chief of that house, went in despair to St Andrews, to seek the counsel and advice of its able and amiable bishop. On the prince and prelate meeting, the former laid before him the desperate situation to which the growing power and daring effrontery of the earl of Douglas had reduced him. He informed him that he had learned that Douglas was mustering a large army either to dethrone him or drive him from the country ; that he knew no means of resisting him, and was utterly at a loss what steps to take in this emer- gency. " Sir," replied the bishop, perceiving that the disconsolate king was exhausted with fatigue as well as depressed in spirits, " I entreat your grace to partake, in the mean time, of some refreshment, and while ye do so, I will pass into my chamber and pray to God for you and the commonwealth of this realm." On retiring, as he had proposed, the good bishop fervently implored the interference of the Almighty in behalf of the unhappy prince, who, friendless and distracted, had sought his counsel and advice ; and when the king had finished his repast, he came forth, and taking him by the hand, led him into the apartment in which he himself had been praying, and there they both knelt down and besought the guidance and assistance of Him who directs all things, — a scene than which it would not probably be easy to conceive anything more striking or interesting. When they had concluded their devotions, the bishop proceeded to point out to the king such a mode of procedure as he deemed the most suitable to the circum- stances. He advised the monarch immediately to issue proclamations, calling upon his subjects in the north to muster around his standard, which he afterwards JOHN KER. 309 erected at St Andrews, and still more wisely, and as the issue showed, with a still better effect, proposed his offering pardon to all who, having previously attached themselves to the earl of Douglas, would now abandon his cause, and aid that of the king. The consequence was, that James soon found himself at the head of forty thousand men. The final muster took place at Stirling, and a battle, which was to decide whether a Douglas or a Stuart was to be king of Scotland, appeared to be at hand ; for the former with an equal force was at that moment encamped on the south side of the Carron. But, while in the very act of advancing with his army to encounter the forces of the king, Douglas detected the effects of the amnesty proclaimed by James by the advice of the bishop of St Andrews. A spirit of disaffection and indications of doubt and wavering appeared in his ranks. Alarmed by these symptoms, he marched his army back to their encamp- ment, hoping to restore their confidence in him hy the following day, when he proposed again to march forth against the enemy. The result, however, was directly the reverse of what he had anticipated. The feeling which he expected to subdue, in place of subsiding, gained ground ; so that in the morning, there were not a hundred men remaining of all Douglas's host. Finding himself thus suddenly deserted, the earl instantly fled ; and in this manner fell the over- grown power of the house of Douglas, — a circumstance mainly, if not entirely attributable to the wisdom and energy of the bishop of St Andrews. On the death of James II., bishop Kennedy was intrusted with the charge and education of his son, afterwards James III., then about seven years of age. His known wisdom, prudence, and integrity, pointed him out as the fittest person for this important duty, and on the same ground there was added to it a large share in the management of public affairs during the regency of the queen- mother. He had acquired an authority in the kingdom by the mere influence of his character, which few had ever attained by adventitious circumstances, and which no churchman had at any time before enjoyed ; and he was thus enabled to accomplish more amongst a rude and barbarous people, than would have been yielded to the mere force of power or rank. The consequence was, that an unusual quietness and prosperity pervaded the whole kingdom during his administration. He enjoyed the confidence and good-w ill of all parties, and was no less esteemed for his probity, humanity, and wisdom, than admired for the splendour of his abilities; and so highly was his character appreciated, and so universal the satisfac- tion which his government afforded, that the chief management of public affairs was still left in his hands even after the death of the queen-mother, and remained with him until his own death, which took place on the 10th of May, 1466, an event which was widely and sincerely deplored. Bishop Kennedy was not less remarkable for his munificence than for the other splendid qualities which composed his character. He founded the college at St Andrews, called St Salvator's, in honour of our Saviour, and endowed it with a fund for the maintenance of a provost, four regents, and eight poor scho- lars, or bursars, at an expense of about ten thousand pounds. He built a ship, which was afterwards known by the name of the Bishop's Barge, at a similar cost, and his tomb is said to have been equally expensive with the two former. In 1444, he was appointed chancellor of the kingdom, but this office he resigned in a few weeks afterwards, because he found it interfered with those projects for doing good in his clerical capacity, which he had resolved to follow out from the beginning of his career. He was, by his own desire, interred in the collegiate church of St Andrews, where his tomb is still shown, along with several silver maces which were found in it some years ago. KER, John, third duke of Roxburgh, distinguished by his eminent bibliogra- phical knowledge, and his extensive and valuable collection of books, was born 310 JOHN KER. in Hanover Square, London, on the 23d April, 1740. He was the eldest son of Robert, the second duke, by Essex Mostyn, daughter of Sir Roger Mostyn, of Mostyn, in Kentshire, baronet. In 1755, he succeeded his father in the duke (loin, to which was attached the British peerage of earl and baron Ker of Wakefield ; and he appears to have soon after proceeded upon his travels on the continent. It is stated that, while in Germany, he formed an attachment to Christiana Sophia Albertina, eldest daughter of the duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz, and that their nuptials would have taken place, had not her sister Charlotte, just at that time, been espoused by the king of Great Britain. Eti- quette then interfered, to prevent what would otherwise have been an equal and proper match, it being deemed improper that the elder should become the sub- ject of the younger sister. Both parties, however, evinced the strength of their attachment, by devoting their after-lives to celibacy. It seems to kave been to this event that Sir Walter Scott alludes, when he says of the duke :l " Youthful misfortunes, of a kind against which neither wealth nor rank possess a talisman, cast an early shade of gloom over his prospects, and gave to one splendidly endowed with the means of enjoying society, that degree of reserved melancholy, which prefers retirement to the splendid scenes of gayety." To whatever extent George III. might be the innocent cause of his grace's misfortune, it does not appear to have, in the least, marred a strong friendship which existed between them — " a tie of rare occurrence," Sir Walter Scott justly observes, " between prince and subject." In 1767, his grace was appointed a lord of the bed-cham- ber, and next year was invested with the order of the thistle. The former hon- our gave him a title to be much about the court ; but he never farther engaged himself in a public career. The taste which his grace imbibed to so extraordinary an extent for book- collecting, is stated by Sir Walter to have originated in an accidental circum- stance. " Lord Oxford and lord Sunderland, both famous collectors of the time, dined one day at the house of the second duke of Roxburgh, when their conver- sation happened to turn upon the editio princeps of Boccaccio, printed at Venice in 1471, and so rare that its very existence was doubted of. The duke was himself no collector, but it happened that a copy of this very book had passed under his eye, and been offered to him for sale at a hundred guineas, then thought an immense price. It was, therefore, with complete assurance that he undertook to produce to the connoisseurs a copy of the treasure in question, and did so at the time appointed, with no small triumph. His son, then marquis of Beaumont, never forgot the little scene upon this occasion, and used to ascribe to it the strong passion which he ever afterwards felt for rare books and editions, and which rendered him one of the most assiduous and judicious collectors that ever formed a sumptuous library." There can be no doubt, at the same time, that the duke chanced to possess that perseverance of character and genuine literary taste, without which such an impulse as this must have been of no avail. ° Sylvan amusements," says Sir Wal- ter, " occupied the more active part of his time when in Scotland ; and in book- collecting, while residing in London, he displayed a degree of patience which has rarely been equalled, and never excelled. It could scarcely be said, whether the duke of Roxburgh's assiduity and eagerness Mere most remarkable, when he lay for hours together, though the snow was falling at the time, beside some lovely spring in the Cheviot hills, where he expected the precarious chance of shooting a wild goose, when the dawning should break ; or when he toiled for hours, nay, for days, collecting and verifying his edition of the Black Acts, or Caxton's Boke of Troy." 1 Quarterly Review, xliv. 446. JOHN KER. 311 With the exception of singularly fortunate adventures in the procuring of old books, the duke's life passed on in an almost unvaried tenor, in the pursuits just alluded to. At his seat of Fleurs in Scotland, where he spent but a small por- tion of his time, he had a proportionately small library ; but at his house in St James's Square, London, where he chiefly resided, he, in time, amassed the most valuable private library in the country. In 1796, he was appointed groom of the stable, and initiated a privy councillor, and in 1801 was honoured with the garter, which he was permitted to bear along with the thistle, a mark of honour conferred on no other subject since 1712, when the duke of Hamilton had the same distinction from queen Anne.2 For upwards of forty years, he continued his book-collecting habits without intermission, being much aided during a great part of the time by Mr G. Nichol, bookseller to the king, Avhose services towards the excellent library collected by George III., and afterwards given by George IV. to the nation, were also very eminent. At length, on the 19th of March, 1804, the duke died of inflammation in the liver, at his house in London, in the 64th year of hisage. , He was buried at Bowden, near Mel- rose. His library, at his death, consisted of upwards of ten thousand distinct articles, many of them of the greatest rarity and of high value, though it was understood that in many cases he had purchased them at comparatively low prices. It would be vain to pretend that his grace had made or could make a good use of such a vast mass of literature, much of it of an obsolete kind ; yet, neither can there be any doubt that he read much of what he purchased, and seemed, upon the whole, to aim rather at gratifying an innate taste for letters, and a devout and worshipful regard for their brightest ornaments, than either for the pride of possessing so many curiosities, or the usual antiquarian appreciation of minute peculiarities in the externe of books. Early English literature and the Table Ronde had been the chief objects of his research. Of the former he possessed not only the rarest, but, in point of condition, the most beautiful specimens in existence. He idolized the talents of Shakspeare and Cervantes, and collected every thing that could illustrate their works. Fifteen different editions of Shakspeare's complete works, with seventy- five separate plays in different editions, and fourteen distinct works respecting this great dramatic author, are to be found in the catalogue. In the poetical department of early English literature, he had a great collection ; in which the most curious article was a very large assortment of ancient ballads and fugitive pieces of poetry in three volumes folio, which had been first formed for the library of the earl of Oxford, afterwards enlarged by major Pearson and Mr Isaac Reid, then increased to a great extent by the duke himself, and which brought, at the sale, no less than four hundred and seventy-seven pounds, fifteen shillings. The duke had also collected many ancient manuscripts, some of them splendidly illuminated ; and it is mentioned, that he read these with great facility, as was testified by various remarks which he wrote upon them with his own hand. He had the largest and finest collection of the books printed by Caxton, in England. At his death he was in full pursuit of the English dramatic authors ; and when the large collection he possessed is taken into account, along with the comparative briefness of the time during which he had directed his attention this way, his industry seems prodigious. He had an uncommon quantity of books and tracts relative to criminals, detections of witches, and other impostors. Mr Nichol, in the preface to the catalogue, says, " he had a particular pleasure * No man could have borne these honours with more grace than the duke of Roxburgh, whose •« lofty presence and felicitous address," according to Sir Walter Scott, " recalled the ideas of a court in which lord Chesterfield might have acted as master of the ceremonies." 312 JOHN KER. in exercising those discriminating powers which he so eminently possessed, in tracing out the images by which the perverted ingenuity of the human mind often attempts to impose upon the credulity of its fellow creatures."' This splendid library was, after a long and distressing delay from litigation, brought to sale, in May, 1812 ; an event which may be said to have created more sensation than any other connected with literature during the present century — the disclosure of the Waverley secret alone excepted. Mr Dibdin, in his Bibliographical Decameron, has given an account of the proceedings, under the metaphorical semblance of a battle among the bibliomaniacs. He calls it the Roxburgh fight ; and to this record we must be indebted for the account of a transaction which it would be improper to overlook in this memoir. u It would seem," says this facetious writer, " as if the year of our Lord 181 L, was destined, in the annals of the book auctions, to be calm and quiescent, as a prelude and contrast to the tremendous explosion or contest which, in the succeeding year, was to rend asunder the bibliomaniacal elements. It is well known that Mr George Nichol had long prepared the catalogue of that extraor- dinary collection ; and a sort of avant-courier or picquet guard preceded the inarch of the whole army, in the shape of a preface, pi'ivately circulated among the friends of the author. The publication of a certain work, ycleped the Bibliomania, had also probably stirred up the metal and hardened the sinews oi the contending book-knights. At length the hour of battle arrived. * * * For two-and- forty successive days — with the exception only of Sundays — was the voice and hammer of Mr Evans heard, with equal efficacy, in the dining- room of the late duke, which had been appropriated to the vendition of the books ; and within that same space (some thirty-five feet by twenty,) were such deeds of valour performed, and such feats of book-heroism achieved, as had never been previously beheld : and of which the like will probably never be seen again. The shouts of the victors and the groans of the vanquished, stunned and appalled you as you entered. The throng and press, both of idle spectators and determined bidders, was unprecedented. A sprinkling of Caxtons and De Wordes marked the first day ; and these were obtained at high, but compara- tively with the subsequent sums given, moderate prices. Theology, jurispru- dence, philosophy, and philology, chiefly marked the earlier days Tjf this tre- mendous contest: and occasionally, during these days, there was much stirring up of courage, and many hard and heavy blows were interchanged ; and the combatants may be said to have completely wallowed themselves in the conflict ! At length came poetry, Latin, Italian, and French ; a steady fight yet continued to be fought : victory seemed to hang in doubtful scales — sometimes on the one, sometimes on the other side of Mr Evans — who preserved throughout, (as it was his bounden duty to preserve,) a uniform, impartial, and steady course ; and who may be said, on that occasion, if not to have ' rode the whirlwind,' at least to have ' directed the storm.' At length came English poetry ! ! and with that came the tug and trial of war : Greek met Greek : in other words, grandee was opposed to grandee ; and the indomitable Atticus was compelled to retire, stunned by the repeated blows upon his helmet. The lance dropped from his hand, and a swimming darkness occasionally skimmed his view — for on that day, the Waterloo among book-battles, many a knight came far and wide from his retire- ment, and many an unfledged combatant left his father's castle to partake of the glory of such a contest. Among these knights from a ' far countree' no one shot his arrows witli a more deadly effect than Astiachus ! But it was reserved for Romulus to reap the greatest victories in that poetic contest! He fought with a choice body-guard ; and the combatants seemed amazed at the perseverance and energy with which that body-guard dealt their death-blows around them ! JOHN KER. 313 " Dramatic Poetry followed ; what might be styled rare and early pieces con- nected with our ancient poetry ; but the combat now took a more tranquil turn : as after * a smart brush ' for an early Shakspeare or two, Atticus and Corio- lanus, with a few well known dramatic aspirants, obtained almost unmolested possession of the field. " At this period, to keep up our important metaphor, the great Roxburgh day of battle had been somewhere half gone through, or decided. There was no disposition, however, on either side to relax from former efforts ; when (pre- pare for something terrific !) the Romances made their appearance ; and just at this crisis it was that more blood was spilt, and more ferocity exhibited, than had ever been previously witnessed." We interrupt Mr Dibdin to mention, that the great blow of the day was struck for that volume which has been already alluded to, as purchased by the duke's father for a hundred guineas, — a volume of singular value, which Mr Nichol very properly intitles the most notorious in existence — the Decameron of Boccaccio, printed (folio) by Christopher Valdarfer at Venice in 1471, and supposed to be quite unique. " Mr Nichol, in his avaut-courier of a preface," thus writes Mr Dibdin in a note, " bad not a little provoked the bibliomaniacal appetites of his readers : telling them that ' in the class of Italian poets and novelists was the first edition of II Decamerone di Boccaccio, 1471. This was certainly one of the scarcest, if not the very scarcest book, that existed. It has now for upwards of 300 years preserved its uniquity, if that term be allowa- ble.' It was also previously known that this very book had been a sort of bone of contention among the collectors in the reign of the two first Georges. Lord Sunderland had seen it, and lord Oxford had cast a longing eye thereupon ; but it was reserved for an ancestor of the duke of Boxburgh to secure it — for the gallant price of 100 guineas! This purchase took place before the year 1740. * * 1 have a perfect recollection of this notorious volume, while in the lib- rary of the late duke. It had a faded yellow morocco binding, and was a sound rather than a fine copy. The expectations formed of the probable price for which it would be sold were excessive ; yet not so excessive as the price itself turned out to be. The marked champions were pretty well known beforehand to be the earl Spencer, the marquis of Blandford (now duke of Marlborough), and the duke of Devonshire. Such a rencontre, such a • shock of fight,' naturally begot uncommon curiosity. My friends, Sir Egerton Bridges, Mr Lang, and Mr G. H. Freeling, did me the kindness to breakfast with me on the morn- ing of the sale — and upon the conclusion of the repast, Sir Egerton's carriage conveyed us from Kensington to St James's Square. The morning lowered And heavily with clouds came on the day. — Big with the fate of . . . and of ... . In fact the rain fell in torrents, as we lighted from the carriage and rushed with a sort of impetuosity to gain seats to view the contest. The room was crowded to excess ; and a sudden darkness which came across gave rather an additional interest to the scene. At length the moment of sale arrived. Evans prefaced the putting up of the article by an appropriate oration, in which he expatiated upon its excessive rarity, and concluded by informing the company of the re- gret and even ' anguish of heart ' expressed by Mr Van Praet [librarian to the emperor Napoleon] that such a treasure was not to be found in the imperial col- lection at Paris. Silence followed the address of Mr Evans. On his right hand, leaning against the wall, stood earl Spencer : a little lower down, and standing at right angles with his lordship, appeared the marquis of Blandford. Lord Al- 314 JOHN KER. thorp stood a little backward to the right of his father, earl Spencer. Such was ' the ground taken up ' by the adverse hosts. The honour of firing the first shot was due to a gentleman of Shropshire, unused to this species of warfare, and who seemed to recoil from the reverberation of the report himself had made ! — ' One hundred guineas,' he exclaimed. Again a pause ensued ; but anon the biddings rose rapidly to 500 guineas. Hitherto, however, it was evi- dent that the firing was but masked and desultory. At length all random shots ceased ; and the champions before named stood gallantly up to each other, re- solving not to flinch from a trial of their respective strengths. " ' A thousand guineas ' were bid by earl Spencer — to which the marquis added ' ten? You might have heard a pin drop. All eyes were turned — all breathing well nigh stopped — every sword was put home within its scabbard — and not a piece of steel was seen to move or to glitter, except that which each of these champions brandished in his valorous hand. See, see ! — they parry, they lunge, they bet: yet their strength is undiminished, and no thought of yielding is en- tertained by either. Two thousand pounds are offered by the marquis. Tht n it was that earl Spencer, as a prudent general, began to think of a useless ef- fusion of blood and expenditure of ammunition — seeing that his adversary was as resolute and ' fresh ' as at the onset. For a quarter of a minute he paused : when my lord Althorp advanced one step forward, as if to supply his father with another spear for the purpose of renewing the contest. His countenance was marked by a fixed determination to gain the prize — if prudence, in its most commanding form, and with a frown of unusual intensity of expression, had not bade him desist. The father and son for a few seconds converse apart ; and the biddings are resumed. ' Two thousand two hundred and fifty pounds' said lord Spencer ! The spectators were now absolutely electrified. The marquis quietly adds his usual ' fen,' * * and there is an end of the contest. 3Ir Evans, ere his hammer fell made a due pause — and indeed, as if by something preternatural, the ebony instrument itself seemed to be charmed or suspended ' in the mid air.' However, at length, down dropped the hammer. * * The spectators," continues Mr Dibdin in his text, " stood aghast ! and the sound of Mr Evans' prostrate sceptre of dominion reached, and resounded from, the utmost shores of Italy. The echo of that fallen hammer was heard in the libraries of Rome, of Milan, and St Mark. Boccaccio himself started from his slumber of some five hundred years ; and Mr Van Praet rushed, but rushed in vain, amidst the royal book-treasures at Paris to see if a copy of the said Valdarfer Boccaccio could'there be found! The price electrified the bystanders, and as- tounded the public ! 3 " What boots it to recount minutely the various achievements which marked the conclusion of the Roxburgh contest, or to describe in the manner of Sterne, the melancholy devastations which followed that deathless day ? The battle languished towards its termination [rather, we suspect, from a failure of ammunition than of valour or spirit on the part of the combatants] ; but notwith- standing, there was oftentimes a disposition manifested to resume the glories of the earlier part of the day — and to show that the spirit of bibliomania was not made of poor and perishable stuff. Illustrious be the names of the book- heroes, who both conquered and fell during the tremendous conflict just de- 3 The marquis's triumph was marked by a plaudit of hands, and presently after he offered his hand to lord Spencer, saying, •« We are good friends still !" His lordship replied, " Per- fectly, indeed I am obliged to you." " So am I to jou." said the marquis ; '',so the obligation is mutual." He declared that it was his intention to have gone as far as £50C0. The noble marquis had previously possessed a copy of the same edition, wanting five leaves; " for which five leaves," lord S. remarked, " he might be said to have given £2600." JOHN KER. 315 scribed! And let it be said, that John duke of Roxburgh both deserved well of his country and the book cause." Mr Dibdin gives many other instructive particulars respecting this sale. He mentions that the duke's library occupied a range of apartments in the second floor of his house ; and in a room adjoining, and into which the library opened, " slept and died" the illustrious collector himself. " All his migrations," says Mr Dibdin, " were confined to these two rooms. When Mr Nichol showed me the very bed upon which this bibliomaniacal duke had expired, I felt — as I trust I ought to have felt, upon the occasion !" He also informs us that a gentleman who bought many articles was generally understood to be an agent of the em- peror Napoleon, but at last turned out to have been a secret emissary of the duke of Devonshire. A letter which he received from Sir Walter Scott on the occasion of this sale, is too characteristic to be omitted. " The Roxburgh sale," says the author of 3Iarmion, " sets my teeth on edge. But if 1 can trust mine eyes, there are now twelve masons at work on a cottage and offices at this little farm, which I purchased last year. Item, 1 have planted thirty acres, and am in the act of walling a garden. Item, I have a wife and four bairns crying, as our old song has it, ' porridge ever mair.' So, on the whole, my teeth must get off the edge, as those of the fox with the grapes in the fable. Abbotsford, by Melrose, 3rd May, 1812." It would be improper, in a memoir of the duke of Roxburgh, to omit a circum- stance so honourable to his name as the formation of the society called the " Rox- burgh." " The number of noblemen and gentlemen," says Sir Walter Scott,4 " distinguished by their taste for this species of literature, who assembled there [at the sale] from day to day, and lamented or boasted the event of the compe- tition, was unexampled ; and in short the concourse of attendants terminated in the formation of a society of about thirty amateurs, having the learned and ami- able earl Spencer at their head, who agreed to constitute a club, which should have for its object of union the common love of rare and curious volumes, and should be distinguished by the name of that nobleman, at the dispersion of whose library the proposal had taken its rise, and who had been personally known to most of the members. We are not sure whether the publication of rare tracts was an original object of their friendly re-union, or, if it was not, how and when it came to be engrafted thereupon. Early, however, after the formation of the Roxburgh Club, it became one of its rules, that each member should present the society, at such time as he might find most convenient, with an edition of a curious manuscript, or the reprint of some ancient tract, the selection being left at the pleasure of the individual himself. These books were to be printed in a handsome manner, and uniformly, and were to be distributed among the gen- tlemen of the club. * * * * Under this system, the Roxburgh Club has pi'oceeded and flourished for many years, and produced upwards of forty re- prints of scarce and curious tracts, among which many are highly interesting, not only from their value, but also their intrinsic merit." It remains only to be added, that this association has been the model of several others in different parts of the world. We are aware, at least, of La So- ciete des Biblioglyphes in Paris, and the Bannatyne, Maitland, and Abbotsford Clubs in our own country. Such institutions show that a taste for literary an- tiquities is extending amongst us ; yet it must also be stated, that the desire of forming libraries such as that of the duke of Roxburgh is much on the decline, and that if his grace's stock had been brought to the hammer in our own day, it would have neither created the sensation which it did create, nor brought such " astounding" prices. 1 Quarterly Review, xliv. 447. 316 ROBERT KER. KER, Robert, earl of Ancrum, a nobleman of literary accomplishment, and the direct ancestor of the present noble family of Lothian, was descended from a third son of Sir Andrew Ker of Ferniehurst, and entered public life as laird of Ancrum in Roxburghshire. He was born about the year 1578, and succeeded to the family estate in 1590, on the death of his father, who was assassinated by his kinsman, Robert Ker, younger of Cessford. He was cousin to the famous, or rather infamous Robert Ker, the favourite of James VI., and who was raised by that prince to the title of earl of Somerset. The subject of this memoir appears to have also been honoured, at an early period of life, with court favour. Soon after the king's accession to the English throne; he is observed to occupy a considerable station in the household of prince Henry, which was, perhaps, more splendid, and consisted of more persons than the present royal household. He afterwards was employed about the person of prince Charles, who became his patron through life. By the mediation of this prince, a match was effected between Sir Robert and the lady Anne Stanley, daughter of the earl of Derby. In 1620, Sir Robert was involved in a fatal quarrel by a young man named Charles Maxwell, who insulted him, without the least provocation, as he Mas entering the palace at Newmarket In a duel, which followed, Sir Robert killed his antagonist ; and, although the friends of the deceased are said to have acquitted him of all blame, so strict were the rules established by the king for the prevention and punishment of duels, that he was obliged to fly to Holland, where he remained about a year. During his exile, he employed himself in the collection of pictures, for which, like his royal master, he had a good taste : those which he brought with him on his return, were eventually presented to the prince. He was also distinguished by his literary taste. In Drummond's works there are a letter and sonnet which lie addressed, in 1624, to that poet, and which breathe an amiable and contemplative spirit. The latter is as follows : A SONNET IN PRAISE OF A SOLITARY LIFE. Sweet solitary life ! lovely, dumb joy, That need'st no warnings how to grow more wise By other men's mishaps, nor the annoy Which from sore wrongs done to one's self doth rise. The morning's second mansion, truth's first friend, Never acquainted with the world's vain broil?, Where the whole day to our own use we spend, And our dear lime no fierce ambition spoils. Most happy state, that never takest revenge For injuries received, nor dost fear The court's great earthquake, the grieved truth of change, Nor none of falsehood's savoury lies dost hear; Nor knows hope's sweet disease that charms our sense, Kor its sad cure — dear-bought experience ! R. K. A. On the accession of Charles to the throne, in 1625, Sir Robert Ker was one of the friends who experienced his favour. He was in that year constituted a gentleman of the bed-chamber, and in June, 1633, when the king was in Scot- land at his coronation, he was elevated to the peerage, under the title of earl of Ancrum. Previous to this period, his son William, by his first wife Eliza- beth, daughter of Sir John Murray of Blackbarony, had married his relative, Anne, countess of Lothian in her own right, and had been, by the king, en- ROBERT KERR. 317 dewed with a full participation of that title. It was therefore arranged, in the patent granted to the subject of this memoir, that his own title should descend to the children of his second marriage. He thus enjoyed the singular honour of being father of two peers. Unlike many other persons who owed every thing to this prince, the earl of Ancrum continued his steady adherent during the whole of his troubles ; though he was unable to prevent his eldest son, the earl of Lothian, from acting one of the most conspicuous parts on the opposite side. On the death of Charles, his lordship took refuge in Holland, where he spent the remainder of his days in solitary afflictions and poverty, and died in 1654, in the seventy-sixth year of liis age. His title was inherited by his son Charles, but ultimately merged in that of Lothian. In Park's edition of Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, there is a beautiful portrait of his lordship, assigning him a thoughtful and strongly- marked countenance, and apparently done in old age. KERR, Robert, a miscellaneous writer, was born in the year 1755.1 He was the son of Mr James Kerr of Bughtridge, jeweller in Edinburgh, convener of the trades and M.P. for the city, which honours he held at the same time,2 by Elizabeth, daughter of lord Charles Kerr, second son of Robert, first marquis of Lothian. Mr Kerr was educated at the High school and university of Edin- burgh ; and having qualified himself to act as a surgeon, entered into business as partner with an aged practitioner named Wardrope, whose daughter he subsequent- ly married. He had the misfortune to be very lame in one of his limbs, which caused him to sink greatly to one side in walking. His first literary effort was a translation of Lavoisier's Elements of Chemistry, published in 1789, in which year he also gave to the world a version of Berthollet's Essay on the New 3Iethod of Bleaching by means of Muriatic Acid and Oxygen. The approbation with which these publications were received, induced him to commence a translation of Linnaius's Zoological System; two volumes of which were published, (4 to) in 1792, but which did not meet with so much success as to tempt him to proceed with the rest. Having failed with the dry classifications of the Swedish philo- sopher, he commenced a translation of the more popular Avork of Buflbn on Ovi- parous Quadrupeds and Serpents, the first volume of which appeared in 1793, and the fourth and last in 1S00. The execution of these translations was high- ly extolled in the reviews of the time, and caused Mr Kerr to be respectfully known in the world of letters. The political predilections of this gentleman being decidedly whiggish, he published in 1794, a pamphlet, entitled " A Vindication of the Friends of Free- dom from the aspersion of Disloyalty ;" being designed, as its name imports, to prove that the liberality of his party was not inconsistent with a steady attach- 1 The exact place of his birth is not known ; but it was a mansion in Roxburghshire, near the Cheviot hills, where his mother happened to be on a visit at the time. The usual resi- dence of his parents was, in Edinburgh. 2 An intimate friend of Mr Robert Kerr^ supplies us with the following inform.il ion re- specting his father : — " Mr James Kerr was the son of a jeweller in the Parliament Square, Edinburgh, whose shop was attached to the walls of the old cathedral of St Giles ; the first on the light hand in going into the square. The house occupied by this person was a mere cellar under the shop, and partly projecting below the adjacent pavement, from which its sole light was derived by means of a grating. In consequence of the family, which was very numerous, being brought up in this miserahle and unhealthy hovel, they all died in infancy, except the father of the au- thor, whose life was saved by his "being removed to more roomy accommodations on the oppo- site side of the square. Mr James Kerr was the last citizen who had the honour to represent the city in parliament It may be mentioned that he was one of the jury on the famous trial of Carnegie of Finhavi n, for the murder of the earl of Strathmore in 1728 .when, through the persuasive eloquence of the first lord president Dundas, then at the bar, and counsel for the prisoner, the jury recognized the liberty of Scotland, by resuming the right to judge not only of the naked fact, but of the fact and the law conjunctively." 318 WILLIAM KIRKALDY. ment to the existing1 monarchical form of government. The prevailing tone of his mintl was political, and he used to argue on topics which interested him with great ardour and even enthusiasm, insomuch that he often appeared suffering from passion when he was not. ■ In the year 1794, Mr Kerr was induced to embark his fortune, which was not inconsiderable, in the purchase and management of a paper-mill at Avion in Berwickshire. The speculation, after a trial of several years, turned out un- fortunately, and reduced him in the latter part of life to circumstances very in- consistent with his merits, either as a man or as an author. These circum- stances, however, renewed his exertions in literature, after they had been long intermitted. In 1809, he published a General View of the Agriculture of Ber- wickshire, and in 1811, Memoirs of 3Ir William Smellie, and a History of Scot- land during the reign of Robert Bruce, both of which last were in two volumes oc- tavo. About the same time, he conducted through the press, for 3Ir Black- wood, a General Collection of Voyages and Travels, in eighteen volumes octavo. The memoirs cf Mr Smellie, though disproportioned to the subject, contain much valuable literary anecdote. Mr Kerr's last work was a translation of Ciivier's Essay on the Theory of the Earth, which was published in 1815 (after his death), with an introduction and notes by professor Jamieson. The event just alluded to took place on the 11th of October, 1813, when he was about fifty-eight years of age. He left one son, a captain in the navy, and two daughters, both of whom were married. Mr Kerr was a kind and warm-hearted man, liberal and honourable in his dealings, possessed of extensive information, and in every respect an ornament to society. KIRKALDY, William, one of the earliest converts to the protestant faith in Scotland, and a brave and accomplished man, was the eldest son of Sir James Kh-kaldy of Grange, high treasurer to James V. of Scotland.1 Of the period of his birth and the method of his education we have been unable to discover any satisfactory information ; but like the greater number of the Scottish barons at that time, he seems to have chosen, or to have been devoted by his parents, to the profession of arms. At the death of James, his father seems to have lost his situation in the government ; yet with a view of procuring that nobleman's assis- tance to the cause of protestantism, he was one of the most active assistants in raising Arran to the regency ; but in the hope he had formed, lie was to a con- siderable extent disappointed. Young Grange, as well as his father, had embraced the principles of the Refor- mation ; and his first appearance in the historic page is as one of the conspira- tors against the persecutor, cardinal David Beaton. The circumstances of this renowned conspiracy have already been commemorated in these pages. The conspirators having, by an act which cannot be justified, avenged the death of the martyr Wishart by assassinating his murderer, shut themselves up in the castle of St Andrews, which they held for several months, and only surrendered, after being besieged by a French force, in the end of July or the beginning of August, 1546. It was stipulated that the lives of all that were in the castle should be spared ; that they should be transported to France, whence, if they did not choose to continue in that country, they were to be transported to whatever other country they chose, Scotland excepted. The victors, however, did not find it necessary or convenient to attend to the terms of the stipulation; the greater part of the garrison were sent to the gal- L The facts in this article are in general taken from the memoir of Kirkaldy of Grange by Mr Graham Dalyell,a gentleman who has been so minute in his investigations that it would be difficult to find a fact of importance omitted by him. WILLIAM KTRKALDY. 319 leys, and the leaders immured in different dungeons. Norman Leslie, Peter Carmichael, and the subject of this memoir, were imprisoned in Mount St Michael, where they lay a considerable time. From this place they wrote a let- ter to John Knox, who was in the galleys, asking the somewhat superfluous ques- tion whether they might not with a good conscience break their prison. To tills Knox naturally answered in the affirmative, with the proviso, that they were not morally entitled to shed blood in the attempt. Embracing the opportunity of a festival night, when the garrison were intoxi- cated, they bound every man in the castle, locked the doors, and departed, hav- ing, it is said, strictly adhered to the humane recommendation of Knox. The two Leslies came to Rohan, and speedily escaped ; but Kirkaldy and Peter Car- uiichael, disguised as beggars, wandered through th» country for upwards of a quarter of a year ; at the termination of which period they got on board a French ship, which landed them in the west of Scotland, whence they found their way into England. Kirkaldy appears to have spent a considerable portion of the ensuing period of his life in France, where he entered the army, and was distinguished as a brave and skilful soldier in the wars between the French king and the emperor Charles V. Sir James Melville informs us, that in these wars he commanded a hundred light horsemen ; and for his useful services, received the commendation of the duke of Vcndome, the prince of Conde, and the duke of Auniale. Henry II., he adds, used to point him out and say, " Yonder is one of the most valiant men of our age." Henry indeed seems to have used him with the most endearing familiarity, and in all the pastimes which he attended, is said to have chosen Grange as a supporter of his own side, in their mimic battles ; while, according to the same writer, who is always circumstantial in recording the honours paid to a Scotsman, the great constable of France would never speak to him uncovered. We are not aware of the exact date of his return to Scotland, but we find him in that country in the year 1559. During the border wars of this period, an incident occurred peculiarly char- acteristic of the chivalrous temper of Kirkaldy, which is otherwise remarkable as being the latest " passage of arms" which has been handed down to us, de- scribed with all the minute u pomp and circumstance " of Froissart. Lindsay of Pitscottie, who describes the circumstance, tells us, that lord Evers's brother de- sired to fight with Kirkaldy " ane singular combatt upone horseback with speares." Sir William was " very weill content " with such a species of amuse- ment, and consented to meet the challenger on any spot he might prefer. Tne lord Evers's brother was attended by the governor of Berwick and his whole gar- rison, while Kirkaldy was waited on by " Monseor Doswell (Mons. d' Oswell?), the king of France lieftennent," with the garrison of Heymouth, and other Scot- tish gentlemen. In bringing the opposing armies so near each other, and within view of example so seducing, it was necessary to ** decerne under paine of treasoun, that no man should come near the championes, be the space of ane flight shot." Each of the champions had a squire to bear his spear, there were two trumpeters to sound the charge, and after the most approved method, two lords were appointed as judges of the field, " to sie the matter finished.** " And when all things war put to ordour, and the championes horsed, and their speirs in their hands, then the trumpeters sounded, and the heralds cryed, and the judges let them go, and they ran together very furiously on both sides, bot the laird of Grange ran his adversar, the Inglisman, throw his shoulder blaid, and aft* his hors, and was woundit deadlie, and in perill of his lyff; but quhidder he died or lived I cannot tell,2 bot the laird of Grange wan the victorie that day." 2 Lindsay of Pitscottie, If. 524. 320 WILLIAM KIRKALDY. Kirkaldy became after this incident actively engaged in the cause of the Re- formation. When the French troops arrived to subdue Scotland, and by means of the popish faction reduce it to a province of France, no man stood firmer to the interests of his country, and in the first encounter lie is said to have slain the first man with his own hand. To the French, who were aware of his bravery and military skill, he was particularly obnoxious, and in one of their inroads through Fife they rnzed his house of Grange to the foundation. Natu- rally exasperated at such an act, Kirkaldy sent a defiance to the French com- mander ; reproached him for his barbarity, and reminded him of the many Frenchmen whom he had saved when engaged in quarrels not his own. The commander, less chivalrous than Grange, paid no regard to the communication ; and the latter took vengerHltec by waylaying a party of marauders, and cutting them off to a man. During this invasion of Fife by the French, he had a mere handful of men, and these were but poorly provided, yet he retarded the powerful and well-appointed troops of France at every village and at every field, disputing as it were, every inch of ground, and making them purchase at a ruinous price every advantage. In common with all the wise and good among his countrymen, Kirkaldy was convinced of the danger of the French alliance, and of the far superior advan- tages which might be derived from a connexion with England, which by a bar barous and ignorant policy had been always overlooked or despised, and he contributed materially to the formation of that friendship which subsisted be- tween the ministers of Elizabeth and the Scottish reformers, without which, it may be doubted if the reformation of that country could have been effected. In the contests that arose between Mary and her subjects, while it must be admitted that his correspondence with the English was clandestine, contrary to the law, and not perhaps dictated by motives quite purely patriotic, he steadily adhered to the popular cause. Kirkaldy was among the number of the adherents of Moray, who on the temporary success of the queen, were compelled in 15G5, to take refuge or "banish themselves" in England, and the criminal record shows us some instances of barbarous punishment denounced on those who had in- tercourse with them, as " intercommuning with rebels." 3 When after her unhappy marriage and flight to Dunbar, she returned with an army to meet the lords who had entered into a confederation for the preser- vation of the prince, Grange was one of the most active and influential among them, having the command of two hundred horse, with which he intended at Carberry hill, by a stratagem, to have seized upon the earl of Eothwell, which he hoped would have been the means of putting an end to the contest between the queen and her subjects. The queen, however, who highly respected him, perceiving the approach of the troop, and understanding that he was their leader, requested to speak with him, which prevented the attempt being made. While he was in this conference with the queen, Bothwell called forth a soldier to shoot him, who was in the very act of taking aim, when the queen perceiving iiim, gave a sudden scream, and exclaimed to Eothwell, that he surely would not disgrace her so far as to murder a man who stood under her protection. With that frank honesty which was natural to him, Kirkaldy told her that it was of absolute necessity, if she ever expected to enjoy the services and the con- fidence of her subjects, that she should abandon Bothwell, who was the murderer of her husband, and who could never be a husband to her, having been so lately married to the sister of the earl of Huntly. Bothwell, who stood near enough to overhear part of this colloquy, offered to vindicate himself by single combat, from the charge of any one who should accuse him of murdering the 3 Pitciiirn's Ciim. Trials, i. (p. i.) 466, 478. "WILLIAM KIRKALDY. 321 king. Grange told him he should have a speedy answer ; and returning to the lords, found little difficulty in persuading them of the propriety of his accepting the challenge, which he did without hesitation. Both well, however, thought it prudent to decline, on the plea that Kirkaldy being only a baron, was not his equal. To the laird of Tullibardine he objected on the same ground. The lord Lindsay then came forward, whom he could not refuse on the score of in- equality ; but he finally declined to engage. The queen then sent again for Grange, and proposed surrendering herself to the lords. Both well, in the mean time, made his escape. The queen holding out her hand, Kirkaldy kissed it, and taking her horse by the bridle turned him about, and led her down the hill. This was almost the full measure of Mary's humiliation, which was accomplished by her entry into Edinburgh amidst the execrations of the rabble. The lords, (particularly Kirkaldy) were still willing to treat her with kindness, if she could have been prevailed on to abandon Bothwell. The same night, however, she wrote a letter to him, calling him " her dear heart, whom she should never for- get nor abandon, though she was under the necessity of being absent from him for* a time ;" adding, that she had sent him away only for his own safety, and willing him to be comforted, and to be watchful and take care of himself. This letter falling into the hands of the lords, convinced them that her passion for Bothwell was incurable ; and they determined to secure her in Lochleven. Grange alone wished to excuse her, and hoped that gentle usage might yet re- claim her ; but they showed him her letter to Bothwell which had fallen into their hands, which left him no room to speak more on her behalf. The queen, in the mean time, sent him a letter, lamenting her hard usage, and complaining of broken promises. He wrote to her in return, stating what he had already at- tempted in her behalf, and how his mouth had been stopped by her letter to Both- well ; " marvelling that her majesty considered not that the said earl could never be her lawful husband, being so lately before married to another, whom he had deserted without any just ground, even though he had not been so hated for the murder of the king her husband. He therefore requested her to dismiss him entirely from her mind, seeing otherwise that she could never obtain the love or respect of her subjects, nor have that obedience paid her which otherwise she might expect." His letter contained many other loving and humble admonitions which made her bitterly to weep. Eager to free the queen and the nation of Bothwell, Grange most willingly accepted the command of two small vessels that had been fitted up from Morton's private purse (for Bothwell had not left a sufficient sum for the purpose in the Scottish treasury), with which he set sail towards Ork- ney, whither it was reported Bothwell "had fled. He was accompanied by the laird of Tullibardine and Adam Bothwell, bishop of Orkney. Bothwell having made his escape from Orkney, was pursued by Gi-ange to the coast of Norway, where, at the moment when they had almost overtaken the fugitive, the impetu- osity of Kirkaldy, who called on the mariners to hoist more sail than the vessel was able to carry, lost them their prize, and they were wrecked on a sand bank. Bothwell escaped in a small boat to the shore, leaving his ship and his servants a prey to Kirkaldy. This unhappy man fled to Denmark, and the method of his end is too well known to be repeated. The regent Moray was in the mean time establishing order and tranquillity generally through the country. The king, an infant, had been crowned at Stirling, and his authority in the person of the regent very generally acknow- ledged, when the queen, making her escape from Lochleven, and putting her- self into the hands of the Hamiltons, created new and serious calamities. The regent being at that time in Glasgow, holding his justice-eyre, was just m. 8 3 322 WILLIA3I KIRKALDY. at hand, and meeting with the queen and her followers at Langside, on the way for Dumbarton castle, gave them, though they were far more in number than all the king's friends that he could muster, an entire overthrow. The regent led the battle himself, assisted by Grange, who being an experienced soldier, was appointed to oversee the whole battle ; to ride to every wing, and to encourage and make help wherever it was most required. The dispositions of the regent were excellent, and his followers behaved with great courage ; so that the vic- tory Mas soon won, and there being few horsemen to pursue, and the regent calling out to save and not to kill, there were not many taken or killed ; the greatest slaughter, according to Sir James 3Ielville, being at the first rencounter by the shot of some troops that were planted behind the dykes at the head of the lane leading up to the village. Having taken the command of the castle of Edinburgh from Sir James Bal- four, the regent bestowed it upon Grange, who appears to have had the prin- cipal direction of affairs during the time that Moray through the intrigues of the queen's faction was called up to the conferences at York. Lethington, subtile, restless, and changeable, had by this time changed to the queen's side, whom he almost openly owned during the time of these conferences, and he had im- posed upon the unsuspecting disposition of Grange, enticing him into a kind of doubtful neutrality, which had an unhappy influence upon the public cause, and ended fatally for Grange himself. Lethington and Sir James Balfour hav- ing been both at last arrested under an accusation of having been concerned in the king's murder, Grange took them into his own hands, and protected them in the castle, which he refused to deliver up to the regent. On the murder of the regent 3Ioray in 1570, it did not immediately appear what party Grange would embrace. It was evident, however, that for some time previous to this event he had leaned to the side of the queen, and the castle of Edinburgh in a short time became the resort and general rendezvous of all who opposed the party of the prince. The earl of Lennox succeeding to the regency was supported by Elizabeth, who sent an army into Scotland for that purpose, and to retaliate upon some of the border chieftains, who had made inroads into the English territories, parti- cularly Buccleugh and Fernihurst. Grange, in the mean time, by the orders of the queen's faction, who now assembled parliaments of their own, liberated all those who had been formerly given him in charge as prisoners, for their op- position to the king in the person of the regent. These, dispersing themselves over the country, some pretending to be employed in a civil, and others in a military capacity, carried dissension and rebellion along with them, to the entire ruin of the miserable inhabitants. Lord Seaton, to intimidate the citizens of Edinburgh, who in general leaned to the side of the king, assembled his vassals at Holyrood house, while the Hamiltons, with the whole strength of their fac- tion, assembled at Linlithgow, when they made a sudden and unexpected attack upon the castle of Glasgow, the residence of Lennox the regent. Coming upon the place by surprise, they gained the court, and set fire to the great hall ; but they were soon repulsed, and the approach of the king's army, a principal part of which was English, compelled them to raise the siege. The Hamiltons suf- fered most severely on this occasion, their lands in Clydesdale being ravaged, Cadzow plundered, and the town of Hamilton, with the seat of the Hamiltons, burned to the ground. Nor did this suffice ; they also burned the house of the duke of Chatelherault in Linlithgow, the palace of Kinnoul, the house of Pardovan, and Bynie, Eincavil, and the chapel of Livingston. Grange, meanwhile, acting somewhat dubiously, and not supporting the ex- treme measures of either of the parties, was confounded to see a foreign foe in WILLIAM KIRKALDY. 323 the heart of the kingdom, and Mary's friends used Avith such extreme rigour; and afraid of being entrapped himself, began to fortify the castle with all haste, and lay in every thing necessary for a siege. Lennox, in the mean time, sum- moned an army in the king's name to attend him, with twenty days' provision,, and to complete his equipments, he applied to Grange for some field-pieces. The request was, however, refused, under a pretence that he would not be acces- sory to the shedding of blood. The purpose of this armament was to interfere with a parliament which the queen's party intended to have held at Linlithgow, which it effectually accomplished ; and on the following month (October) Len- nox held one for the king in Edinburgh. The insignia of royalty being sup- posed necessary to the legality of parliaments, they were demanded from Grange, who flatly refused them, and from that time forth he was regarded as determin- edly hostile to that cause for which he had done and suffered so much. Through the mediation of Elizabeth, however, who was at the time amusing Mary and her friends with proposals for restoring her to some part of her authority, a ces- sation of hostilities was agreed upon for two months, which being renewed, Mas continued till the succeeding April, 1571. _:* The truce, however, was not strictly observed by either of the parties. For- tresses were taken and retaken on both sides oftener than once, and in the month of April, Dumbarton castle, reckoned impregnable, was taken by surprise by the friends of the regent, who, on a sentence of forfaulture in absence, hanged Hamilton, archbishop of St Andrews, who had taken refuge in the place. Alarmed at the fate of Dumbarton, Grange repaired the walls of the castle, cut away all the prominences on the rock, and smoothed the banks to prevent the possibility of an escalade. He also prepared the steeple of St Giles for receiving a battery, and carried away the ordnance belonging to the town. His brother James at the same time arrived from France with •* ten thousand crowns of gold, some murrions, corslets, hagbuts, and wine, whilk was saiflie convoyit from Leyth be the horsemen and soldiers of the town." All men who favoured not the queen were now commanded to leave the town, and even his old tried friend and fellow sufferer, John Knox, was obliged to quit his place, which was supplied by Alexander, bishop of Galloway. The regent's soldiers, however, took pos- session of some ruinous houses close to the walls, whence they annoyed the town. There was now an end to all business ; public worship ceased, and there was nothing to be heard but the thundering of artillery. The queen's party had now, however, the pride of also holding a parliament in Edinburgh, which declared the demission of Mary null ; forbade any innovation to be made in the presbyterian religion ; and after two or three hours deliberation, rode in procession from the Canongate to the castle, having the regalia borne before it. Prayers for the queen were ordered by this meeting, and all who omitted them were forbidden to preach. During these proceedings, there were daily skirmishes on the streets, and the regent still kept possession of Holyrood house. In the month of August in this year, an envoy arrived from the king of France, with money, arms, and ammunition for Grange ; but the money fell into the hands of the regent. In the ensuing month, Grange laid a plan for seizing the regent at Stirling, and bringing him safe to the castle, which failed of success only through the imprudence of those who conducted it. The regent was actually made a prisoner, and on the road for Edinburgh, when, principally through the valour of Morton, he was rescued, but shot by one of the party, when they saw they could not carry him away. David Spens of Wormiston, who had him in charge, and used every endeavour to save him, was also shot in revenge, though the wounded regent attempted to protect him. This was unfortunate for Grange Mar was immediately elected regent ; a man of far higher merit, and much 324 WILLIAM KIRKALDY. more respected than Lennox, and in still greater favour with the ministers of Eliza- beth ; and he in the end proved too strong for the misled, though patriotic Grange. The war now assumed the most ferocious character. Morton destroyed the whole of Grange's property in Fife. Grange, on the same day retaliated by burning Dalkeith ; and for upwards of two months they reciprocally hanged their prisoners. The distress of the town and the surrounding districts now became extreme ; the poor were turned without the gates, and the empty houses pulled down and sold for fuel ; a stone weight being sold for what would purchase a peck of meal. Through the mediation of the English and French ambassadors, an ar- mistice was at last agreed to, and all the differences between Morton and Grange nearly made Up. Through the intrigues of Maitland, however, who had gained an extraordinary influence over him, Grange rose in his demands, and nothing was accomplished further than a renewal of the truce. In the mean time Mar, who was a sincere, good man, and truly devoted to the public in- terests, died, and was succeeded by Morton, a man of great address, and the mortal enemy of Maitland. He too, however, professed to desire peace, and offered the same terms as Mar. Grange was to deliver up the castle in six months, and a convention was called to consider the means of effecting a double peace. Both parties were at the same time attempting to over-reach each other. Morton thirsted for the wealthy estates of some of the queen's adherents ; and the queen's adherents wanted to gain time, in the hope of procuring effectual aid from France. The Hamiltons, Huntly, Argyle, and their followers, were now weary of the war ; and in a meeting at Perth accepted of the terms offered by Morton, and, according to Sir James Melville, abandoned Grange, who would willingly have accepted the same terms ; but from that time forth Morton would not permit the offers to be mentioned to him. The day of the truce had no sooner expired than a furious cannonade was commenced by Grange on the town from the castle. He also shortly after, on a stormy night, set fire to the town, and kept firing upon it to prevent any person coming forth to extin- guish the flames ; a piece of wanton mischief, which procured him nothing but an additional share of odium. Being invested by the marshal of Berwick, Sir William Drury, with an English army, the garrison was soon reduced to great straits. Their water was scanty at best, and the falling of one of the chief towers choked up their only well. The Spur, a building of great strength, but imperfectly manned, was taken by storm, with the loss of eight killed, and twenty-three wounded. Sir Robert Melville, along with Grange, were, after beating a par- ley, let over the walls by ropes, for the gate was choked up with rubbish. They demanded security for their lives and fortunes, and that Maitland and lord Hume might go to England, Grange being permitted to go or stay as he might deem best. These conditions not being granted, they returned to the garrison, but their soldiers refused to stand a new assault, and threatened in case of another that they would hang Lethington, whom they regarded as the cause of their protracted defence, over the wall. Nothing remained, therefore, but an unconditional surrender ; and so odious were the garrison to the citizens, that an escort of English soldiers was necessary to protect them from the rabble. After three days they were all made prisoners. Lethington died suddenly, through means, it has been supposed, of poison, which he had taken of his own accord. Grange, Sir James Kirkaldy, (his brother,) James Mossman and James Leckie, goldsmiths, were hanged on the third of August, 1573, and their heads afterwards set up on the most prominent places of the castle wall. Thus ignominously died one of the bravest warriors4 of his age ; the dupe of 4 In the case of Kirkaldy there appears to have been considerable debate on the re- levancy of the indictment on which he was tried, too technical to be interesting to the general reader. — Pilcairn's Crim. Trials, ii. 3. XngnnATry Cha.? Cook. M OXu meat -.; B^&rjttR *• sow, (OAsaow. Rmmm.KC-TT & JAMES KIRKWOOD.— JOHN KNOX. 325 a volatile and crafty statesman, and of his own vanity to be head of a party. He had been one of the earliest friends, and, during its first days of peril, one of the most intrepid defenders of the Reformation. Knox, who knew and loved him well, lamented his apostasy, and with that sagacity which was peculiar to his character, admonished him of the issue. " That man's soul is dear to me," said Knox, " and I would not willingly see it perish ; go and tell him from me, that, if he persists in his folly, neither that crag in which he miserably confides, nor the carnal wit of that man whom he counts a demi-god, shall save him ; but he shall be dragged forth, and hanged in the face of the sun." He returned a contemptuous answer dictated by Maitland ; but he remembered, the warning when on the scaffold with tears, and listened with eagerness when he was told the hope that Knox always expressed, that, though the work of grace upon his heart was sadly obscured, it was still real, and would approve itself so at last ; of which he expressed with great humility his own sincere conviction. KIRKWOOD, James, an eminent teacher and writer on grammar, in the lat- ter part of the seventeenth century, was born near Dunbar. The circumstances of his education are unknown ; he was first schoolmaster of Linlithgow, and sub- sequently of Kelso. His school at Linlithgow Avasone of considerable reputation, and he would appear to have been intrusted, like many teachers of the present day, with pupils who boarded in his house. The celebrated John, second earl of Stair, was thus educated by him. The first work ascertained to have been published by him, was an " Easy Grammar" of the Latin language, which ap- peared at Glasgow in 1674. In 1677, he published at London an octavo fas- ciculus of " Sentences," for the use of learners. In the succeeding year ap- peared his " Compendium of Rhetoric," to which was added a small treatise on Analysis. After the Revolution, he was sent for by the parliamentary commis- sioners for colleges, on the motion of lord president Stair; and his advice was taken about the best Latin grammar for the Scottish schools. The lord president asked him what he thought of Despauter. He answered, " A very un- fit grammar ; but by some pains it might be made a good one." The lord Cross- rig desiring him to be more plain on this point, he said, " My lord president, if its superfluities were rescinded, the defects supplied, the intricacies cleared, the errors rectified, and the method amended, it might pass for an excellent grammar. " The lord president afterwards sent for him, and told him it was the desire of the commissioners that he should immediately reform Despauter, as he had proposed; as they knew none fitter for the task. He according published, in 1695, a revised edition of Despauter, which continued to be commonly used in schools till it was superseded by Ruddiman's Rudiments. Kirkwood was a man of wit and fancy, as well as of learning ; and having fallen into an unfor- tunate quarrel with his patrons the magistrates, which ended in his dismission, he took revenge by publishing a satirical pamphlet, entitled " The twenty-seven gods of Linlithgow," meaning thereby the twenty-seven members of the town- council. He appears to have afterwards been chosen schoolmaster at Kelso, where he probably died. KNOX, John, the most eminent promoter of the Reformation in Scotland, was born at Haddington in the year 1505. His father, though himself a man of no note, was descended from the ancient house of Ranfurly in the shire of Renfrew. Of the mother of the great reformer nothing farther is known than that her name was Sinclair, — a name which he frequently used in after-life, when to have subscribed his own would have exposed him to danger : thus many of his letters in times of trouble are signed " John Sinclair." Though a man of no rank in society, his father would yet seem to have been possessed of a com- petency beyond that of the ordinary class of the peasantry of the times, if such an inference be permitted from the circumstance of his having given his sen an 320 JOHN KNOX. education which was then attainable only by a very few. This is a point, how- ever, on which there has been also much dispute ; some representing his parents as in a " mean condition," others as persons of extensive property. Whatever may have been the condition of his parents — a matter of little moment — there is no doubt regarding the only circumstance of any importance connected with the question, namely, that he received a liberal education. His course of learning began at the grammar-school of Haddington, where he acquired the elements of the Latin language. He was afterwards, about the year 1 524, sent to the university of St Andrews. From the circumstance of the name " John Knox" appearing on the list of matriculated students, for the year 1520, in the Glasgow college, it has been presumed that he studied there also, and this, as appeai-s by the dates, four years previous to his going to St Andrews ; but the supposition that this John Knox was the reformer, is much weakened by the fact, that many of the Knoxes of Eanfurly, the house from which his father was descended, were educated at the university of Glasgow. Amongst the last of these of any note were Andrew Knox, bishop of the Isles, and, after him, his son and successor, Sir Thomas Knox. In the absence, therefore, of all other evidence, this circumstance in the life of the reformer must be held as extremely doubtful, especially as no allusion is made to it, either by himself, his contempo- raries, or any of the earlier writers who have spoken of him. Knox, when he went to St Andrews, was in the nineteenth year of his age, and was yet undis- tinguished by any indications of that peculiar character and temper, or that talent, which afterwards made him so conspicuous. His literary pursuits had hitherto been limited to the acquisition of the Latin language, Greek and Hebrew being almost unknown in Scotland, although at an after period of life Knox acquired them both. His removal to St Andrews, however, opened up new sources of learning and of knowledge. John Mair, a celebrated doctor of the Sorbonne, who had studied at the colleges of England and Paris, was then principal of St Salvator's college, St Andrews. He was a man of no great strength of mind, nor of very high attainments ; but he had while in Paris imbibed, and he now boldly inculcated, civil and religious principles directly at variance with the opinions and practices of the times. He denied the supremacy of the pope, and held that he was amenable to a general council, which might not only rebuke and restrain him, but even depose him from his dignity. He held that papal excommunications were of no force, unless pronounced on just and valid grounds, and that tithes were not of divine origin. He, besides, fearlessly censured the avarice and ambition of the clergy. And with regard to civil matters, his opinions were no less daring, and not less boldly inculcated. He taught his pupils to consider kings as having no other right to their eleva- tion, but what proceeded from their people, to whom they were amenable for their conduct, and by whom they might be judicially proceeded against. Such were some of the doctrines taught by Mair ; and that they had taken a strong hold of Knox, who was one of his pupils, his after life sufficiently shows. For we find him, with the courage which belonged to his character, practising himself, and showing others how to practise that which his preceptor only taught. In the studies of the times, Knox now made rapid progress. He was created master of arts, and ordained a priest before he had attained the age (twenty-five) appointed by the canon law for receiving ordination. It will not, perhaps, be lost time to pause for a moment at this period of his life, since it presents us with the interesting sight of a great mind slumbering in its strength, and unconscious at once of the darkness with which it was surrounded, and of there being a brighter and a better world beyond the narrow precincts which it had been taught to consider as the utmost limits of its range. Here we find the JOHN KNOX. 327 great reformer, passively, and without remark or objection, becoming a minister of that church which he was afterwards to overturn and erase from his native soil ; becoming a minister of that religion which he was afterwards to drive from the land, with a violence which shook both the kingdom and the throne. A little longer, however, and we find this mighty mind emerging gradually but majestically into the light of day. The discovery had been made that there lay a wider and a fairer region beyond the bounds of the prison-house, and Knox hastened himself to seek and to point out the way to others. He soon betook himself to the study of the writings of the fathers of the Christian church ; and, in the works of Jerome and Augustine, found the doctrines and tenets which effected that revolution in his religious sentiments, after- wards productive of such important results. He was now in the thirtieth year of his age, but he did not either publicly avow the change which had taken place in his religious creed, or attempt to impress it upon others, for several years after- wards. In the mean time the work of reformation had been making irregular but rapid progress. Patrick Hamilton had already preached the new faith in Scotland, and had fallen a martyr to its doctrines, and many others of not less zeal, but of less note, had shared a similar fate. Copies of the Scriptures were now surreptitiously introduced into the kingdom, and eagerly read by those into whose hands they fell. Poets employed their fascinating powers in bringing the church of Rome and its ministers into contempt The effect of all this was a violent agitation of the public mind. The reformed doctrines were every where spoken of and discussed. They became the topics of common conversation, and were the themes of disquisition amongst the learned. It was at this critical period, about the year 1542, in the midst of this feverish excitement of public opinion, that Knox first stepped into the arena as a combatant in the cause of the new faith. He was still a teacher of philosophy in the college of St Andrews, but he availed himself of the opportunities which this appointment afforded, of dis- seminating his doctrines amongst his pupils, whom he taught to look with abhor- rence and contempt on the corruptions and errors of the Romish church. Though such opinions were now spreading widely, and were made matter of ordinary discussion, their abettors were not yet, by any means, safe from the vengeance of the Romish ecclesiastics, who were yet struggling hard to suppress the heresies which were every where springing up in the land, and threatening the speedy ruin of their church. Knox's case was too marked and too conspicuous an instance of defection, to escape for any length of time some proof of that wrath which it was so well calculated to excite. He was degraded from the priesthood, had sentence passed against him as a heretic, and only escaped assas- sination by flying from St Andrews, that fate having been marked out for him by cardinal Beaton. On leaving St Andrews, Knox found protection in the family of Douglas of Langniddrie, where he acted in the capacity of tutor. Here, Douglas himself being a zealous advocate for the new faith, Knox continued to preach the doctrines which had driven him from St Andrews ; and in these doctrines he not only instructed the family with which he lived, but also the people in the neighbourhood, whom he invited to attend his prelections. From the consequences which must infallibly have attended this perseverance in dis- seminating principles so inimical to the church, Knox was only saved by the death of cardinal Beaton, who was assassinated in the castle of St Andrews, on the 29th of May, 1546. Though, by the death of Beaton, Knox probably escaped the utmost severities which prelacy could inflict ; he yet did not escape all visitation from its wrath. John Hamilton, the successor of Beaton, sought his destruction with as much eagerness as his predecessor had done, compelling him to flee from place to place, 328 JOHN KNOX. and to seek his safety in concealment. Apprehensive of falling at last into the hands of his enemies, he, after having led a vagrant and miserable life for many months, at length sought an asylum in the castle of St Andrews, which had been in the possession of the cardinal's assassins since the period of his death, and which they had held out against repeated attempts of the earl of Arran, then regent of Scotland, to take it. Knox entered the castle of St Andrews at the time of Easter, 1 547. This step he had been prevailed upon to take by two of his warmest friends, the lairds of Langniddrie and Ormiston, at a time Avhen he had himself determined to retire to Germany. The circumstance of Knox's having taken shelter, on this occasion, with the assassins of Beaton, has given rise to reflections on his character, involving charges of the most serious nature. Some of them are Avholly unfounded, others unreasonable. He has been accused of being one of the conspirators who pro- jected the death of Beaton ; which is totally unsupported by any evidence, and must, therefore, in common justice, be utterly rejected. He has been said to have made himself accessory to the crime of the cardinal's murder by taking shelter amongst those by whom it was perpetrated; a most unreasonable and unwarrantable conclusion. His own life was in imminent danger, and he natu- rally sought shelter where it was most likely to be found, without reference to place or circumstances, and we cannot see by what reasoning he could be reduced to the dilemma of either sacrificing his own life or submitting to be accused as an accessory to murder ; the one consequence threatening him by his remaining at large, the other by his flying to a place of refuge. He has been accused of vindicating the deed in his writings. This length he certainly has gone ; but, considering all the circumstances connected with it, such vindication on the part of Knox is not much to be wondered at, nor is it calculated to excite much reasonable prejudice against him. Beaton eagerly sought his life ; he was his personal enemy, and a relentless and cruel enemy to all who were of the same faith. If, therefore, we are called upon to disapprove of Knox's justification of the death of Beaton, we should at the same time be permitted to remark, that it was an event which he had but little reason to regret. After entering the castle of St Andrews, Knox resumed his duties as a teacher, and proceeded to instruct his pupils as before. He also resumed his lectures on the Scriptures, and regularly catechised his hearei's in the parish church of the city. Hitherto Knox's appearances as a disciple and teacher of the reformed doctrines had been rather of a private character, or at least only before select audiences, such as his own class of pupils, or a few neighbours congregated together as at Langniddrie. He was now, however, about to come forward in a more public, or at least more formal capacity. At the time that he sought refuge in the castle of St Andrews, there were three persons of note there, all zealous reformers, who had also fled to it as a sanctuary. These were Sir David Lind- say of the Mount, Henry Balnaves of Hallhill, and John Rough, a celebrated reformed preacher, and who was at this moment publicly preaching in St Andrews. These persons were so much struck with Knox's talents and his man- ner of instructing his pupils, that they earnestly exhorted him to come publicly forward as a preacher of the reformed doctrines. This, however, Knox declined ; not from any unwillingness to expose himself to the dangers which then attended the discharge of such a duty, nor from any reluctance to devote himself to the great cause which he had espoused, and of which he was afterwards so singular a promoter ; but from a feeling of diffidence in his own powers, and a deep sense of the awful importance of the charge to which he was invited ; he besides enter- tained some scruples as to the regularity of the call which was now made upon him, and with a conscientiousness and feeling of delicacy which became bis JOHN KNOX. 329 religious professions, expressed a fear that his coming forward as a preacher, on the summons of only two or three individuals, might be deemed an intrusion into the sacred office of the ministry. Bent on their object, however, the three persons above named, without Knox's knowledge, consulted with the members of the church in which Rough preached, and the result was the fixing of a certain day when Knox should, in the name and in the face of the whole congregation, be called upon by the mouth of their preacher to accept the office of the ministry. On the day appointed, and while Knox was yet wholly unaware of what was to take place, Rough, after preaching a sermon on the election of ministers, in which he maintained the right of a congregation, however small its numbei-s, to elect its own pastor ; and he farther maintained, that it was sinful to refuse to obey such a call -when made : then suddenly turning to Knox — " Brother," he said, " you shall not be offended although I speak unto you that which I have in charge, even from all those that are here present, which is this, — In the name of God and of his Son Jesus Christ, and in the name of all that presently call you by my mouth, I charge you that you refuse not this holy vocation, but, as you tender the glory of God, the increase of Christ's kingdom, the edification of your brethren, and the comfort of me, whom you understand well enough to be oppressed by the multitude of labours, that you take the public office and charge of preaching, even as you look to avoid God's heavy displeasure, and desire that he shall multiply his graces unto you." Turning now to the congregation, " Was not this your charge unto me?" he said, M and do ye not approve this vocation ?" — " It was, and we approve it," was the reply. Deeply impressed with the circumstance, Knox made an attempt to address the audience, but his feelings overcame him ; he burst into tears, and rushed out of the church. Though not without the hesitation and the doubts and fears of an ingenuous and religious mind, Knox accepted the charge thus solemnly and strikingly imposed upon him, and on an appointed day appeared in the pulpit. On this occasion, a highly interesting one, as being the first public appearance of the great reformer as a preacher of the gospel, he gave out the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth verses of the seventh chapter of Daniel, a choice which shows the great changes which he already anticipated in the religious establishments of the land, and the confidence with which he looked forward to the result of the contest now begun with the church of Rome. The sermon which he preached on this occasion subjected him to the high displeasure of the church dignitaries ; he and Rough were summoned before a convention of learned men to answer for the heretical doctrines which they entertained and promulgated. In the controversy which took place in this assembly between Knox and the pei'son appointed to dispute with him, a grey friar of the name of Arbukill, on the various points at issue, the former so utterly discomfited his opponent, and so strongly established his own positions, that the Romish clergy, resigning all hopes of maintaining their ground, either by scriptural appeals, or by force of reasoning, carefully avoided for the future all such exhibitions of public disputation. The castle of St Andrews, in which Knox still found refuge, was soon after this, June, 1547, besieged by a French fleet, which had been despatched from France to assist the governor in its re- duction ; and after a stout resistance of several weeks' duration, the garrison was compelled to capitulate, and all within it were made prisoners of war. Knox and all the others who were taken with him were carried on board the French ships, which soon afterwards proceeded with them to France. On their arrival there the greater part of them were distributed throughout different prisons; but Knox, with two or three others, were detained onboard the gal- leys in the Loire during the whole of the succeeding winter. His confinement 330 JOHN KNOX. on ship-board altogether extended to nineteen months. At the end of that long period his liberation took place ; but how it was effected is not certainly known. On obtaining his liberty, Knox immediately proceeded to England, where the Reformation was making considerable progress, under the auspices of arch- bishop Cranmer, and other powerful persons in that kingdom. Knox's reputa- tion as a preacher and zealous reformer was already well known to Cranmer and his colleagues, who were not long in finding him suitable employment. He was despatched by the privy council to Berwick to preach the reformed doc- trines, and was allowed a salary for his maintenance. Here he remained for two years, daily strengthening the great cause in which he was embarked, and weakening that of its opponents. During this period too, great numbers were converted by his powerful reasoning and impressive eloquence ; nor were the good effects of his ministry confined to the effecting a beneficial change in the religious sentiments of his hearers ; their morals and manners were also greatly improved by the force of his example, and the striking truths exhibited in his precepts. While in Berwick, Knox was involved in another controversy or public disputation similar to that in which he had been engaged in St Andrews. The scene on this occasion was Newcastle, whither he had been summoned by the bishop of Durham to appear before an assembly of the learned men of his cathedral, to discuss the doctrines which he taught. These Knox defended with his usual ability, and with his usual success. He retired triumphant from the debate, leaving his opponents silenced and confounded by the ingenuity and strength of his arguments, and the fervour and energy of his eloquence. His reputation was now daily spreading wider and wider, and so highly did the privy council appreciate the value of his services, that they conferred on him in December, 1551, a singular mark of their approbation, by appointing him one of the king's chaplains. While residing in Berwick, Knox formed an ac- quaintance with a young lady of the name of Marjory Bowes. This lady after- wards became his wife, but without the consent of her father, who could never be induced to approve of the connexion. He, however, had a warm friend in the young lady's mother, who not only gave her sanction to the marriage of her daughter, but used every effort, though without effect, to reconcile her husband to the union. Family pride, together with some differences of opinion in reli- gious matters, are supposed to have been the cause of Mr Bowes's objection to accept the reformer as a son-in-law. As a natural result, the malevolence of Knox's enemies, those who adhered to popery, kept pace with the success which attended his efforts against the Romish church. They narrowly watched his every word and action, and at length laying hold of some expressions of a poli- tical nature which they conceived might be employed to his prejudice, they de- nounced him to the privy council. In consequence of this charge, which was supported by the duke of Northumberland, who entertained a personal dislike to Knox, he was summoned up to London. The result, however, was in the highest degree favourable to him. He not only convinced the council of the uprightness of his intentions and the malice of his accusers, but succeeded in gaining a yet greater degree of favour with that body than he had before en- ioyed. He was appointed to preach to the court, and gave such satisfaction in the discharge of this duty, that the privy council determined to invite him to preach in London and the southern counties during the following year. They offered him the living of All Hallows in the city. He, however, declined the ap- pointment, as also that of a bishopric, which was soon afterwards tendered him at the special request of the king, by whom he Mas much esteemed. These splendid offers of promotion he refused for conscience' sake, — there being several JOHN KNOX. 331 things connected with the English ecclesiastical establishment repugnant to the faith which he had adopted ; such as the reading of homilies, the chanting of matins and even-song, the prevalence of pluralities, &c In the mean time, the king, Edward VI. who had evinced so much readiness to patronize our reformer, died, and was succeeded by one of the most sanguin- ary and relentless enemies which the reformed religion had, during any period, to contend with. This was Mary. The accession of this princess to the throne totally altered Knox's situation and his views. Her bigotry and persecution soon made England unsafe for him to live in. Finding his danger becoming daily more and more imminent, he at length came to the resolution, though not without much reluctance, of retiring to the continent; and making choice of France, proceeded to Dieppe in that kingdom in the year 1554. Here he remained till the latter end of the following year, occasionally visiting Geneva, then the residence of the celebrated Calvin, with whom he formed a close intimacy. At the latter end of the autumn of 1555, Knox returned to Scotland, induced by the temporary favour which the queen dowager, Mary of Lorraine, had extended to the protestants in her dominions. As this favour, however, did not proceed from any feeling of regard for those who had adopted the -new faith, but was employed as a means of checking the clergy who had been averse to the dowager's obtaining the regency of the kingdom, it was of short duration, and lasted only so long as that princess thought it neces- sary to her interests. In the mean time, Knox was zealously and industriously employed in disseminating the doctrines of the reformed religion. He went from place to place preaching the gospel, and gradually increasing the number of his disciples, amongst whom he was soon able to reckon some of the first persons in the kingdom. While thus employed, he received an invitation from an English congregation at Geneva to become their pastor. With this invita- tion he thought it his duty to comply, and accordingly proceeded thither in the month of July, 1 556. He was on this occasion accompanied by his wife and mother-in-law, the husband of the latter being now dead. On learning that he had left Scotland, the clergy there proceeded to evince those feelings regarding him which they had not dared to avow, or at least to act upon, while he was present. Knowing that he could not appear, they summoned him before them, passed sentence against him in absence, adjudging his body to the flames, and his soul to damnation. The first part of the sentence they made a show of car- rying into effect, by causing his effigy to be burned at the cross of Edinburgh. On reaching Geneva, he immediately took charge of his congregation, and spent the two following years in promoting their spiritual interests. This was perhaps the happiest period of Knox's life. He lived upon the most affectionate footing with the members of his church, by all of whom he was greatly beloved. He enjoyed the society and friendship of Calvin, and the other ministers of the city ; and to complete his felicity, he lived in the bosom of his own family, a happiness of which he had hitherto had but a small share. No degree of en- joyment, however, or of earthly felicity, could wean him from the desire of pro- moting the Reformation in his native country; to this he continued to look forward with unabated eagerness, and only waited for more favourable times to gratify this ruling passion of his life. When he had been about two years in Geneva, the long-cherished wishes of our reformer to exercise his ministry in his native land, seemed about to be realized. Two persons, citizens of Edinburgh, the one named James Syme, the other James Barron, arrived in Geneva with a letter signed by the earl of Glen- cairn, the lords Lorn and Erskine, and lord James Stewart, an illegimate son of James V., and afterwards earl of Murray, inviting him to return to Scotland. 332 JOHN KNOX. Knox immediately obeyed the call, and had proceeded as far as Dieppe on his way to Scotland, when he received letters from the latter country containing the most discouraging- accounts of the state of the kingdom and of the protestant in- terest there. Grieved and disappointed beyond expression, he again returned to Geneva, where he remained for another year. During this period he assisted in making a new translation of the Bible into English, and also published his " Letter to the Queen Regent," his " Appellation and Exhortation," and " The first Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous Regiment of Women." Mat- ters having at length taken a more favourable turn in Scotland, the protestant lords sent a second invitation to Knox to join them, accompanied by the grati- fying intelligence that the queen-regent had promised them her countenance and protection. He placed little reliance on these promises, but he readily obeyed the call of his friends to return to his native country. He sailed from Dieppe on the 22nd of April, and arrived safely in Leith on the 2nd of May, 1559. The distrust which Knox entertained of the good faith of the queen-regent was not without sufficient cause. By the time he arrived, that artful but able princess, conceiving that she had no longer any occasion for assistance from the protestants, not only gave them to understand that they had nothing more to hope from hex*, but openly avowed her determination to sup- press the Reformation by every means in her power, and to employ force for that purpose if it should be found necessary. In this spirit she authorized archbishop Hamilton to summon the reformed preachers before him in St Andrews to answer for their conduct, giving him at the same time, a similar assurance of protection and support with that which she had a short while before given to the protestants. A threat, however, having been conveyed to her that the preachers would not go unattended to the im- pending trial, she deemed it prudent to prorogue it until she should be in a better state of preparation, and accordingly wrote to the primate to delay any further proceedings in the matter for the time. On the faith of receiving as- sistance from France, which had united with Spain for the extirpation of heresy, she soon after resumed the process against the protestant preachers, and sum- moned them to stand trial at Stirling. Thither Knox, though he had been pro* claimed an outlaw and a rebel, by virtue of the sentence formerly pronounced against him, determined to repair to assist his brethren in their defence, and to share the dangers to which they might be exposed. The artifice of the queen-regent, however, deprived him of the opportunity of carrying this generous resolution into effect. The preachers in their progress to Stirling, were attended by large bodies of people, who had determined to abide by them during the impending trial. Unwilling, however, to give the queen-regent any offence by approaching her in such numbers, they halted at Perth, and sent Erskine of Dun before them to Stirling to assure her that they meditated no violence nor entertained any but the most peaceable intentions. Not reconciled, however, by this representation to the approach of so great a multitude, she had recourse to dissimulation to prevent their coming nearer. She informed Erskine, that she would stop the trial, if he would prevail upon his brethren to desist from their journey. Unsuspicious of the deception she intended to practise, Erskine was persuaded to write to the assembled protes- tants, requesting them to proceed no further, and intimating that he was author- ized by the queen to promise them that no trial of their preachers should take place. Rejoiced by these very welcome and very unexpected overtures, they in- stantly complied with the regent's request, and the greater part of them returned to their homes. When the appointed day of trial came, however, the summonses of the preachers were called in court by the express orders of the queen. They JOHN KNOX. 333 were outlawed for non-appearance, and all persons prohibited under pain of re- bellion from harbouring or assisting them. When this infamous proceeding took place, Knox was with the rest of his brethren at Perth, where he had preached a sermon against idolatry and the celebration of mass, on the very day on which intelligence reached that place of what had occurred at Stirling. On the conclusion of the sermon, a priest who was present had the impudence to uncover an altar-piece on which were some images, and prepared to cele- brate mass, regardless of the excited state of the public feeling, which had just been roused by the eloquence of Knox, and armed, as it were, for violence by the duplicity of the regent. Under these circumstances little was required to bring on a crisis, and that little was not long wanting. A boy having uttered some disrespectful expressions, was instantly struck by the hot-headed priest. The boy retaliated by throwing a stone, which, missing his assailant, for whom it was intended, struck the altar and broke one of the images. This fired the train. In an instant all the interior decorations of the church were torn down and destroyed, altar and images were overturned and trampled under foot ; a mob collected outside, but finding the work of destruction already completed here, they pi'oceeded to the monasteries, which they in a short time laid in ruins. This was the first ebullition of popular feeling connected with the Refor- mation, and Knox has been accused of having been the cause of it. If he was, he certainly was so unconsciously and innocently, for he reprobated the violence which had taken place, and in speaking of it, says it was perpetrated by " the rascal multitude," — language sufficiently indicative of the light in which he viewed it. The protestant lords, finding now that they had not only nothing more to hope for from the queen, but that she was their declared enemy, deter- mined to make a vigorous effort to establish the reformed religion without either her assistance or consent. They proceeded to ascertain the numbers of their friends, established a correspondence with them, and united the whole by pro- curing their subscriptions to a religious covenant, copies of which they despatched for that purpose to different districts throughout the country. These thus united were distinguished by the name of The Congregation, and the noblemen who were included by that of tlte Lords of the Congregation. The latter, still desirous of accomplishing their purpose rather by the force of reasoning than by the sword, engaged Knox to meet them on a certain day at St Andrews, where they proposed he should deliver a series of sermons. On his way to St Andrews he preached at Anstruther and Crail, and arrived at the first named place on the 9th of June. Here occurred a striking instance of that personal intrepidity for which the great reformer was so remarkable. The archbishop, informed of his design to preach in his cathedral, assembled an armed force, and sent word to Knox, that if he appeared in the pulpit, he would order the soldiers to fire upon him. Alarmed for his safety, Knox's friends endeavoured to dissuade him from preaching, but in vain. " He could take God to witness," he said, " that he never preached in contempt of any man, nor with the design of hurting an earthly creature ; but to delay to preach next day, unless forcibly hindered, he could not in conscience agree. As for the fear of danger that may come to me," he con- tinued, " let no man be solicitous, for my life is in the custody of him whose glory I seek. I desire the hand nor weapon of no man to defend me." Knox accordingly appeared in the pulpit at the appointed time, and preached to a numerous assembly, without experiencing any interruption ; but although the threatened attempt upon his life was not made, he retains a full claim to all the courage which a contempt and defiance of that threat implies. On this occasion he preached for three successive days ; and such was the ef- 334 JOHN KNOX. feet of Lis eloquence and the influence of his doctrine, that both the inhabitants and the civil authorities agreed to set up the reformed worship in the town. The monasteries were demolished and the church stripped of all images and pic- tures. The example of St Andrews was soon after followed in many other parts of the kingdom. At the latter end of the month, Knox arrived with the forces of the Congregation in Edinburgh, and on the same day on which he entered the city, he preached in St Giles's, next day in the Abbey church, and on the 7th of July, the inhabitants met in the tolbooth, and appointed him their minister, there being then only one place of worship in Edinburgh, viz. St Giles's church. In this charge, however, he was not long permitted to remain. The forces of the regent soon after obtained possession of the city ; and, although against his own inclination, his friends prevailed upon him to retire from the town. On leaving'Edinburgh, he undertook a tour of preaching through the kingdom ; and in less than two months had gone over the greater part of it, disseminating with the most powerful effect the doctrines of the reformed reli- gion. He next retired to St Andrews, where he officiated as minister for several months ; and on the conclusion of the civil war, which the determination of the Congregation to establish* the reformed religion and the regent's efforts to sup- press it, had created, he returned to Edinburgh. In 1560, after an arduous struggle and many vicissitudes, the faith for which Knox had fought such a " good fight," seemed to be securely established in the land. The queen- regent was dead, and by the assistance of England, an assistance which Knox had been the chief instrument in procuring, the arms of the forces of the Congregation were com- pletely triumphant. The accession, however, of Mary, who was known to be strongly attached to popery, to the actual government, again excited the fears of the protestants, and of no one more than Knox, who insisted that the invitation sent to France to that princess to ascend the throne of her ancestors should be accompanied by the stipulation, that she should desist from the celebration of mass ; and when the rest of the council urged that she ought to be allowed that liberty within her own chapel, he predicted that " her liberty would be their thraldom." A few days after the queen's arrival at Holyrood she sent for Knox, and taxed him with holding political opinions at once dangerous to her authority and the peace of her realm, and with teaching a religion different from that al- lowed by its princes. Knox entered at great length into these subjects, defend- ing himself and his doctrines with his usual ability and boldness. His language, at no time very courtly, is said to have been so harsh in some instances on this occasion as to drive the young queen to tears ; but whether this, if true, ought to be considered as a proof of the severity of his expressions, or of the queen's irritability of temper, is questionable, since it is probable that she may have wept without sufficient cause. The arrival of the dinner hour broke off this in- teresting interview, and Knox retired from the presence with some expressions of good wishes for the queen's happiness. Frequent conferences of a similar nature with this took place afterwards between the reformer and Mary, but with little increase of regard on either side. On one of these occasions, when he had spoken with even more than his usual boldness, and just as he was about to retire, he overheard some of the queen's popish attendants say, " He is not afraid." — " Why should the pleasing face of a gentlewoman frighten me f replied the stout reformer, turning round upon them ; " I have looked in the faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid beyond measure." Knox's min- isterial duties were in the mean time exceedingly laborious. His charge, as al- ready mentioned, was St Giles's church, where he had discharged these duties 6ince the year 1560. He preached twice every Sabbath, and thrice on other JOHN KNOX. 335 days of the week, besides meeting regularly with his kirk-session once every week for discipline, and with others for exercises on the Scriptures. Eesides all this, he regularly attended all the meetings of the general assembly and the provincial synod ; and at almost every meeting of the former, a mission to visit and preach in some distant part of the country was imposed upon him. With the view of relieving him of part of these overwhelming labours, the town coun- cil, in April, 1562, solicited John Craig, minister of Canongate, to undertake the half of his charge. From the difficulty, however, of obtaining an additional stipend, Knox remained without assistance till June in the following year. Ife has been already said that many interviews took place from time to time be- tween the queen and Knox ; these were still occasionally occurring ; but their only effect was to increase her dread and dislike of the reformer ; and although some instances occurred in which there was something like an approach to a better understanding, yet on the part of the queen it was never sincere ; and there is little doubt that she longed for an opportunity of getting rid of so troublesome a subject, whom neither her threats nor blandishments could divert for an instant from what he conceived to be the strict path of his duty. Such an opportunity as she desired, or at least such a one as she certainly rejoiced in, seemed now unexpectedly to present itself. Two persons, protestants, were in- dicted to stand trial for having with several others, intruded into the palace during a temporary absence of the queen, for the purpose of interrupting the celebration of certain Roman catholic rites which was about to take place in the chapel of Holyrood. The protestants of Edinburgh, dreading that the queen would proceed to extremities against these men, requested Knox to write circular letters to the principal gentlemen of their persuasion, detailing the cir- cumstances of the case, and inviting their presence on the day of trial. One of these letters falling into the hands of the bishop of Ross, he im- mediately conveyed it to the queen, who again lost no time in laying it before her privy council, by which it was pronounced treasonable, and the writer was soon afterwards indicted to stand trial in Edinburgh for the crime of high treason. The queen presided in person at the trial, and with an ill-judged and ill-timed levity, burst into a fit of laughter, when on taking her seat in court she perceived Knox standing uncovered at the foot of the table. " That man," she said, pointing to the reformer, " had made her weep, and shed never a tear himself: she would now see if she could make him weep." The trial now pro- ceeded, and after the charge against him had been read, Knox entered upon his defence at great length, and with such self-possession, intrepidity, and ability, that although he had several enemies amongst his judges, he was, by a great majority acquitted of the crime of which he had been accused. Alluding to the queen's feelings on this occasion, he says in his History, " That night, (the evening after the trial) was nyther dancing nor fiddling in the court ; for madame was disapoynted of hir purpose, quhilk was to have had John Knox in hir will, be vot of hir nobility." A second attempt on the part of the queen and her husband Darnley to suppress the stern and uncompromising truths, both political and religious, which the reformer continued to proclaim to the world, was soon after made. He had given out a text which gave such of- fence to the stripling king, that on the afternoon of the same day he was taken from his bed and carried before the privy council, who suspended him from his office. As the suspension, however, was limited to the time of their majesties residence in the city, it was but of short duration, as they left Edinbui-gh before the following Sabbath, when Knox resumed his ministry, and delivered his sen- timents with the same boldness as before. This occurrence was soon after fol- lowed by the murder of Rizzio, the queen's secretary ; an event which gave the 336 ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. queen, now at Dunbar, a pretence for raising an army, ostensibly to enable her to resent the indignity which had been shown to her person by the assassins of Riz- zio, and to punish the perpetrator of that deed, but in reality, to overawe the protestants. On the approach of the queen and her forces to Edinburgh, Knox, long since aAvare of the dislike which she entertained towards him, deemed it prudent to leave the city. On this occasion he retired to Kyle, and soon after- wards went to England to visit his two sons, who were there living with some relations of their mother's. Knox returned again to Edinburgh, after an ab- sence of about five or sixth months. During that interval two events had taken place, which entirely ruined the queen's authority in the kingdom, and left him nothing to fear from her personal resentment ; these were the murder of Darn- ley and her marriage with Bothwell. He therefore resumed his charge without interruption, and proceeded to take that active part in the national affairs, both political and religious, which the times required, and for which he was so emi- nently fitted ; and, soon after, had the satisfaction of seeing the protestant reli- gion securely established by the laws of the land, and that of the popish church utterly overthrown by the same authority. In the month of October, 1570, he was struck with apoplexy, and although it only interrupted his preaching for a few days, he never recovered from the debility which it produced. The irritability of the times, and the vindictive spirit of the popish faction, still animating its expiring efforts, placed the life of the great reformer once more in danger, and once more compelled him to seek safety in flight. His enemies endeavoured first to destroy his reputation by the most absurd and un- founded calumnies ; and failing utterly in these, they made an attempt upon his life. A shot was fired in at the window at which he usually sat ; but happening to hi seated at a different part of the table from that which he generally occu- pied, the bullet missed him, but struck the candlestick which was before him, and then lodged in the roof of the apartment. Finding that it was no longer safe for him to remain in Edinburgh, he re- tired to St Andrews, where he continued till the end of August, 1572, when he again returned to Edinburgh. His valuable and active life was now drawing fast to a close. On the 1 1th of the November following he was seized with a cough, which greatly affected his breathing, and on the 24th of the same month expired, after an illness which called forth numerous instances of the magnani- mity of his character, and of the purity and fervour of that religious zeal by which he had been always inspired. He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age, " not so much," says Dr M'Crie, " oppressed with years as worn out and exhausted by his extraordinary labours of body and anxieties of mind." His body was interred in the church-yard of St Giles, on Wednesday the 26th of November, and was attended to the grave by all the nobility who were in the city, and an immense concourse of people. When his body was laid in the grave, the regent, who was also at the funeral, exclaimed in words which have made a strong impression from their aptness and truth, " There lies he who never feared the face of man." LAING, Alexander Gordon, whose name is so mournfully connected with the history of African discovery, was born at Edinburgh on the 27th of De- ALEXANDER GOKIDXG)^ !LADM ■ ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. 337 cember, 1793. His father, William Laing, A.M., was the first who opened an academy for classical education in the new town of the Scottish capital ; where he laboured for thirty-two years, and was one of the most popular teachers of his day. His maternal grand-father, William Gordon, was also a teacher of very considerable note, and is known in the schools as the author of a system of geo- graphy, a treatise on arithmetic, a translation of the first six books of Livy, &c. With such a parentage it might naturally have been supposed, that the subject of this memoir was more likely to have spent his days amid the quiet pursuits of literature, than in the bustle of the camp, and amid the din of arms ; the ap- pearances of his early years seemed to favour the supposition. Under the tuition of his father, young Laing received the elementary education that was necessary to prepare him for the university, and he was enrolled in the Humanity class at the early age of thirteen years. Previous to this he had acquired a very con- siderable knowledge of the Latin language, of which he was passionately fond; and the appearances he made in the class then taught by professor Christison, were of so marked a kind as to secure him the very flattering notice of his pre- ceptor ; he was held up as a model for the imitation of his fellow students, and there were but few who could entertain any hope of excelling him. At the age of fifteen Mr Laing entered on the business of active life, having engaged himself as assistant to Mr Bruce, a teacher in Newcastle. In this situa- tion he remained only six months, when he returned to Edinburgh,"and entered into company with his father, taking charge of the commercial department of the academy, for which his beautiful penmanship and other acquirements singularly qualified him. But the time was fast approaching when the subject of our memoir was to ex- change the ferula for the sword. In 1809, volunteering was very general in Edinburgh, and young Laing attached himself to a corps then forming. In 1810, he was made an ensign in the prince of Wales' volunteers, and from that period the academy had no more charms for him. In his eighteenth year he abandoned the irksome duties of teaching, and set off" for Barbadoes to his ma- ternal uncle, colonel, afterwards lieutenant-general Gordon, through whose kind offices he looked forward to an introduction into the army. At that time colonel Gordon held the office of deputy quarter-master-general in Barbadoes, and on his nephew's arrival he gave him a situation as clerk in his counting house. In this situation Mr Laing repeatedly came in contact with Sir George Beckwith, then at the head of the command of the military on the station, who was so much pleased with the young clerk, and took so deep an interest in his fortunes, as to secure for him unsolicited an ensign's commission in the York light infantry. But we must hurry over the first years of Laing's service in the army, in order that we may have space to detail the more important passages in his his- tory. Having obtained the ensigncy in the York light infantry, he immediate- ly joined his regiment in Antigua ; in two years he was made a lieutenant, and shortly after, on the reduction of the regiment, he was put on half-pay. Dis- satisfied with the inactivity consequent on such a measure, as soon as the neces- sary arrangements could be made, he exchanged into the 2nd West India regi- ment, and proceeded to Jamaica. Here over exertion in consequence of his discharging the duties of quarter-master-general caused him to sutler much from disease of the liver. He retired to Honduras for the recovery of his health, where colonel Arthur, appreciating his excellence as an officer, detained him with another division of the regiment, and appointed him fort major. His distemper, however, which at first seemed to yield in Honduras, returned with increasing violence, and compelled him to seek relief in the air of his native bind, and the sympathies of his relations. in. a r 338 ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. During the eighteen months he remained at home, ihe division of the 2nd West India regiment to which he belonged, was reduced, and he was again put on half-pay. Restored, however, to health, he could not remain inactive. To- wards the end of 1819, he went to London, was sent for by the colonel of his regiment, the late Sir Henry Torrence, received many flattering compliments for his former services, and having been appointed lieutenant and adjutant, he proceeded to Sierra Leone. From the beginning of the year 1822 his history as an African traveller may properly be dated. In January of that year he was despatched by Sir Charles M'Carthy, governor of Sierra Leone, on an important embassy to Kambia and the Mandingo country, where he collected much valuable information regarding the political condition of these districts, their dispositions as to commerce, and their sentiments as to slavery. Having so far achieved the object for vtlrich he set out, he crossed to Malacouri, a Mandingo town, situated on the banks of the river Malageea. There he learned that Saunassee, the chief of the district of Malageea, and a friend of the British government, had been captured by Amara, the king of the Soolimas, and was about to be put to death. Well knowing the unrelenting disposition of Amara, Laing, although labouring under a severe attack of fever and ague, resolved to go to the Soolima camp, and intercede for the life of the unfortunate Sannassee. With this view he crossed the Malageea near its source, and after experienc- ing many difficulties in meeting witb Soolima guards, he at length reached the camp. Having witnessed the feats of warlike exercise, the dancing, and the music exhibited by Soolimas, Bennas, Sangaras, and Tambaccas, he was invited to a palaver with Yarradee, the general of the Soolima army. This officer re* ceived him with much kindness, and with many protestations of friendship. Subsequently he was introduced to, and had a conversation with Amara himself, and having obtained an assurance that Sannassee would not be put to death, he retired to Sierra Leone, where he arrived on the 6th day, exhausted by the fatigues of his journey and continued illness. Scarcely had Laing recovered, when a report at Sierra Leone that his mission had been of no avail, induced the governor to send him on another embassy for the same object. Having once more visited the Soolima camp, he was assured indeed that Sannassee had been set at liberty, but he also learned that his town had been burned, and his property plundered or destroyed. Of this conduct he expressed in the name of his government the most decided reprobation ; and after a journey of six and a half days, during which he had never for a single hour been under shelter, he once more reached Sierra Leone. It was now that lieutenant Laing assumed the character of a volunteer travel- ler. Having been led to believe during the last embassy that the Soolimas were in possession of considerable quantities of gold and ivory, he suggested to the governor the propriety and probable advantages of the colony opening up a commercial intercourse with them ; and the suggestion having been approved of by the council at large, he left Sierra Leone again on the 16th of April, 1822, with the view of furthering such an object, accompanied by two soldiers of the 2nd West India regiment, a native of Foutah Jallow, eleven carriers, natives of the Jolof district, and a boy a native of Sego. When he set out upon this journey little was known of the Soolimas except the name : they were said to be distant from Sierra Leone four hundred milei to the eastward : it afterwards appeared that Falaba, the capital, is only distant two hundred miles. They were represented as a powerful nation, rich in gold and ivory ; but this also turned out not to be the fact. On his arrival at Toma in the country of the Timmanees, our traveller found that no white man had ever been there before him, although the town is situated only sixty miles from Sierra Leone. His appearance, as was to be expected, excited no little astonishment — one woman, in particular, stood fixed like a statue gazing- on the party as they entered the town, and did not stir a muscle till the whole had passed, when she gave a loud halloo of astonishment, and then covered her mouth with both her hands. Of the Timmanees he writes in his journal very unfavourably ; he found them depraved, indolent, avaricious, and so deeply sunk in the debasement of the slave traffic, that the very mothers among them raised a clamour against him for refusing to buy their children. He further accuses them of dishonesty and gross indecency, and altogether wonders that a country so near Sierra Leone, should have gained so little by its proximity to a British settlement. From the country of the Timmanees lieutenant Laing proceeded into that of Kooranko, the first view of which was much more promising — he found the first town into which he entered neat and clean, and the inhabitants bearing all the marks of active industry. It was about sunset when he approached it, and we give in his own language a description of the scene. " Some of the people," says he, " had been engaged in preparing the fields for the crops, others were penning up a few cattle, whose sleek sides denoted the richness of their pastur- ages ; the last clink of the blacksmith's hammer was sounding, the weaver was measuring the cloth he had woven during the day, and the guarange, a worker in leather, was tying up his neatly stained pouches, shoes, and knife-sheaths ; while the crier at the mosques, with the melancholy call of ' Allah Akbar,' summoned the decorous Moslems to their evening devotions." Such were our traveller's first impressions of the Koorankoes ; but their subsequent conduct did not confirm the good opinion he had formed of them. On approaching the hilly country, lieutenant Laing informs us that nothing could be more beautiful or animating than the scene presented to his view, — well clothed rising grounds, cultivated valleys, and meadows smiling with ver- dure ; the people in the different towns were contented and good-humoured, and, in general, received the stranger with very great kindness. In illustration of this he has given us the burden of the song of one of their minstrels : — " The. white man lived on the waters and ate nothing but fish, which made him so thin ; but the black men will give him cows and sheep to eat, and milk to drink, and then he will grow fat." At Komato, the last town of the Koorankoes, on his route, our traveller found a messenger from the king of Soolimana, with horses and carriages to convey him to Falaba, the capital of that nation. Crossing the Rokelle river, about a hundred yards broad, by ropes of twigs suspended from the branches of two immense trees, (a suspension bridge called by the natives Nyankata,) he proceeded to that city ; and having been joined by the king's son at the last town upon this side of it, he entered Falaba under a salute of musketry from 2000 men, who were drawn up in the centre of the town to receive him. Not long after reaching Falaba, lieutenant, now captain Laing (for about this time he was promoted,) was seized with a fever which brought on delirium for several days. While in this state he was cupped by one of the Soolima doctors, and that so effectually as to satisfy him that it was the means of saving his life. The operation differed in no respect from ours, except that the skin was scari- fied by a razor, and the cup was. a small calabash gourd. Our traveller enters, in his journal, into a long detail of the habits and man- ners of the Soolimas, with which he had made himself fully acquainted during his thi-ee months' residence in Falaba. To give even a sliort abstract of this, would be inconsistent with the limits assigned to this memoir. Suffice it to say, 340 ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. that the main object of his mission failed. The king all along promised to send back with him a company of traders ; but when the time of departure arrived, these promises ended in nought. Although within three days' journey of the source of the Niger, he was not permitted to visit that often sought spot, and deep was the grief which the loss of such an opportunity cost him ; by measuring, however, the height of the source of the Rokelle, which he found to be 1441 feet, and by taking into account the height of the mountains in the distance, which gave rise to the Niger, he calculated, (as he himself thought,) Avith a tolera- ble degree of accuracy, that that river which has had so much importance assigned to it, has an elevation at its source of from 1500 to 1600 feet above the level of the Atlantic. We cannot resist quoting here the testimony of an eminent writer in the Edinburgh Journal of Natural and Geographical Science, (June, 1830,) more especially as the measurements of captain Laing have been rather lightly spoken of in the Quarterly Review, (we believe by Mr Barrow :) " Major Laing," says the Edinburgh Journalist, " assigned the position and the elevation above the sea of Mount Loma, from whence the Niger takes its origin : and he first traced on the map the first part of its course towards the north for an extent of about twenty-five leagues." On the 17th of September our traveller quitted Falaba, accompanied by numbers of the natives, who escorted him to a considerable distance, the last to leave him was the king himself. Of his M adieu " the captain speaks in the most affecting terms. On returning, the route of the party was nearly the same as that by which they set out The conclusion of the journey we give, in the traveller's own words, in a note.1 Before our traveller's return, hostilities had commenced between the British government and the king of the Ashantees — the consequence was, that no sooner had he tasted the comforts of a British settlement, than he was ordered to join his regiment on the Gold coast without delay. Having transmitted details to his friend, captain Sabine in London, of the geographical determinations of the latitude, longitude, and elevation of the places he had lately visited, he hastened to obey the order he had received. On his arrival on the Gold coast he was employed in the organization and command of a very considerable native force, designed to be auxiliary to a small British detachment which was then expected from Britain. During the greater part of the year 1823, this native force was stationed on the frontier of the Fantee and Ashantee countries, and was fre- quently engaged, and always successfully, with detachments of the Ashantee army. On one of these occasions the enemy was completely beaten, and the fame of the victory spread over the whole coasts ; in so much, and so effectually, that Sir Charles M'Carthy received the allegiance of most of the Fantee tribes. On another occasion captain Laing made two gallant and successful attacks on a larger division of the enemy ; and entering into the territories of the king of Aju- 1 " We left Ma Koota at six A. M., and after a fatiguing march of twenty- five miles over a vile Timmanec path, we reached Rokon at four P. M., where I rejoined my part}', which had arrived a few hours before. At six I embarked in a canoe, with an intention of pushing direct for Sierra Leone, but perceiving a small boat at anchor oft" the small town of Maherre, I went on shore, and in a few minutes had the gratification of shaking hands with Senor Altavilla, Portuguese commissary judge at Sierra Leone, and captain Stepney of the 2nd West India regiment, who, on hearing of my approach had gone so far on the way to meet me. About midnight we were joined by Mr Kenneth Macauley, when we all embarked in his barge; and proceeding down the river, arrived at Tombo to breakfast, where 1 deprived myself of the decoration of my face, now of seven months' growth, and by the help of some bor- rowed garments effected an alteration in my appearance which was very requisite. Leaving Tombo after breakfast, we proceeded down the Rokelle, on a fine calm morning, and at two P. M. I had the satisfaction of being welcomed by my friends at Sierra Leone, so many of whom, so much esteemed and so highly valued, are now no more.'' ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. 341 macon, who was suspected to be friendly to the Ashantees, he compelled that prince to place his troops under the British command. On the fall of Sir Charles McCarthy, which took place in 1824, lieutenant- colonel Chisholm, on whom the command of the Gold coast devolved, sent the subject of our memoir to England, to acquaint government more fully than could otherwise be done, of the state of the country, and the circumstances of the war. He arrived in England in August, and immediately afterwards obtained a leave of absence to visit Scotland for the recovery of his health, which had been seriously affected by so many months of constant and extreme exposure in Africa. In Scotland, however, he did not continue long. In October he re- turned to London, and an opportunity having unexpectedly presented itself to him, of proceeding under lord Bathurst's auspices, in the discovery of the course and termination of the Niger, an opportunity which he had long and anxiously desired, he gladly embraced it It being arranged, that he should accompany the caravan from Tripoli to Timbuctoo, in the ensuing summer, it became neces- sary that he should depart early in the year from that father land, which, alas! he was destined never to revisit. Our traveller, now promoted to a majority, left London for Tripoli, in the month of February, 1825. While in the latter city he had occasion to have frequent intercourse with the British consul, Mr Warrington ; a close intimacy was formed between them, and the bond was strengthened by the major's mar- rying Emma Maria, the daughter of the consul. This event was celebrated on the I4th of July, 1825 ; and two days after the marriage the major proceeded on his pilgrimage to Timbuctoo. He left Tripoli in company with the sheik Babani, whom he afterwards dis- covered to be no less a personage than the governor of Ghadamis. The sheik engaged to conduct him to Timbuctoo in ten weeks ; the wife and the family of Babani resided there. The travellers proceeded with their kqffila by the route of Beneoleed, the passage by the Gharan mountains being rendered un- safe, in consequence of the turbulence of a rebellious chief in that district. On the 21st of August the party reached Shate, and on the 13th of September, after a tedious and circuitous journey of nearly a thousand miles, they arrived at Ghadamis. Already had the major experienced much to vex and annoy him ; his barometer had been broken ; his hygrometers had been rendered use- less by evaporation ; the tubes of most of his thermometers had been snapt by the warping of the ivory ; his glasses had been dimmed by the friction of the sand ; his chronometer had stopped (in all likelihood from the insinuation of sandy particles) ; and in addition to this lengthened list of mishaps, his rifle stock had been broken by the tread of an elephant. Our traveller left Ghadamis, where he was treated with the utmost kindness and hospitality, on the 27th of October ; and on the 3rd of December he arrived at Ensala, a town on the eastern frontier of the province of Tuat, belonging to the Tuaric, and said to be thirty-five days' journey from Timbuctoo. Here as in Ghadamis, he experienced the kindest reception, and he did all he could to repay it, by administering of his medicines to the diseased. From Ensala he wrote the last letter to his relations in Scotland, which they ever received from him. As it is a document of great interest, and, in some passages, highly characteristic of the writer, we shall present a considerable extract : " Ensala in Tuat, December 8, 1825. " I arrived here in the afternoon of the 2nd instant ; and the curiosity which my appearance among these people has excited, is not yet nearly allayed, insomuch that I am beset during 34:2 ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. nearly the whole day with myriads of wondering spectators, who flock to the house which I inhabit, and stare at me with about as much curiosity as you would at the great liomss in Exeter Change, which whelped three joung lions, and condescended to suckle them hiiMOlf. The natives of this place are of the tribe called Musticarab, and live under no law or control. They do not employ themselves either in trade or cultivation, but, like a set of outlaws, roam about the desert, robbing and plundering kaffilas wherever they can fall in with them. There lias been murderous work among them this year, — more than half a dozen fights of one lund or another, and between two and three hundred slain. I shall quit them, please God, in S(.ven or eight days more, as I accompany a large kailila, which proceeds on the 15th instant towards Tirabuctoo, from which I am now only thirty da}s' journey. Every thing appears to favour me, and to bid fair for a speedy and successful termination to my arduous enterprise. 1 am already possessed of much eurious and valuable information, and feel confident that I shall realize the most sanguine expectations of my numerous friends. Isliall do more than has ever been done before, and shall show myself to be what I have ever con- sidered myself, a man of enterprise and genius. My father used often to accuse me of want of common sense ; but he little thought that I gloried in the accusation. 'Tis true, I never possessed any, nor ever shall. At a very early age, I fell in with an observation of Helvc- tius, which pleased me much, and chimed in with my way of thinking to the tenth part of a second. ' A man of common sense is a man in whose character indolence predominates : he is not endowed with activity of soul, which, in high stations, leads great minds to discover new springs by which they may set the world in motion, or to sow the seeds, from the growth of which they are enabled to produce future events.' I admit that common sense is more necessary for conducting the petty affairs of life than genius or enterprise ; but the man who soars into the regions of speculation should never be hampered by it. Had I been gifted with that quality which the bulk of mankind consider so inestimable, I might now have been a jolly subaltern on half-pay, or perhaps an orthodox preacher in some country kirk, in lieu of dictating this letter to you from the arid regions of central Africa. This is a long rhapsod}-, but j-ou must just bear with it patiently, as it is not every day that you can hear from me. «< 1 hope you have written to my dearest Emma, the most amiable girl that God ever created. She is, indeed, such a being os I had formed in my mind's eyes but had never before seen, and has just as much common sense as has fallen to the lot of your most worthy elder brother." * * * He quitted Ensala on the 10th of January, 1826, and on the 2Gth of the same month entered on the cheerless, flat, and sandy desert of TenezarofE Hitherto neither his enthusiasm nor his health had failed him ; the people had all been friendly and kind to him, the elements only had been his foes ; but in the desert he was to enter on a different course of experience, and bitter assuredly it was. The Tuarics attacked, and plundered, and most cruelly mangled him. The following letter, written by himself, and addressed to his father-in-law, discloses the amount of authentic information concerning this barbarous outrage. „"*. „ BladJSidi Mahomed, May lOtk, IKS My Dear Consul, — I drop you a line only by an uncertain conveyance, to acquaint you that I am recovering from my severe wounds far beyond any calculation that the most sanguine expectation coald hare formed ; and that to-morrow, please God, 1 leave this place for Timbuctoo, which 1 hope to reach on the 18th. I have suffered much, but the detail must be reserved till another period, when I shall " a tale unfold " of treachery and woe that will surprise you. Some im- putation is attachable to the old sheik (Babani); but as he is now no more, 1 shall not accuse him ; he died very suddenl} about a month since. ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. 343 When I write from Timbuctoo, I shall detail precisely how 1 was betrayed, and nearly murdered in my sleep. In the mean time, I shall acquaint you with the number and nature of my wounds, in all amounting to twenty-four ; eighteen of which are exceedingly severe. I have five sabre cuts on the crown of the head, and three on the left temple ; all fractures, from which much bone has come away. One on my left cheek, which fractured the jaw- bone, and has divided the ear, forming a very unsightly wound. One over the right temple, and a dreadful gash on the back of the neck, which slightly scratched the windpipe * &c. I am, nevertheless, as already I have said, doing well, and hope yet to return to England with much important geographical information. The map indeed requires much correction, and please God, I shall yet do much in addition to what I have already done towards putting it right. It Avould .appear from this letter, that the major intended on the day after he wrote it, to set out for Timbuctoo. The intention, however, was frustrated. Tiie illness, and subsequent death of Sidi Mahomed Mooktar, the marabout and sheik of the place, together with a severe attack of fever in his own person, detained him for two months longer. By this distemper he lost also his favourite servant Jack, to whom he was much attached. We can easily enter into his feelings when, writing again on the 1st of July to his father-in-law, he concludes the epistle by saying, " I am now the only surviving member of the mission." On the 1 8th of August he arrived at Timbuctoo, and from the following let- ter, which he left behind him there, which was afterwards forwarded to Tripoli by the nephew of Babani, and is the last that any of his relations ever re- ceived from him, we learn only enough to deepen our regret that he should have perished in the hour of success, and that his valuable papers should have been lost to the world. " Timbuctoo, \ September 21, 1826. " My Dear Consul : — A very short epistle must serve to apprise you, as well as my dearest Emma, of my arrival at and departure from the great capital of central Africa; the former of which events took place on the 18th ultimo, the latter, please God, will take place at an early hour to-morrow morning. I have abandoned all thoughts of retracing my steps to Tripoli, and came here with an intention of proceeding to Jenne by water ; but this intention has been entirely upset, and my situation in Timbuctoo rendered exceedingly unsafe by the unfriendly dispositions of the Foulahs of Massina, who have this year upset the dominion of the Tuaric, and made themselves patrons of Timbuctoo, and whose sultan, Bello, has ex- pressed his hostility to me in no unequivocal terms, in a letter which Al Saidi Boubokar, the sheik of this town received from him a few days after my arrival. He has now got intelli- gence of my arrival in Timbuctoo, and as a party of Foulahs are hourly expected, Al Saidi Boubokar, who is an excellent good man, and who trembles for my safety, has strongly urged my immediate departure. And I am sorry to say, that the notice has been so short, and I have so much to do previous to going away, that this is the only communication I shall for the present be able to make. My destination is Sego, whither I hope to arrive in fifteen days ; but I regret to say that the road is a vile one, and my perils are not yet at an end ; but my trust is God, who has hitherto borne me up amidst the severest trials, and protected me amidst the numerous dangers to which I have been exposed. " I have no time to give you any account of Timbuctoo, but shall briefly state, that in every respect, except in size, (which does not exceed four miles in circumference), it has complete- ly met my expectations. Kabra is only five miles distant, and is a neat town situated on the margin of the river. I have been busily employed during my stay, searching the records in the town, which are abundant, and in acquiring information of every kind ; nor is it with * It should be the Spine. f In this letter the major always spells the name of the capital Tinbuclu. 344 ALEXANDER GORDON LAING. any common degree of satisfaction that I say my perseverance has been amply rewarded. I am now convinced that my hypothesis concerning the termination of the Niger is correct. "May God bless you all! I shall write you fully from Sego, as also my lord Bathurst, and I rather apprehend that both letters will reach you at one time, as none of the Ghadamis merchants leave Timbuctoo for two months to come. Again may God bless you all 1 My dear Emma must excuse my writing. I have begun a hundred letters to her, but have been unable to get through one. She is ever uppermost in my thoughts, and I look forward with delight to the hour of our meeting, which, please God, is now at no great distance." The following abstract of the testimony of Bungola the major's servant, when examined by the British consul, gives the catastrophe of this melancholy story : When asked if he had been with the major at Mooktar's, he answered, Yes. Did you accompany him from thence to Timbuctoo 1 Yes. How was he received at Timbuctoo ? Well. How long did he remain at Timbuctoo ? About two months. Did you leave Timbuctoo with major Laing ? Yes. Who went with you ? A koffle of Arabs. In what direction did you go 1 The sun was on my right cheek. Did you know where you were going ? To Sansanding. Did you see any water, and were you molested ? We saw no water, nor were we molested till the third day, when the Arabs of the country attacked and killed my master. Was any one killed beside jour master 1 I was wounded, but cannot say if any were killed. Were you sleeping near your master ? Yes. How many wounds had your master ? I cannot say, they were all with swords, and in the morning I saw the head'had been cut ofl". Did the person who had charge of jour master commit the murder ? Sheik Boura- boushi, who accompanied the reis, killed him. What did the sheik then do 1 He went on to his country ; an Arab took me back to Tim- buctoo. What property had jour master when he was killed ? Two camels; one carried the pro- vision, the other carried my master and his bags. Where were j our master's papers 1 In his^bag. Were the papers brought back to Timbuctoo ? I donrt know. Thus perished, a few days after the 21st of September, 1826, by the hand of an assassin, one of the most determined, enthusiastic, and thoroughly accom- plished of those daring spirits who have periled their lives in the cause of African discovery. The resolution of the unfortunate Laing was of no ordinary kind ; his mother has told the writer of this article, that years before he entered on his last and fatal expedition, in providing against hardships and contingencies, he had accustomed himself to sleep on the hard floor, and to write with the left hand ; yea more, with the pen between the first and second toes of the right foot. It is melancholy to think that he should have perished unrequited by that fame for which he sacrificed so much, and undelivered of that tale of the capital of central Africa, which he had qualified himself so well to tell. In any circum- stances the death of such a man had been lamentable ; but it seems the more so, inasmuch as the result of his successful enterprise is likely for ever to be unavailing for the benefit of the living. Many years have elapsed since bis melancholy murder, and there seems not the shadow of a hope that his papers will ever be recovered. But we cannot conclude this memoir without adding a few sentences regarding MALCOLM LAING. 345 these important documents. Facts which were established at Tripoli during the year 1829, and established to the entire satisfaction of the consuls of Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Sardinia, develope a system of treach- ery and plunder regarding the major and his property, which almost amounts to the incredible. It seems to have been fully made out, that the very guide (Babani,) who set out with the traveller from Tripoli, Mas under the secret direction of Hassunah D' Glues, son of the prime minister of the Tripolitan bashaw, and the conspirator against the major's life — that by his (D' Glues') instructions the ferocious Bourabouschi, the eventual murderer, was appointed to be the conductor of the major from Timbuctoo, and that into his (D'Ghies') hands the major's papers (fourteen inches long by seven thick,) were put by another of his emissaries shortly after the murder. In short, it was afterwards fully ascertained that this packet was secreted in Tripoli in the month of July or August, 1828. The most amazing part of the tale of treachery yet remains to be told. It would further appear that the documents referred to were given by D' Ghies to the French consul at Tripoli, the baron de Rosseau, and that during the greater part of the major's journey this official from France had been in secret corre- spondence with the conspirators — that he exerted himself in securing the flight of Hassunah D' Ghies after the treachery had been discovered, and gave protec- tion to, and tampered with his brother Mohamed, who made the disclosure. It were out of place, in this memoir, to detail the strong chain of evidence by which these allegations are supported. A masterly summary of it will be found in the Quarterly Review, No. 84. Suffice it to say, that neither M. Ros- seau nor the French government did anything to acquit themselves of the fearful charge there preferred agaiust them. Till removed, it must stand a foul blot upon their national honour. LAING, Malcolm, a lawyer and distinguished constitutional historian, was born in the year 1762, at Strynzia, his paternal estate, situated on the main-land of Orkney. He received the rudiments of his education at the humble but re- spectable grammar school of Kirkwall ; a seminary which is generally attended by about a hundred boys, the sons of the neighbouring proprietors and farmers. When he had reached the proper age, he was sent to the university of Edin- burgh, then superintended and attended by men of great talent. Along with many of the latter class, he joined in the establishment of the Speculative So- ciety, an institution whose subjects of discussion were perhaps to a certain extent guided by his peculiar tastes, and certainly coincided remarkably with those in which he afterwards distinguished himself. In 1785, he passed as a Scottish advocate : we do not know whether he had any predilection for the practice of the law, or whether he made choice of the profession, for the mere respectability of the title, and the opportunity it might afford of attracting notice as a politician ; but assuredly, notwithstanding his very high talents in general, and his peculiarly great powers as a reasonev or special pleader, he never was much employed, or known as a distinguished prac- tising barrister. It will scarcely account sufficiently for this circumstance, that the manner in which he delivered his powerful arguments was neither majestic .nor pleasing, that " his speeches were uttered with an almost preternatural rapidity, and in harsh and disagreeable tones." If he could speak and compose with facility — and in parliament he was considered an able speaker — such ar- guments as he might have used did not require the extraneous assistance of man- ner, even for a jury ; while almost the whole pleading in Scotland at that period was addressed to the judges, from whose well-practised intellects, reason and powerful argument only could find attention. Laing has shown in his writings 34:6 MALCOLM LAIXG. a minute knowledge of all brandies of Scottish law : he voluntarily acted the part of a lawyer, in historical subjects, in a manner which lias called forth the highest praise to his merely forensic talents ; and it may, on the whole, be safely concluded, that the limited extent of his practice at the bar must be attributed more to his choice than to his talent. The first fruit of 3Ir Laing's laborious constitutional investigations, was the preparing for the press the last volume of Dr Henry's History of Great Britain in 1793, after that author's death. The matter collected by Henry did not extend to a period at which the work could be terminated, and Laing was requested by his executors to write two terminat- ing chapters, to which he annexed a dissertation on the alleged crimes of Richard HI. The labours of the two authors could not be very aptly united, and many consider Laing as a fierce liberalist, whose doctrines appeared harsh and prejudiced, when compared to the calm narrative of Henry. The authors were indeed extremely dissimilar, but we must pause before we decide in favour of the former. Henry was a man of tame mind and tolerable good sense ; but if he appeared calm and moderate in his historical opinions, he was so, in the very safe and reputable cause of despotism, in which he insconced himself as an impregnable fortress, which it did not require much skill to defend. Laing, on the other hand was a man of strong judgment and profound speculation ; and if he was violently argumentative in support of the opinions he had adopted, he was so, not as a man who is determined to maintain a given point because he nas chosen it, and is personally interested in its being shown to be true ; but as one who had considered the matter accurately, had submitted it to the arbitra- tion of his strong judgment, and was resolved to crush those prejudices which prevented others from seeing it as it appeared to himself. It is the height of all prejudice to blame an historian for his opinions ; but many have deserved to be censured severely for twisting facts to support opinions, instead of bending opinions to accommodate them to facts. It was the object of Laing to dis- cover the truth. Perhaps prepossession in favour of the line of principles he had adopted may have, therefore, prompted him to derive improper deductions from the facts which he produced ; but his strongest political opponents have never a > cused him of perverting facts. Laing is said likewise to have composed the me- moir of Henry which accompanied the History ; but it certainly does not dis- play his usual energy of style. Whatever defects some may have discovered in the continuation of Henry's History, the critical world in general saw its merit, and bestowed the countenance of its approbation. The author thus en- couraged to new historical labours, looked towards his native country, and in 1800, he published " The History of Scotland, from the union of the crowns, on the accession of king James VI. to the throne of England, to the union of the kingdoms, in the reign of queen Anne. With two dissertations, historical and critical, on the Gowry Conspiracy, and on the supposed authenticity of Oman's Poems." As in the previous case, his book was very dissimilar to that of the person of whose labours his were a continuation — Dr Robertson. Of the flow- ing academical ease of that author it is very destitute. It cannot be called either inelegant or harsh, but it is complicated ; and by being laboured to contain much meaning, is occasionally obscure. There is much in the profundity of the remarks and reflections which Dr Robertson could not have reached ; but the chief merit lies in the display of critical power on matters of evidence, in which he displays all the acumen of the practised lawyer, and the close observer of human nature. From this peculiar merit, the separate dissertations, contain- ing nothing but special pleadings, are the most useful and admirable parts of the book. In all parts of the work, the author's ruling spirit has prompted him to search for debated facts, few of which he has left without some sort of settlement MALCOLM LAING. 347 of the point. He has treated in this manner many points of English history, among which is the celebrated question of the author of Eikon Basilike, con- cerning which he has fully proved, that whatever share Charles may have had in the suggestion or partial composition, Gauden was the person who prepared the work for the press. Mr Laing appears to have enjoyed a peculiar pleasure in putting local and personal prejudices at defiance, and exulting in the exercise of strong reasoning powers, he has not hesitated to attack all that is peculiarly sacred to the feelings of his countrymen ; a characteristic strikingly displayed in his dissertation on the authenticity of Ossian's Poems. These productions required no depth of argument, or minute investigation of facts, to support their authenticity in the feelings of an enthusiastic people : and those who did not believe them, had not troubled themselves with calmly meeting what they con- sidered unconquerable prejudices. Laing may, therefore, be considered as the first person who examined the pretensions of Macpherson on the broad ground of an investigation into facts. The arguments in this dissertation may be considered as of three sorts : the first, a logical examination of the arguments and proofs adduced, or supposed to be adduced, in favour of the authenticity of the poems, which, as the author has only sceptical arguments to produce, is the least interesting and satisfactory part of the investigation. The second body of arguments is drawn from con- temporary documents and chronological facts, — a portion of the subject in which the author showed his vast reading, and his power of clearly distinguishing truth from falsehood, constituting a body of evidence which finally demolished any claim on the part of " the Poems of Ossian " as authentic translations of the productions of a Highland bard of the fourth century. The third part of our division, containing an examination of the internal evidence drawn from the poems themselves, if not the most conclusive part of the examination, is certain- ly that which gives us the strongest idea of the author's critical ingenuity, and his powers as a special pleader. He produces terms and ideas which could not be presumed to have entered into the minds of the early inhabitants of Pritain, from their never having encountered the circumstances which legitimately rouse them, such as the idea attached to the term " desert," which cannot be a part of speech with men who inhabit a wild and thinly peopled country, and can only be comprehended by those who are accustomed to see or hear of vast barren tracts of country, as opposed to cities, or thickly peopled districts. He produces similes, and trains of ideas derived, or plagiarised from the Writings of other authors, particularly from Virgil, Milton, Thomson, and the Psalms ; and finally, he enters into a curious comparison between the method of arranging the terms and ideas in the Poems of Ossian, and that exhibited in a forgotten poem called ** The Highlanders," published by Macpherson in early life. The author of such an attack on one of the fortresses of the national pride of Scotland, did not perpetrate his work without suitable reprobation ; the Highlanders were " loud in their wail," and the public prints swarmed with ebullitions of their wrath. Mr Laing was looked on as a man who had set all feelings of patriotism at defiance : to many it seemed an anomaly in human na- ture, that a Scotsman should thus voluntarily undermine the great boast of his country ; and, unable otherwise to account for such an act, they sought to dis- cover in the author, motives similar to those, which made the subject sacred to themselves. " As I have not seen Mr Laing's History," says one gentleman, " 1 can form no opinion as to the arguments wherewith he has attempted to dis- credit Ossian's Poems : the attempt could not come more naturally than from Orcadians. Perhaps the severe checks given by the ancient Caledonians to their predatory Scandinavian predecessors raised prejudices not yet extinct. I con- 348 MALCOLM LAING. ceive how an author can write under the influence of prejudice, and not sensible of being acted upon by it." ' This gentleman, who had not seen Mr Laing's History, probably conceived his observation to be one which would go bitterly home to the feelings of his opponent; but we fear Mr Laing's feelings regarding the Celts were a strong armour against the arrow, as we have heard that he was personally partial to the Highlanders, so much so as to be designated by those who knew him, **. a regular Celt." Mr Laing's dissertations en the Poems of Ossian had the merit of causing to be produced " The Report of the Committee of the Highland Society, appointed to inquire into the nature and authenticity of the Poems of Ossian," conducted under the superintendence of Henry Mac- kenzie, published in 1805. At the same period, Mr Laing brought the controversy to a final issue, by publishing a work, which, with a sneer in its designation he entitled " The Poems of Ossian, &c containing the poetical works of James Macpherson, Esq., in prose and rhyme, with notes and illustrations." The nature of the " notes and illustrations" may easily be presumed; the work indeed is a curiosity in literature. The edition of Ossian is a very splendid one ; and, like an animal decked for sacrifice, the relentless editor introduced it conspicuously to the world, with the apparent purpose of making its demolition the more signal. Within the same year, Mr Laing's line of argument was answered by Mr M'Donald, and two years afterwards, a long and elaborate work, complacently termed a " con- futation," was produced by the reverend Mr Graham, who, however, made a somewhat unlucky development of his qualifications for this task, by quoting the " De Moribus Germanorum " of Tacitus, referring entirely to the Teutonic nations, as authority concerning the Celts. Mr Laing never confuted his argu- ments, having never made the attempt. In the mean time, Mr Laing's controversial disposition had prempted him to dis- cover another subject, in the treatment of which he excited a still greater degree of wrath. In 1804, he published an edition of his History of Scotland, to which he prefixed two volumes, containing " A Preliminary Dissertation on the partici- pation of Mary queen of Scots in the murder of Darnley." The purpose of the treatise was, with the authors usual decision and boldness, declared in the title, and through the whole of the lengthy detail of two volumes on one historical in- cident, he never wavers in the slightest degree from the conclusion of guilt. Having first formed his opinion in the matter — on good grounds, it is charitably to be presumed — he lays down and arranges his documents and arguments with the precision and conciseness of a lawyer, and no more hints at the possibility of the innocence of the queen, than the crown lawyer at that of his victim. Few who have ever read this extraordinary work can forget the startling exactness with which the arguments are suited to the facts, and to the guiding principles of the whole narrative of the renowned event laid before the reader. " Mr Laing's merit," says a writer in the Edinburgh Review, who refers to this work as to one peculiarly characteristic of his genius, " as a critical inquirer into history, an enlightened collector of materials, and a sagacious judge of evidence, has never been surpassed. If any man believes the innocence of queen Mary, after an impartial and dispassionate perusal of Mr Laing's examination of her case, the state of such a man's mind would be a subject worthy of much consideration by a philosophical observer of human nature. In spite of his ardent love of liberty, no man has yet presumed to charge him with the slightest sacrifice of historical integrity to his zeal. That he never perfectly attained the art of full, clear, and easy narrative, was owing to the peculiar style of those writers who were popular in his youth, and may l Rev. Mr Gallie's Letter to the Highland Society Commitee, — Report 39. SIR JOHN LAUDER. 349 be mentioned as a remarkable instance of the disproportion of particular t.ilents to general vigour of mind."1 Laing was intimately acquainted with Charles Fox, with whom he conducted an ample correspondence, the letters of which on both sides, still, we believe, exist unpublished, and would certainly form a very interesting addition to our epistolary information regarding great men. That eminent statesman frequently quoted the historical works of Mr Laing, as containing matter which could be relied on for its authenticity ; and Laing became an active and zealous supporter of the short administration of his friend, during which he represented his native county in parliament It is said, that notwithstanding the disadvantages of his manner, he was listened to and much respected as a speaker ; and he gave all the assistance which so short a period admitted to the plans of the ministry for improving the Scottish courts of law. After his brief appearance as a legislator, the state of his health prevented him from interfering in public business. Whether from excessive study and exertion, or his natural habit of body, he suffered under a nervous disorder of excessive severity, which committed frightful ravages on his constitution ; and it is said that he was required to be frequently sup- ported in an artificial position, to prevent him from fainting. He retired to his estate in Orkney, and his health being to a certain extent restored by a cessation from laborious intellectual pursuits, his ever active mind employed itself in useful exercise within his narrow sphere of exertion : he improved his own lands, introduced better methods of cultivation than had been previously practised in the district, and experimented in the breeding of Merino sheep. He died in the end of the year 1818, having, notwithstanding the great celebrity of his works, been so much personally forgotten by the literary world, that it is with difficulty that we have been enabled to collect matter sufficient for an out- line of his life. He was married to Miss Carnegie, daughter of a gentleman in Forfarshire, and sister-in-law to lord Gillies. His property was succeeded to by Samuel Laing, his elder brother.2 Besides the works we have discussed above, it may be mentioned that he edited the Life of James VI., published in 1804. LAUDER, (Sib) John, lord Fountainhall, an eminent lawyer and statesman, was born at Edinburgh, on the 2nd of August, 1646.3 His father was John, afterwards Sir John Lauder, baronet, a merchant and baillie of Edinburgh, a younger branch and afterwards chief of the family of Lauder of Bass and Lauder. The subject of our memoir was his eldest son, by his second marriage with Isabel Ellis, daughter of Alexander Ellis of Mortonhall. By this wife he had fourteen sons and two daughters ; by a previous marriage he had three children, and by a third wife, of whom mention will be made hereafter, he had four sons and two daughters. Of the early education of young Lauder, we know nothing, with the exception of a passing memorandum in his voluminous memorials of legal matters, which shows that he had passed some time at the university of Leyden, at that time the principal continental resort of students at law. " The university of St Andrews," he says, ** claims to be freed from paying excise for all drink furnished to the scholars, and that upon the genei'al privilege compe- tent to all universities by custom. I remember we enjoyed that privilege at Leyden, after our immatriculation." Having accomplished his preparatory studies, he passed as an advocate on the 5th of June, 1668, and commenced the lEd. Rev. xliv. 37. * Ed. Annual Register, 1818, p. 250. * Register of baptisms in Edinburgh. For this, and all the other information relative to lord Fountainhall, not to be found in printed works, we are obliged to a very curious MS. collection regarding him, made by his descendant, the late Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, of which that gentleman kindly permitted us the use. 3J0 SIR JOHN LAUDER. practical pursuit of his profession with vigour, after having previously, as his early proficiency as a lawyer shows us, prepared his mind by intense and accu- rate study. " From my admission as an advocate," he says, "in June, 1668, I began to mark the decisions of the court of session ;" and it is to his uninter- rupted industry in this occupation that we owe that valuable mass of precedents, known by the name of " Fountainhall's Decisions," published in two volumes folio, and lately more fully re-edited from the original manuscripts. In a case which he reports during his earlier years at the bar, strong internal evidence, arising from the use of the first person singular — the unusual prolixity of the speech,4 and the absence of the name of the counsel, shows himself to have acted in that capacity. This action was at the instance of the town of Stirling, against the unfreemen in Falkirk and Kilsyth, bearing date January 18, and June 25, 1672. Lauder's speech is a curious specimen of the mixed logical and rhetori- cal eloquence of the forensic pleading of the age, when the judges acted more as a deliberative assembly, than as a body of lawyers bound to the letter of cer- tain enactments ; and the person who addressed them, if he could not sway their passions as those of a modern jury are affected, had a wide field of influence in their reason or prejudices. Contrasted with the restricted legal pleadings of the present day, the following commencement on the part of u the learned gen- tleman for the prosecution,'' would appear very singular : " My lord commis- sioner, may it please your grace, what happiness and cheerfulness the eminent and most eloquent of all the apostles, St Paul, expresses, when he is put to plead his cause before Festus and Agrippa, because the one had long been a judge in his nation, and the other was expert in all the manners and customs of the Jews, the same gladness possesses the town of Stirling, and with them the whole royal burghs, that they are to plead in behalf of their privileges this day, before your grace, the great patron and conservator of them." It is to be remarked, that, in this case, Lauder is pleading for the exclusive privileges of burghs, and in favour of monopolies. He opens his speech with a sketch of the arguments of his adversary, on which, probably with a wish to caricature them, he has bestowed an amiable liberality of doctrine, which Adam Smith could not have excelled, and told many politico-economical truths, which few had then imagined. His own answers to the principles he thus beautifully lays down, sound harsh and jarring in comparison, although they were far more accordant to the principles of the time. " Do not," he says with considerable tact, " think it a light matter to rob the royal burghs of their privileges, which are become their pro- perty by as good a title as any of you bruik your lands and estate. By what hand ye shall communicate these liberties (now called in question,) to the defenders, by that same shall ye lop off the royal burghs from being the third estate in the kingdom. Remember that a threefold cord ought not to be easily broken. Consider that lamentable confusion may follow on loosing one pin ot the government ; that the touching such a fundamental sacred constitution may unhinge the whole ; that government is like a sheaf of arrows fast bound, pull out one, all will follow and fall to the ground ; and how terribly dangerous such an innovation may be." It will be held in mind, however, that each coun- sel was feed for the principles he maintained, and that the genuine opinions of both may have almost united in " a happy medium." The speech, on the whole, is full of classical learning, and statistical information, and cannot fail to convey a pleasing idea of the intelligence and talent of a forensic orator of the seventeenth century. * Extending from p. 642, to 679, of Brown's Supplement, where it is shied "Fountain- hall's Speech for the Pursuers. " . SIR JOHN LAUDER. 351 Soon after this period, we find the subject of our memoir connected with ono of those constitutional acts of resistance, for which the bar of Scotland has only, in a very few instances, been celebrated. It is well known to those acquainted with Scottish history, that a private litigation betwixt the earls of Dunferm- line and Callendef interested the feelings or cupidity of Lauderdale, who was determined to influence the decision in favour of the former, by swaying the judges through his personal appearance on the bench, in virtue of his honorary title of " an extraordinary lord of session." The affair was managed by having the cause prematurely called in court, in defiance of statute ; and, a decis^n being come to in favour of the pursuer, Callender lodged an appeal to parliament, a novel procedure, which it was the interest of th« king and of the judges to stifle at its first appearance. There are few who will not acknowledge, that a final appeal of litigated cases to the legislative tribunal of the country, is, if not a preventive, at least a check to the consequences of influence or prejudice in inferior judicatories. The absence of such a principle, and the decay of jury trial in Scotland, had both originated from the same cause. Parliament was anciently the great jury of the nation, and, with the king as its president, tbe court of last resort in all litigations : but becoming, from the nature of the infe- rior courts, overburdened with judicial business, which a large body of men could not easily accomplish, the full powers of parliament, in this respect, were bestowed on a judicial committee called the Lords Auditors, from which, through a gradation of changes, was formed the court of session, which thus, by its origin, united the duties of the jury, the law court, and the legislative body of last resort. In these circumstances, it was not difficult for government to discover, that a measure so unpleasing to itself, was a daring innovation of the " consti- tution." The counsel for the appellants, Lockhart and Cunningham, were desired to make oath regarding their share in this act of insubordination, and not only refusing, but maintaining the justice of appeals, were summarily pro- hibited the exercise of their profession. The members of the bar united to resent the insult and protect their rights, and fifty advocates, (probably very nearly the whole number then at the bar,) of whom Lauder was one,5 followed their distinguished brethren to retirement, and at the instance of Lauderdale, were banished twelve miles from Edinburgh. After a year's exile, they were allowed to return, having managed to effect a compromise with the court. In another appeal, which was attempted not long after, the appellant was per- suaded to trust to the effect of recalling his appeal ; but the judges, on whom the mixture of intimidation and flattery appears to have produced little effect, adhered, notwithstanding an implied promise to the contrary, to their previous interlocutor. *' And so," remarks Lauder in reference to the case, ** he was either ill or well served for his complimenting them. But the times were such that no rational man could expect a rectification from them of what had once, even through unawares, escaped them. When their honour was once engaged at the stake, they blushed to confess what is incident to humanity itself, nam humanurn est errare." With regard to his own sufferings for judicial integrity, he remarks, " I have few or no observations for the space of three sessions and a half, viz. from June, 1674, till January, 1676, in regard I was at that time debarred from any employment, with many other lawyers, on the account we were unclear to serve under the strict and servile ties seemed to be imposed on us by the king's letter, discharging any to quarrel the lords of session their sen- 6 Mackenzie's Memoirs, 293, where Lauder, among others, subscribes an address by the debarred advocates to the privy council. For a farther account of the affair, see the memoirs of Sir G. Lockhart, and Sir G. Mackenzie. 352 SIR JOHN LAUDER. tences of injustice, and was not restored till January, 1676." After his resto- ration to his powers, his collection of decisions shows that he was a well employed and active counsellor. His next appearance in public life, is at the celebrated trial of the earl of Argyle in 1681, for a treasonable explanation of the test, for whom Lauder acted as counsel, along with Lockhart and six others. The vulgar prejudice against vindicating a person accused of any crime, together with the cautious vigilance of the crown, trammelled for a long time the legitimate powers of counsel in Scotland, and especially in cases of treason, brought their duty so much under the arbitration of the court, that a practice prevailed by which it was considered illegal to defend a person accused of such a crime, without the permission of government ; and therefore every prudent advocate declined interfering till he could produce a royal warrant. In the present instance, Argyle's counsel had prepared and signed, as lawyers, an " opinion " that his explanation of the test was a legal one. The consequence of this, as detailed in Lauder's own words, was, that ° The councell named a committee to call my lord Argyle's eight advocates, viz'., Sir George Lockhart, Sir John Dalrymple, 3Iessieurs Wal- ter Pringle, David Thoirs, Patrick Home, John Stewart, James Graham, and myself, for subscribing an opinion that his explanation contained nothing trea- sonable in it. We were examined upon oath ; and it was called a new practice to sign opinions with us, especially in criminall cases importing treason, and a bad preparative ; though lawyers should not be prelimited nor overawed freely to plead in defence of their clients ; the privy council having authorized us to that purpose. Tho' some aimed at imprisoning and depriving us, yet, after we had spoke with his royal hynes, he was pleased to pass it ; tho', he said, if any bad use were made of our signed opinion, by spreading it abroad in Eng- land to incense them, or reproach the duke or the judges, he could not but blame us. It was afterwards printed in England, and Argyle's triall, with another piece, called a Scotch Mist to wet ane Englishman to the Skin : being- sundry animadversions on Argyle's process. " Although his political proceedings do not seem to have been calculated to bring him within the atmosphere of court favour, he early received the dignity of knighthood ; at what precise period is not known, but apparently previous to the year 1681. Much about the same period, or some years afterwards, he appears to have acted as one of the assessors to the city of Edinburgh ; a cir- cumstance discoverable from his remarking, that on the 4th of November, 1685, the other gentleman who held that office was removed, from some cause con- nected with burgh politics, while he was retained. In 1685, Sir John Lauder became a member of the Committee of Estates; tnd for more than twenty years,6 until the treaty of union, he appears from the journals of the house to have performed his parliamentary duties with ac- tivity and zeal. He was returned for the shire of Haddington on the 23 rd of April, along with Sir John Wedderbum of Gosford. His election was disputed by Sir James Hay of Simplum ; and the committee on controverted elections having reported that the votes were equally divided, a new election was pro- posed, when one of the voters for Sir James Hay being discovered to have given his vote after the election had been formally terminated, Sir John Lauder was declared the sitting member by a majority of one. Lauder was early discovered in his legislatorial, as he had been in his professional capacity, not to be a do- 8 The record shows him to have be6n returned of the following dates: 23d April, 1635; 29th April, 1686; 3rd September, 1690; 9th May, 1695; 8th September, 1696; 21st May, 1700; 6th May, 1703; 6th July, 1701; 28th June, 1705; 3rd October, 1706 Act. Pari. vols. viii, ix, x, xi.' SIR JOHN LAUDER. 353 cile and obedient supporter of the measures of government. In the first parlia- ment which he attended, he refused to vote for the forfaulture of the earl of Melville, who had fled from the wrath of government after the discovery of the Rye-house plot 7 He was a zealous friend to the protestant faith, when there were few in Scot- land who risked an open defence of the religion to which they were so ardently attached. The government, who found it difficult to make the protection of protestantism a crime, had nevertheless power enough to harass him. " On May 1st, 1686," he says, " Mr James Young, son to Andrew Young, writer to the signet, is apprehended by captain Graham, and kept in the court of guard, being delated as a copier and dispenser of a paper, containing reasons why the parliament should not consent to the dispensing with the penal laws against pa- pists, and reflecting in the end on such protestants as had apostatized ! and for having verses against the bishop of St Andrews and bishop of Edinburgh ;• and he having in his examination named John Wilson and John Nasmyth, my ser- vants,8 as bringers of these papers to his chamber, the chancellor signed an order to captain Graham to arrest them, apprehending possibly to reach myself for libelling, as he termed it But they having named their authors from whom they had them, were liberated, and their authors, viz. Mr John Ellis, Robert Keill, &c. were cited." — " My two servants," he afterwards says, " being im- prisoned, and I threatened therewith, as also that they would seize upon my papers, and search if they contained anything offensive to the party then pre- vailing, I was necessitat to hide the manuscript, and many others, and intermit my historick remarks till the Revolution in the end of 1688, after which I be- gan some observes of our meeting of estates of parliament held in 1690-93 and 95, and other occurrents forreign and domestick, briefly summed up, and drawin togither yeirly, (but not with such enlargements as I have used heir,) and are to be found up and downe in several manuscripts besyde me, to be reviewed cum dab it otium D«w." When James made his well-known recommendation to the parliament of Scot- land to rescind the penal statutes against Roman catholics, Lauder joined in the debate on the appropriate answer, in a spirit of moderation, which, according to the amount of his charity, the reader may attribute to prudence, or liberality, or both united. On the question, what term the parliament should bestow on those who professed the Romish faith, " I represented," says he, " that there was no man within the house more desirous to have these odious marks of division buried, and that we might all be united under the general name of Christian. It is true the names under which they were known in our law were the designa- tions of the papistical kirk, heresy, error, superstition, popish idolatry, and maintainers of the cruel decrees cf the council of Trent ; and though it was not suitable to the wisdom and gravity of parliament to give them a title implying as if they were the true church, and we but a sect, yet I wished some soft ap pellation, with the least offence, might be fallen on, and therefore I proposed it might run thus, those commonly called Roman Catholics ; that the most part of our divines calls us the catholics, and so Chamier begins his Panstratia, ' Vertuntur controversiae, Catholicos inter et PapislasS The chancellor called this a nicknaming of the king, and proposed it might run in general terms thus, as to those subjects your majesty has recommended to us, &c." The mo- tion of the archbishop of Glasgow, that they should be simply termed ** Roman Catholics," — a repetition of the king's own words — was finally carried. But 7 Act Par]., ix. Ap. 45. 8 The term " servant" is invariably used by Lauder and other lawyers of the period for « clerk." III. 9 V 354 SIR JOHN LAUDER. however lie might he inclined to be conciliatory about epithets, Lauder resisted with firmness the strong attempt made by James and his commissioner, the earl of Moray, towards the conclusion of the parliament, finally to abolish the penalties against Roman catholics. In his manuscripts are preserved seventeen closely written pages of matter on this subject, entitled " A Discourse in defence, whereof part was spoken in the parliament, of the Penal Laws against Popery, and why the Toleration Act should not pass; and the rest was intended, but was prevented by the sudden rising of the parliament." Frequent application, often in the most contemptible of causes, has made the arguments contained in this able document too hackneyed to please a modern taste ; an impartial posterity, however, will reflect, that though liberal feeling has often been disgusted by a similar discussion of a question, which to this day bears the same name, the supporters of the penal laws against Roman catholics in the reign of James the Seventh, were not striking against freedom of opinion ; that they were a party which had just halted from a battle for their own privileges and liberties, and once more beheld them sternly menaced ; that they did not wish to dictate to the consciences of an oppressed body of men, but were boldy preserving the purity of their own, by using the only means in their power to prevent the resuscitation of a church which sat in judgment over the mind, and was armed with a sword to compel obedience to its dictates. " It were," says Lauder, " a strange excess and transport of Christian lenity and moderation, to abolish our laws against papists, who, by the principles and practice of their church, may show no favour to us ; but will turn the weapons we arm them with to the total subversion of our religion :" words which had a meaning when a bigoted papal monarch sat on the throne, and the horrors of a high commission were in too fresh recollection ; but which have none when used towards a poor and powerless body, desiring to enjoy their own religion in peace. We must not omit to mention, that at the trial ot the duke of Monmouth in 1686, Sir John Lauder and other two counsel were employed to protest for the interest of the duchess, who Mas absolute proprietrix of the estate enjoyed by her husband. The criminal court would not condescend to receive a protest in a matter purely civil ; but did condescend to forfeit the property of the duchess for the crime of her husband. It was afterwards, however, given back by the king. We pause in the history of his political career, to record a few domestic events which characterized the life of Sir John Lauder. He had been married on the 21st January, 1669, to Janet Ramsay, daughter of Sir Andrew Ramsay, lord Abbotshall, whose father was the celebrated Andrew Ramsay, minister of the Grey-friars' church. This lady, after bearing him eleven children, died in 1686. Her husband has thus affectionately noted the event, " 27 Februarii, 1686, at night happened mors charissim