‘THE AMERICAN

FOURNAL OF LITERATURE, SCIENCE, THE ARTS, AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

VOL. XIII.—NO. 330.

PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1886.

PRICE, 6 CENTS

THE AMERICAN.

VOLUME VIII. BEGUN OCTOBER 1886.

THE AMERICAN aims at an honorable standard in literary excellence, an independent and fearless course, a catholic and fair-minded relation to controverted qnestions, and the study of the hopeful side of human affairs.

Designing to justify its name, it represents unhesitatingly the form and substance of American principles. Perceiving no superiority in foreign institutions, it prefers those of its own country, and seeks to perfect them. It demands American independence, and denounces American subjection. It believes that subjection of American industry, or mechanical skill, or commerce, to the grasp of other nations, is a foolish and fatal policy. It holds the view that the social condition of our workmen is largely dependent on the Protective policy that guards them against the cheap and degraded labor of other

countries, and that from every point of view alowering of that sogial condition would be deplorable. It therefore advocates a true Protective Tariff, designed to foster no monopoly, but to shield from destructive competition every legitimate industry suited to the natural conditions of the country.

SOME RECENT EXPRESSIONS.

From Iowa: Enclosed find

of the Week is the best that I see. From New York (State):

Ideem THE AMERICAN one of the best, if not the best, of the secular papers that come to me. Certainly there is not one that I read with more satisfaction and profit.

my friends, and commend it. From North Carolina:

Ihave received THE AMERICAN during the last year, and have read each issue as soon after it

was in hand as my engagements would allow. tive in every issue.

From a Member of the U. S. Senate:

I find nearly always something profitable for me to read in each number.

From an American in Europe:

I never lay down the number of THE AMERICAN without thinking I will write to say what a I have just read in it a most sensible article on the Silver Question. It is sometimes too Pennsylvanian in its views both of Tariffand Currency fora New Euglander like myself, but in the main there is no paper which I read with so general assent and satisfaction.

good paper I think it is.

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THE AMERICAN.

(Number 330

THE AMERICAN

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CONTENTS OF THIS NUMBER:

PAGE REVIEW OF THE WEEK, . ° : ; ° - 99 EDITORIAL: Winter Conflict in Ireland, . ; : - 102 SPECIAL ARTICLES: The Teachers of Preparatory Schools, 5 . 102 The Late Dr. Magoon, . . , . 104 Henry Muhlenberg, : : : : . 104 REVIEWS: Elder’s ‘‘Manand Labor, . ; : < - 104 Recent Fiction, ; . - 105 “The Casting Away of Mrs. Lecks and Mrs. Ale- shine,” . ; : : . 106 Holiday Books, ' . ; - 106 Searing’s Edition of Virgil, . . : . - 107 Anders’s ‘‘ House Plants as Sanitary Agents,’’ . 107 Briefer Notices, x ° : ° A : . 108 AUTHORS AND PUBLISHERS, . 5 . - 108 PERIODICAL LITERATURE, ® . 109 ART NOTES, . ¢ ‘5 : . 109 SCIENCE NOTES, . : ° R . j - 109 THE ENLISTMENT OF LAFAYETTE, . ° . 110 GENERAL GRANT'S DINNER WITH THE QUEEN, . 111 PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED, . . . . : aa DRIFT, . ; . . < « 493

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THE AMERICAN.

VOL. XIII.—NO. 330.

PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY DECEMBER 4, 1886.

PRICE, 6 CENTS

REVIEW OF THE WEEK. R. CLEVELAND certainly has not consulted his own dignity or that of his office in writing the letter to Mr. Garland in which he discusses the case of Mr. William A. Stone, till recently district attorney for Western Pennsylvania. Mr. Stone was dis- missed from that office at the same time as was Mr. Benton from the district attorneyship in Missouri. As Mr. Benton has been restored upon grounds which apply with still greater force in his case, he thought it best to call Mr. Garland’s attention to the fact that he had in no case been absent from his office while the United States court was in session, and in none for as much as twenty- four hours. He had made only two short speeches during the campaign, and he might have added that in making these he had done no more than was done by scores of Democratic office-hold-

ers, who have not been visited with any censure.

The substance of Mr. Cleveland’s long and undignified reply is that there is one rule for Democratic and another for Republican office-holders under a Democratic administration. He defines the holding of national office as being ‘“‘the service of the administra- tion,” and stamps as disloyal to duty any man in that service who does anything that may shake the confidence of the people in its character. By parity of reasoning it is the distinct duty of Demo- cratic office-holders “in the service of the administration” to lose no opportunity to strengthen the people in their confidence in the administration by speeches or otherwise. A lower and more partisan view of the public service never has been enunciated, not even by Mr. Grant, when, in an unguarded moment, he described himself as “the president of the Republican party.” There is but one step more for Mr. Cleveland, and it is to take all the federal office-holders into his personal service, classify them as his thanes, and denounce as disloyal any word or act which may tend to stand in the way of his political ambitions. And if we must have some substitute as the object of official loyalty, we would much prefer a man to the irresponsible congeries of individuals called “the administration.” If we do not put a false construction upon Mr. Cleveland’s recent utterances, it is one man and one only who is meant by the phrase in this letter.

Apart from the very objectionable character of its contents, it was a great mistake in the President to have written such a letter. The dignity of the office forbids that its occupant should write communications which may provoke replies aud lead to contro- versies. Mr. Jefferson showed his good sense when he refused to appear in court as a witness in thetrial of Aaron Burr. Some of our Jeffersonian Democrats may profit by his example. In this case Mr. Cleveland has laid himself open to a very severe retort as to a matter of fact. Mr. Stone’s two brief speeches he describes as in harmony with the speeches made at Republican meetings, which are largely devoted to abuse and misrepresentation of the administration.” This statement Mr. Stone characterizes as a falsehood. He did not discuss the administration or anyone con- nected with it. Hespoke only on the Tariff and on Prohibition. Of course Mr. Cleveland supposed he was telling the truth; but this slip into a very grave misrepresentation of the facts shows the risks which a President must take when he begins to vindicate his official acts in long and excited communications of this kind.

Mr. BAYARD’s diplomacy is not inert ; he is still on the watch to secure the interests of his country. The last news is that he has negotiated a treaty of reciprocity with the Tonga Islands. The group is about 250 square miles in extent, and has a popula- tion of about 150,000 people, who live on hogs, bananas and bread fruit. What they are’to send us or we to send them, does not yet It is true that they are on the route from San Francisco

appear.

to Sydney, but as this administration is laboring to put a stop to steam communication with that part of the world, we do not see what we have to gain by making friends alonga disused route. Nor are they within a distance at which we could have any inde- pendent commerce with them, as they are one of the more South- ern groups of Polynesia, and lie far nearer to New Zealand than to us. But still every little counts! If the Fisheries question is still unsettled, and the Canadians are still unpunished, the Tongas are safe.

THE report of Mr. Trenholm, the Controller of the Currency, has as much interest for the business world as have those of the heads of departments. His recommendations as to the continuance of the national bank circulation would excite still more attention, if there were any reasonable likelihood that his advice would be taken by the majority in the House of Representatives. But it is the misfortune of this administration that it has little or ne influ- ence with its followers, even when it is clearly in the right. Mr. Trenholm himself seems to feel this, for although he eulogizes our present arrangement for securing the redemption of the bank- notes, and praises the national banking system as a whole, and answers some of the objections to it and to all banks, he does not make a single practical suggestion on the subject. At least we find nothing of the sort in the summary of his forthcoming report which has been given to the daily newspapers. He insists that we cannot go on as we have been doing in extinguishing this currency by paying the bonds which secure it; but he neither proposes to stop paying the bonds nor to substitute anything else in their place asa security. He merely says it is a subject for appropriate legislation, but leaves the country in the dark as to what he thinks the legislation ought tobe. Mr. Knox would at least have had some notion as to what we might attempt, or he would have discussed the various proposals which have been made, such as that of Mr. Coe of New York. Mr. Trenholm does not presume to have an opinion on a question on which he ought to rank as an expert.

We do not see that it is either possible or desirable to go on with our present system of currency secured by national bonds. It is true that that method has worked well in supplying the needs of the older and richer portions of the country, which can afford a safe and costly currency. But the condemnation of the system is found in the figures of its distribution, and in the growing dis- satisfaction of the people of our less wealthy districts with our whole monetary system. The chief financial dangers of the country, the popularity of Greenback theories, and the continuance of the coinage of seventy-five cents’ worth of silverinto dollars, are all de- mands for a cheaper money than the national bank system can furnish, and these demands should be met and satisfied in some sane and safe way. If not, they will be met in ways which are neither sane nor safe.

Mr. ATKINs, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, appears to have organized a bureau of intelligence, in order to keep the news- papers posted as to the merits of his administration of that re- sponsible post. The New York Evening Post is the organ espe- cially favored with his communications, and its columns are al- ways open to eulogies of the non-partisan spirit he has shown as a Commissioner. The factsare that of sixty-one Indian agents on the frontier, just fifty have been removed by Mr. Atkins since he came into office. And by a singular coincidence every one of the fifty were Republicans, and their successors in every instance are Democrats. It is possible, of course, that none of this half a hun- dred were quite up to Mr. Atkins’ ideal of what an Indian agent

| ought to be; but it is remarkable that among those who fell short | of this were the very men whom the life-long friends of the In-

100

THE AMERICAN.

[Number 330

dians regarded as the best men in this branch of the public service. There is no work in which practical experience is of greater im- portance ; and in no department of the national service has expe- rience been sacrificed more ruthlessly to partisan considerations. In no case has Mr. Atkins filled a vacant place by the promotion of men who had a practical acquaintance with the duties of the position. All his new men are green wood—Democrats for whom a place must be found.

Another branch of Mr. Atkins’s non-partisan administration of Indian affairs is found in his treatment of the licensed traders. The Senate took steps to have this matter looked into, and in the recess of Congress quite a large body of facts has been brought to light. Several respectable firms have been ruined by the refusal to renew their license, and in every case they were Republicans, while the licenses were given to Democrats instead. Especially Mr. Atkins has been taking care of his friends in Tennessee in this matter of issuing traders’ licenses. Such partisanship is bad enough ; but the hypocrisy which calls it reform is abominable.

THE Navy Department was somewhat anxious as the time drew near for the opening of bids for the new cruisers and gun- boats, and not a single bid had been forwarded. There seems to have been an agreement among the ship-builders to hand in their bids at the last moment only. Three companies only competed for the cruisers; the Cramps, of Philadelphia, the Harlan and Hollingsworth Company, of Wilmington, and the Union Iron Company, of San Francisco. The bids amount to a refusal to build one of the cruisers on the terms offered by the government. On the principle of accepting the lowest bid the Cramps get the con- tract for one cruiser and one gun-boat; the San Francisco Compa- ny the contract for the other cruiser ; and the Columbia Company of Baltimore the contract for the other gun-boat. The third crui- ser, the Baltimore, will probably be built by the Brooklyn Navy Yard. It is remarked as notable that neither New York nor Boston entered the competition, but the simple fact is that neither city has a yard for the building of iron ships.

This still leaves unsettled the question of the armor for these cruisers. Mr. Whitney, as all the world knows, is anxious to get leave to purchase it abroad, and has put the agent ofa great French iron firm on the board which is to sit in judgment upon these vessels and the materials of which they are to be made. The House was quite ready to gratify this taste for an article of foreign manufacture, but the Senate interposed its veto. With the results of the election before its eyes, the House will not be so com- plaisant on this point; but it is almost certain that the Secretary will renew his proposal for leave to purchase steel-plates in Europe. That, however, would be too heavy a load for the party to carry in the next presidential election. The vote in 1858 to buy English gaspipes for the city of Washington was one of the last blows to the fortunes of the Democratic party ; and there are Democrats old enough to remember the fact.

WHAT is very curious, in connection with the Navy Depart- ment and its cruisers, is the Atlanta business. This ship is one which Mr. Whitney took from Mr. Roach, and finished himself. And now that she is finishel, she has had three several trial trips in August, September, and November, with the result of showing that she does not nearly attain and maintain for six successive hours the power required. On the contrary, in attempting to do so, her machinery has continually failed at one place or another. Whether Mr. Nast will feel it necessary to reproduce his Dolphin picture in Harper’s Weekly may be a subject for speculation, but as Mr. Whitney and his folks have themselves finished the ship and put in her machinery,—after the plans of their Department, as in the Dolphin’s case,—it is probable the excellent Nast will not be so effusive with his satire this time.

CONGRESS will reissemble on Monday. ‘The session, allowing for two weeks at Christmas, will cover about sixty secular days,

which, as the appropriation bills must be acted on, gives sub- | and become a burden on the industrial energies of the country ?

stantially no time at all for measures which will cause much dis- cussion. Some of those which were well advanced in one or the other branch last session may now be completed, but that will be all that will be possible. Comparatively, the session will be short, in every way. Mr. Dawes is said to be maturing a revenue bill in order to show that the Republicans are able to deal with the taxa- tion and surplus problem, and if he makes a good measure this may be very well as a demonstration for subsequent campaign use, while it can have no hope of immediate application in the Treasury department.

THE Commissioners of the District of Columbia seem to have some original ideas on justice. No other body of judges both finds the accusation to be true, and punishes those who brought it to their attention. Two officers of the police force of the District re- cently charged some of their colleagues with playing the spy upon certain members of Congress. It was said that the object was to find out something to their disadvantage which could be used to constrain their votes. This wassaid to have been instigated by some high official under the national government, but his name is not given. The Commissioners seem to have been constrained by the evidence to find this charge true; and they thereupon dis- missed both the accused and the accusers from the force. This action has served only to excite theindignant attention of the public, to stimulate conjecture as to what official suggested such conduct to the police, and to lead to a demand for the removal of the Commissioners.

MUvcH attention has been given to a refusal of Mr. Blaine to shake hands with Mr. Edmunds, when they met recently in New York. As this refusal came very soon after the publication of a letter written last year by Mr. Edmunds, to explain his refusal to take an active part in the campaign of 1884, the public probably is not wrong in connecting the two things. If this letter be—as we presume it is—a correct expression of what Mr. Edmunds felt at that time, and still feels, he certainly was right in refusing to ad- vocate Mr. Blaine’s election in 1884, and wrong in proposing to shake hands with Mr. Blaine in 1886. And Mr. Blaine was ex- cusable, certainly, in refusing to shake hands with him after the publication of such a letter.

The real misfortune about this sort of business is its increase of personal bitterness in public affairs, and of distracting elements in party management. There was enough of it before Mr. Conk- ling’s friends in Oneida county elected Mr. Cleveland, and nobody was much surprised that they should do so, the danger that they would being one of the risks which Mr. Blaine’s friends insisted on taking with their eyes wide open, at Chicago, in ’84. It is true that but for accidents Mr. Blaine might have won, but it is also true that had the quarrel with Mr. Conkling been only a little less bitter, he would have won even with the accidents against him.

WE may take it for granted that The Tribune is not going to continue its opposition to the Blair Bill this winter. In a recent editorial on “One Use for the Surplus” it suggests that it be ap- plied to educational purposes, and especially to industrial educa- tion. It says very justly that this is by far the most profitable use the government could make of the money it has to spare, as it is the one that will bear the most abundant harvest in the future.

We do not say that this commits our contemporary to all the details of Mr. Blair’s measure. For the details we do not care. It is quite possible that a better bill might be drafted, although none has been offered as yet. But it certainly accepts the princi- ple of national aid in the great work of extinguishing illiteracy, and we hope it will show its consistency with this in the future.

With the influx of skilled white labor into the mining aud manufacturing districts of the South, this question of national aid to the public schools assumes a new importance. Are the chil- dren of these workmen to sink to the level of the poor whites,”

December 4, 1886.]

THE AMERICAN.

101

They must do so under a system which supplies from 70 to 90 days of schooling every year, and employs only low-priced teachers. Nothing but national aid can remedy this defect; and the work- men of the South, with the cordial support of their brethren in the North, are demanding that.

THE execution of the Chicago Anarchists, which was fixed for Wednesday of this week, has been postponed by the granting ofa writ which will bring the question of law before the supreme court of the state. Should this court decide that the jury on the trial of these anarchists was wrongly instructed in any mate- rial point of law, a new trial must be had. Butsuch a trial would be very difficult under the circumstances. Some of the important witnesses probably have put themselves out of reach, as they were induced to testify only by the promise of immunity for their own share in the conspiracy. Others are liable to break the force of their own testimony by unimportant variations, of which the counsel for the defence will make the most. The grant of a new trial, therefore, will amount to little less than an acquittal for these conspirators. But if they are entitled to it, they must have it. as possible in their treatment of such cases in the first instance. In the long run nothing is of more use to such offenders than to have a judge who is disposed to strain the law against them. We

‘do not say that the judge did so in this case. Indeed the treat- ment the prisoners received at the hands of the court was such as to prove an anxiety that they should have the fullest fair play.

AT the last gubernatorial election the Democrats carried Vir- ginia by 16,000 majority. In the recent elections the State was carried by 21,000 majority by the Congressional candidates who opposed the Free Trade platform of the Democrats. The solid south begins to feel the entering wedge.

IT is evident that the Democrats do not enjoy the prospect which is ahead of them in Indiana. They seem to feel that their electioneering methods will not bear the searching examination to which the lower branch of the legislature is likely to subject them, and that good reason may be found for unseating so many Democrats that the Republicans will have a majority on joint- ballot. But we sincerely hope that nothing less than good reasons will be taken as ground for such action. Far better let the Dem- ocrats elect Mr. McDonald or some other of their men to the Senate, and then lay a good foundation for the future by sending to the State prison those who have broken the election laws. That plan has had a wholesome effect in Ohio, and has put the State once more strongly in the Republican column. It may do as much for Indiana.

The Democrats have made their first move by claiming before the courts that there was no vacancy in the lieutenant-governor- ship of the State, to which a Republican was chosen in tie recent election. That sucha vacancy did exist was declared by both the Governor and the Attorney-General of the State, and the Dem- ocrats as well as the Republicans nominated a candidate for the of- fice. If the Democrat had been elected, he would have taken his seat without question. But as the State went Republican, the Democrats are putting forward Mr. Green Smith, the president pro tem. of the Senate, with the claim that he has the right to the

office for the unexpired part of the term of the late lieutenant- |

eee college athletic

" , a | 3.

penis i a its tet nieces | nent injuries inflicted, in the prize fights of thirty years past than 8 ='P | in the football contests of the last ten years. Indeed the Marquis

governor, who resigned to accept a federal office.

The contest in the Ohio And as Mr.

if anything should happen to Gov. Gray. Senate shows how important the former point is.

Gray is a candidate for United States senator, if his party should prove able to elect one, he does not want to be debarred from such | an honor by the possibility that a Republican may succeed him. There is a general impression that this smart move to defeat the popular will is not likely to succeed.

It would be well for judges to contemplate such consequences |

LOUISIANA now has a case of social and political murder which perhaps may be looked into, or even involve somebody’s punishment. It is not one of the old-fashioned cases, but a new kind, in which the bulldozer has been bulldozed. It seems that two Polish Jews, named Witowski, who came into West Carroll Parish just before the war,’ have since grown rich in the way so successfully employed by their sort in Poland and Russia, lend- ing small sums at deadly rates of usury to their neighbors, and then ata pinch selling them out without remorse. Together with this they have had great political influence, have ‘“ packed juries and other branches of the local judiciary,” and when the nig- gers’’ were troublesome, put them down after the Wachita and Yazoo fashion. Now, a number of the neighbors have killed one of their tools, a Justice of the Peace named McKay, in a very free and open-handed manner, and seem to think they are getting even with the Witowskis. As we have said, perhaps the killers will be ‘‘taken up,” but whether or not, this affair is one which shows how handily the Ku-Klux methods can be applied to bulldozer gentlemen as well as troublesome and sassy colored people. When the rule is once established it is likely to work both ways.

Miss HELEN CAMPBELL, who is no less distinguished in philanthropy than in literature, has been asking the attention of New York to the wretchedness of its working women. There is no great city of the modern world which does not need to be told of its responsibilities to the weaker and more helpless classes, both of the workers and of those who cannot work. Our own city has enough of this misery at our own doors to employ all our energies. But New York probably is the worst city in the coun- try in this respect. It is so because, like London, it is a city of small industries mainly. Its labor is unorganized and isolated. It has few factories or other large centres of employment. And like every other community in our eastern states, it has an army of women who would rather starve with a needle in their hands, than do house work in any family but their own,—a feeling with which we have much sympathy. Asa consequence every open- ing for women is thronged, and competition in the absence of organization forces wages down to the starvation level.

Temporary alleviations of this state of things may be found, and may be worth trying. But we think the best remedy will not come until we have so reorganized household service as to furnish employment for these women on terms acceptable to them. This will be done when we substitute codperative cooking, laundrying and house-care for the costly, imperfect and isolated methods now in use. In Norway they have tested the feasibility of cooperative cooking in both the great cities of the Kingdom. It is found that the cost of the prepared food is lower, the quality better, and that even the poor can no longer afford to cook at home, as the com- mon kitchen does the work at much lower cost. Our households are medizval in the clumsiness of their methods, and in the de- mands made upon the obedience of those who serve in them. Hence the refusal of any above the serf class to take service in them.

Ir becomes more and more evident that foot-ball as played under the Rugby rules is a sport which should be prohibited in our American colleges. The brutal scenes at the recent game between Yale and Princeton show that this is a sport which cannot exer- cise any elevating influence upon the young men who engage in it. We might almost as well adopt the prize fight as a branch of Fewer lives have been lost, and fewer perma-

of Queensberry’s rules for the prize ring furnish a degree of pro- tection to life and limb, which the Rugby rules in football do not permit of.

MEXxiIco at last has abolished the old Spanish method of taxa- tion, by which each province of the country levied duties upon goods imported from the rest. For the future the frontier of the

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republic will be the only customs line recognized by law, and goods will be given free admission into and transit across the State boundaries, when their owners have complied with the national laws. The state of things abolished by the amendment of the Constitution of the republic is exactly similar to that which ex- isted in America before 1789. It was in large measure the miseries this inflicted which forced the formation of a more perfect union under our Constitution. May it not be the case that much of the backwardness and the poverty of Mexico in like manner has been due to the want of a national fiscal system, and of unrestricted commerce between the provinces ?

The Free Traders insist that these restrictions upon internal trade are a logical inference from protection, and that there ought to be a Protective Tariff between the several states of the Union. It is a sufficient answer to say that we found that arrangement nearly as bad as Free Trade, and that we have found a national Tariff tends to produce an equality of industrial condition through the whole country.

THE latest news from London is to the effect that no progress has been made toward a settlement of the Fisheries dispute with Canada. The British Foreign Office is too much taken up with the Bulgarian question to have time for this lesser matter. It oc- curs to us that the Bulgarian question is not a very old one. We still count by weeks the period since the Russophile conspirators kidnapped Prince Alexander. How much progress toward a set- tlement can Mr. Bayard and Mr. Phelps report as made before that time? And how much freedom from other employments will Lord Iddesleigh require before he will find time to deal with our complaints? Has he put the matter off until he has ‘“ noth- ing else todo?” Ifso, we had better